Artículos de revistas: "Nationalism China China Taiwan United States United States"

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China". Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, n.º 1 (14 de marzo de 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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2

Gries, Peter y Tao Wang. "Taiwan’s perilous futures: Chinese Nationalism, the 2020 Presidential Elections, and U.S.-China Tensions Spell Trouble for Cross-strait Relations". World Affairs 183, n.º 1 (marzo de 2020): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020907673.

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The Taiwan Strait is heating up, as Mainland Chinese netizens, generals, and politicians increasingly talk about ‘forceful’ rather than ‘peaceful’ reunification. While Xi Jinping and Chinese nationalists desperately desire Taiwan’s reunification, Trump’s isolationist “America First” rhetoric has only encouraged reckless Chinese thinking about forcing reunification, and the Taiwanese remain largely passive, unable to confront an overwhelming threat. Wishful thinking in Beijing, Taipei, and Washington is increasing the odds of miscalculation. The 2020 presidential elections in Taiwan and the United States, and the ongoing U.S.-China trade war, furthermore, bode ill for peace in the Taiwan Strait.

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3

G.I., Sheriff, Chubado B.T. y Ahmet A. "The One-China Policy and Implications of U.S. Invariable Support for Taiwan". African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 4, n.º 2 (17 de agosto de 2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-xwxscxj8.

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This paper discusses the concept of the one-China policy and how the United States support of Taiwan poses a challenge to stability in the region. The paper adopted the library descriptive instrument from historical research to come up with the available data in the paper. Findings show that, since 1949, the struggle between the Nationalist Republic of China and the Communist party escalated into a civil war which resulted in the defeat of Kuomintang and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which took control of all mainland China. Only the island of Taiwan remained under the control of the ROC. Since then, both the ROC and the PRC have been claiming to represent all of "China", and both officially claim each other's territory. The paper concludes that China cannot forfeit the strait of Taiwan despite American support to the island. The deteriorating relationship between the U.S and China relationship has seen trade wars to accusations on the origins of the coronavirus to political buffering, to the sovereign of Taiwan and Hongkong, it just seems to be a manifestation of the Sino-American Cold War. The way things appear, the relationship between the U.S and China will further deteriorate largely because democracy and liberal order are being challenged by the political posture of China. The paper recommends that there is the need to maintain the non-interference principle by the two parties, the United States should know that Taiwan is China and therefore not meddle in the affairs of China and vice-versa.

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Cabestan, Jean Pierre. "Taiwan's Mainland Policy: Normalization, Yes; Reunification, Later". China Quarterly 148 (diciembre de 1996): 1260–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050621.

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Since 1949, the spectre of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has constantly dominated Taiwan's political stage. The PRC was considered until the mid-1960s by Chiang Kai-shek, then President of the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCOT), as a part of the country to be reconquered from the Communist bandits (gongfei). And since the United States′ de-recognition in 1979 the reunification with mainland China has remained one of the key official objectives of the Nationalist regime.

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5

Kang, Jean S. "Chinese UN Representation at the Crossroads: International Pressures for Change in U.S. China Policy, 1961". International Studies Review 8, n.º 2 (8 de octubre de 2007): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00801003.

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In 1961, the Kennedy administration confronted widespread domestic and foreign anticipation that significant changes would be made to existing U.S. China policy. Although the new administration proposed to liberate the United States from past policies and offer fresh, innovative solutions to problems confronted worldwide, the major issues that characterized and defined the American relationship with both the Chinese Communists on the mainland and the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan posed a challenge for the new President and his top advisers. This study examines the Kennedy administration’s deliberations with regard to the Chinese representation matter at the United Nations and mounting international pressures from U.S. allies and other nations for the United States to assume a more flexible posture toward Communist China. Despite the lack of a major departure from existing policies, initiatives proposing a reappraisal of U.S. China policy during the Kennedy administration precipitated discussions and debates that significantly contributed to the evolution towards the eventual transformation of Sino-American relations.

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Kang, Jean S. "Outer Mongolia and the Changing Dynamics of UN Representation: Impacts on U.S. China Policy, 1961". International Studies Review 15, n.º 1 (15 de octubre de 2014): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01501005.

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In 1961, the Kennedy administration confronted wides-pread domestic and foreign anticipation that significant changes would be made to existing U.S. China policy. Although the new administration proposed to liberate the United States from past policies and offer fresh, innova-tive solutions to problems confronted worldwide, the major issues that characterized and defined the American relationship with both the Chinese Communists on the mainland and the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan posed a challenge for the new President and his top advisers. This study examines the Kennedy administration’s deli-berations at the United Nations with regard to the Outer Mongolian representation matter and mounting interna-tional pressures from U.S. allies and other nations for the United States to assume a more flexible posture toward Communist China. Despite the lack of a major departure from existing policies, initiatives proposing a reappraisal of U.S. China policy during the Kennedy administration precipitated discussions and debates that contributed sig-nificantly to the eventual transformation of Sino-Ameri-can relations.

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7

Chen, Jinxing. "Radicalization of the Protect Diaoyutai Movement in 1970s-America". Journal of Chinese Overseas 5, n.º 2 (2009): 310–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179303909x12489373183055.

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AbstractIn the early 1970s, overseas Chinese students in the United States protested against Japan's claim to the Diaoyutai Islands. Emerging at a time when the rivalry between the Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland to represent China was at a critical juncture, the movement soon found itself caught up in the struggle between the two sides. It was out of the Protect Diaoyutai Movement that a new ideological constituent of overseas Chinese nationalism came to light, looking to the PRC as the hope for a sovereign China. It became a predominant force among overseas Chinese activists and the movement changed its direction from defending Diaoyutai to seeking Taiwan's reunification with the mainland. The paper discusses the factors that shaped and eventually radicalized the movement. It asserts that the event was a turning point in the evolution of overseas Chinese nationalism which transformed an undercurrent into a surging tide that gave rise to a new Chinese national identity among overseas Chinese in America.

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8

Dean, Austin. "“The Shanghai Mint and U.S.–China Monetary Interactions, 1920–1933”". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, n.º 1 (15 de marzo de 2018): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501002.

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This article uses primary sources from China, Taiwan, and the United States to chronicle the history of the Shanghai Mint and u.s.–China monetary interactions during the 1920s and early 1930s. It focuses on the period immediately preceding the well-known Silver Purchase Act of 1934 and the Nationalist government’s decision to abandon the silver standard in favor of a managed currency, the fabi, in November 1935. The article highlights the importance of u.s. advisors, particularly mint technician Clifford Hewitt and Princeton University professor Edwin Kemmerer, in debates about whether China should adopt the gold-exchange standard or stay on the silver standard, as well as their role in the elimination of the silver tael (liang) as a unit of account. The article demonstrates the long-standing interest of the United States in Chinese currency reform and shows how, in the 1920s, this interest often manifested itself in the interactions between Chinese officials and conduits like Hewitt and Kemmerer, rather than monetary missions that the u.s. Congress approved as had been the case in the early 1900s. Finally, the article traces the goals of successive Chinese governments to exercise more control over the currency of modern China and the role of u.s. advisors in that process.

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Vu, Linh D. "Bones of Contention: China’s World War II Military Graves in India, Burma, and Papua New Guinea". Journal of Chinese Military History 8, n.º 1 (17 de mayo de 2019): 52–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341339.

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Abstract Exploring the construction and maintenance of Nationalist Chinese soldiers’ graves overseas, this article sheds light on post-World War II commemorative politics. After having fought for the Allies against Japanese aggression in the China-Burma-India Theater, the Chinese expeditionary troops sporadically received posthumous care from Chinese veterans and diaspora groups. In the Southeast Asia Theater, the Chinese soldiers imprisoned in the Japanese-run camps in Rabaul were denied burial in the Allied war cemetery and recognition as military heroes. Analyzing archival documents from China, Taiwan, Britain, Australia, and the United States, I demonstrate how the afterlife of Chinese servicemen under foreign sovereignties mattered in the making of the modern Chinese state and its international status.

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10

Mao, Joyce. "The Specter of Yalta: Asia Firsters and the Development of Conservative Internationalism". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, n.º 2 (2012): 132–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-01902003.

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During the 1940s, conservative leaders in the United States turned to the emerging Cold War in Asia both to condemn the moral bankruptcy of liberal globalism and to establish their own brand of anti-Communist internationalism. “Asia Firsters” such as Senators William F. Knowland, John W. Bricker, and Robert A. Taft evoked the specter of Yalta and Roosevelt’s betrayal of Nationalist China as a signature issue which extended far beyond the question of who “lost” China. Yalta served as a touchstone for the right’s ideological and political development during the Cold War. Focusing on U.S.-People’s Republic-Taiwan relations during the early and mid-1950s, this article traces how initial criticism of the 1945 agreements quickly evolved into practical legislative proposals that addressed executive overreach, legislative oversight, collective international peacekeeping, opposition to Beijing’s admission to the United Nations, and constitutional principles vis-à-vis active global interventionism. Although Asia Firsters failed to substantively change China policy, their approach was an inspiration for the most enduring American political movement of the postwar period.

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Casado, Juan Alberto Ruiz. "The Pandemic and its Repercussions on Taiwan, its Identity, and Liberal Democracy". Open Cultural Studies 5, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2021): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0123.

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Abstract The situation generated by the pandemic has meant the acceleration of the ongoing hegemonic clash between the United States and China, as well as the intensification of the anti-China narrative and a deplorable wave of Sinophobia throughout the world. In this context, Taiwan has become a strategic hot spot for the development of the rhetoric of the enemy. This study analyses some of the direct consequences of the ensuing friend/foe discourses in the Taiwanese milieu. In the context of a new Cold War, certain groups of power and their media apparatuses have embarked into a race to discursively distance the country as quickly as possible from the despised global enemy, not to be dragged down by the proximity and commonalities shared with China. Moreover, social polarization within Taiwan and contempt for the internal “enemies” pose an added challenge both for the maintenance of liberal democracy and the preservation of peace and self-government on the island. These outcomes are facilitated by underlying populist and nationalist processes of identity construction and hegemonic struggle: distinct discourses re-articulating the Taiwanese identity as an underdog people and a victimized nation.

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12

XIAO, RUPING y HSIAO-TING LIN. "Inside the Asian Cold War Intrigues: Revisiting the Taiwan Strait crises". Modern Asian Studies 52, n.º 6 (10 de julio de 2018): 2109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000706.

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AbstractThis article revisits the issue of the offshore islands in the Taiwan Strait during the Cold War. Benefitting from archival materials only recently made available, specifically Chiang Kai-shek's personal diaries, CIA declassified materials, Taiwanese Foreign Ministry files, and rare publications from the Contemporary Taiwan Collection at the Library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, this research examines the cloud of suspicion surrounding the secret contacts between Taipei and Beijing leading up to and during the 1958 offshore islands crisis, elucidating how such a political tête-à-tête, and the resultant tacit consensus over the status of the islands, gradually brought about an end to the conflict between Taiwan and Communist China. In hindsight, the crises over the offshore islands along China's southeast coast momentarily brought the United States closer to war with Communist China, while putting the relationship between Taipei and Washington to a serious test. The end result, however, was that, while these isles were technically embedded in the unfinished civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, they provided, ironically, an opportunity for secret communications and, ultimately, a kind of détente between the two supposedly deadly enemies across the Taiwan Strait. A close examination of the details of these crises, along with their attendant military, political, and diplomatic complexities, reveals an amazing amount of political intrigue at both the local and international levels that has not been fully realized until now.

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Lien, Pei-Te. "Transnational Homeland Concerns and Participation in US Politics: A Comparison among Immigrants from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong". Journal of Chinese Overseas 2, n.º 1 (2006): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325406788639075.

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AbstractThis study addresses the scholarly debate between assimilation and transnationalism through analyses of public opinion data collected mainly in California and from residents of Chinese descent whose families originated from the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and elsewhere in Asia. It explores the empirical relationship between Chinese Americans' concern about the political condition of the ethnic homelands in Asia and their patterns of political participation in the United States. Not all transnational concerns are equal. This study distinguishes between the democratic-oriented and nationalist-oriented transnational political behavior. It also separates voting registration from other types of political participation. A main argument of this study is that the relationship between political assimilation and transnational linkages depends both on the nature of the transnational political concern and on the type of political participation. Transnational political concerns are found to influence the degree of participation in regime-influence (e.g. making campaign contributions) but not system-support (e.g. voting registration) acts. Also, only those homeland concerns that are consistent with US foreign policy interests such as regarding the democratic future of Hong Kong after the 1997 transition are found to have a positive impact on participation.

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14

Klintworth, Gary. "China, Taiwan and the United States". Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change 13, n.º 1 (febrero de 2001): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13239100120036036.

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Weidenbaum, Murray. "United States-China-Taiwan: A Precarious Triangle". Challenge 43, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2000): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05775132.2000.11472172.

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Kuntić, Dario. "The Ominous Triangle: China-Taiwanthe United States relationship". Croatian International Relations Review 21, n.º 72 (1 de febrero de 2015): 239–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0008.

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Abstract This paper examines the complex issue of the triangular relationship between China, Taiwan and the United States. Due to its importance to both China and the United States, Taiwan has burdened the relationship between the two powers as long and as fierce as any. China considers Taiwan an integral part of its territory and has been unwilling to reject the use of force to settle the Taiwan issue. Under these conditions, Taiwan has chosen to balance China by aligning itself with the United States in order to avoid submission or destruction. Although the U.S. supports a “one-China” policy, it is strongly opposed to any move that could change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force. While both Beijing and Washington often emphasize positive engagement and dialogue, divergent interests of China and the United States over Taiwan, along with their contest for domination in East Asia, have remained a focal point of contention that could send the two powers on a collision course

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Yip, Ka-che. "Trust in Troubled Times: Money, Banks, and State-Society Relations in Republican Tianjin. By BRETT SHEEHAN. [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003. 269 pp. £30.00. ISBN 0-674-01080-9.]". China Quarterly 181 (marzo de 2005): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005320108.

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Trust in Troubled Times is an important addition to the still relatively small body of literature on banking and finance in Republican China. In this careful and thoughtful study of the development of banking and paper money in Tianjin from late Qing to the eve of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Brett Sheehan analyses the rise of modern banks and the growth of social trust in such financial institutions, and examines their relations to the process of state-building. The work is solidly based on a wealth of primary sources including newspapers published in Tianjin, Beijing and Shanghai, archival materials in China, Taiwan and the United States, as well as interviews with individuals who had worked in Tianjin banks in the 1920s and 1930s. Indeed, one of the main contributions of this book is the tremendous amount of data amassed by the author that illuminates the complexity of the problems associated with banking and finance in the pre-1949 period.Drawing on Western theories on banking and social trust, Sheehan begins his study with a discussion of a theoretical framework which provides not only a foundation for the analysis of developments in Tianjin, but also the basis for comparative studies of institution and state-building in different political, social and economic milieus. He then examines a series of financial crises, from the moratorium on exchange in 1916, the bank runs under the warlord governments, the financial instability created by the Japanese attack on Shanghai in 1932, and the monetary reforms of the Nationalist government in 1935. The responses of government officials, bankers and the local elites to the crises, the strategies they used to establish and promote impersonal trust in Tianjin banks, and the impact of these crises on the elites, the banking profession and state-society relations constitute the main body of the study. The story is both encouraging and disheartening: encouraging because by 1937, trust in Chinese-owned and operated banks was indeed established; disheartening because the banks failed to gain the autonomy that could have shielded them from the abuses of the government.

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Roehrig, Terence. "The United States and Asia in 2020". Asian Survey 61, n.º 1 (enero de 2021): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.11.

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In 2020, the United States sought to implement its policy of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific to address the challenge of a rising China. US–China antagonism increased, spurred on by economic tensions and concerns for Beijing’s actions with respect to Hong Kong, Taiwan, the South China Sea, and the Uighurs, with all this occurring in the context of the global pandemic. As the Trump administration came to a close, the most pressing question was how the turn to great power competition, which intensified in 2020, would evolve under a Biden administration.

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Tung, Chen-Yuan. "Trilateral Economic Relations among Taiwan, China, and the United States". Asian Affairs: An American Review 25, n.º 4 (enero de 1999): 220–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927679909601455.

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Noble, Gregory W. "What Can Taiwan (and the United States) Expect from Japan?" Journal of East Asian Studies 5, n.º 1 (abril de 2005): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000624x.

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In the 1990s and into the new century, increased Japanese sympathy toward Taiwan and antipathy toward mainland China led to a series of moves to improve treatment of Taiwan, including enhanced transportation links, a higher level and frequency of official contacts, posting of a military attaché, and expressions of support for Taiwan's participation in regional and international organizations. Nevertheless, Japan remains firmly wedded to a One China policy that opposes both the use of force by the mainland and a declaration by Taiwan of independence from China. Japan's willingness to cooperate with the United States to defend Taiwan is increasingly in doubt. The sources of Japan's supportive but restrained policy include the decline of traditional ties with Taiwan, the increasing size of the mainland market, and above all a perception of security risks that ultimately diverges sharply from that of Taiwan. Serious cooperation in defense and diplomacy requires shared (or complementary) threats, not just shared adversaries.

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Boyer, William W. "The United States, Taiwan and China: Any Lessons for South Korea?" International Area Review 3, n.º 1 (junio de 2000): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590000300101.

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Many changes in the world have occurred during the latter years of the 20th century: the end of empires, the decolonization, the end of the Cold War, the process of democratization, the revolution in science and technology, the explosion and aging of the World's population. But in terms of security, China (Taiwan and the Mainland) and Korea (South and North) have remained relatively unchanged over the past half century and continue to pose major threats to regional and World peace and stability and remain paramount challenges to ongoing U.S. policy. This paper shows that There are some strikingly obvious similarities and dissimilarity between the Taiwan and South Korea situations and three lessons which South Korea may draw from a comparison of the two triangular relationships. In this respect, this paper contends that the seeds of these global changes are already beginning to take root in China and North Korea, and that eventually they will give increasing promise of reconciliation and peaceful reunification in East Asia.

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Jun, Niu. "Strait talk: United States-Taiwan relations and the crisis with China". Cold War History 11, n.º 2 (mayo de 2011): 288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2011.569165.

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Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, n.º 2 (agosto de 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.

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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.

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COPPER, John F. "Taiwan as a Catalyst for a Sino-American Conflict". East Asian Policy 08, n.º 02 (abril de 2016): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000155.

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Taiwan has long been a source of conflict between China and the United States. It has just held a critical election, won by the Democratic Progressive Party that stands for Taiwan’s independence. China is undergoing profound changes in its economy and politics. The United States is seriously at odds with China on a number of issues. All of this adds up to a China-US confrontation or worse.

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Lew, Henry L., Jean Lee, James L. C. Chen y Shih-Ching Chen. "Complementary and alternative medicine education in the United States, China, and Taiwan". Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation Clinics of North America 15, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2004): 933–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1047-9651(03)00129-3.

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Brym, Robert. "After Postmaterialism: An Essay on China, Russia and the United States". Canadian Journal of Sociology 41, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2016): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs25170.

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The postmaterialist thesis makes two main claims. First, over time, rising affluence enables many people to substantially satisfy their need for security and economic sustenance, allowing them to focus on pursuing personal autonomy and self-expression. Second, at a given time, younger people, individuals in higher socio-economic positions and wealthier societies tend to be more postmaterialistic than are older people, individuals in lower socio-economic positions and poorer societies. Cursory analysis of American, Chinese and Russian survey data since the late 1980s demonstrates that some of these generalizations are difficult to sustain. While postmaterialism may have been on the rise in some countries in the last decades of the 20th century, it seems now to be a waning force among major world powers, giving way to increasing nationalism and xenophobia. The absence in postmaterialist theory of an adequate explanation for this trend suggests the need to pay more attention to the causes of alternative development paths. Two such causes are outlined in this essay: intensifying geopolitical rivalries and growing economic inequality.

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Joanne Chang, Jaw-ling. "Negotiation Negotiation of the 17 August 1982 U.S.—PRC Arms Communiqué: Beijing's Negotiating Tactics". China Quarterly 125 (marzo de 1991): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030290.

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On 17 August 1982 the United States and the People's Republic of China publicly announced their joint communiqué concerning the question of American arms sales to Taiwan. This agreement was reached after 10 months of negotiations. While reiterating that it was not pursuing a policy of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan,” the United States offered the following statement on the question of arms sales to Taiwan:

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Pandit, Priyanka. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crises, 1954-1958". Strategic Analysis 44, n.º 3 (3 de mayo de 2020): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2020.1767912.

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Gunn, Geoffrey C. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crisis, 1954–1958". Journal of Contemporary Asia 50, n.º 4 (2 de julio de 2019): 666–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2019.1633553.

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Park, Jumin y Mary E. Johantgen. "A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Symptom Reporting and Symptom Clusters in Heart Failure". Journal of Transcultural Nursing 28, n.º 4 (25 de mayo de 2016): 372–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043659616651673.

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An understanding of symptoms in heart failure (HF) among different cultural groups has become increasingly important. The purpose of this study was to compare symptom reporting and symptom clusters in HF patients between a Western (the United States) and an Eastern Asian sample (China and Taiwan). A secondary analysis of a cross-sectional observational study was conducted. The data were obtained from a matched HF patient sample from the United States and China/Taiwan ( N = 240 in each). Eight selective items related to HF symptoms from the Minnesota Living with Heart Failure Questionnaire were analyzed. Compared with the U.S. sample, HF patients from China/Taiwan reported a lower level of symptom distress. Analysis of two different regional groups did not result in the same number of clusters using latent class approach: the United States (four classes) and China/Taiwan (three classes). The study demonstrated that symptom reporting and identification of symptom clusters might be influenced by cultural factors.

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Ling, L. H. M., C. C. Hwang y B. Chen. "Subaltern straits: 'exit', 'voice', and 'loyalty' in the United States-China-Taiwan relations". International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 10, n.º 1 (3 de septiembre de 2009): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcp013.

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Wong, Tzu-Jung, Jessica L. King y Jamie L. Pomeranz. "Cultural variation in antismoking video ads between the United States, Taiwan, and China". Health Education Research 31, n.º 5 (2 de agosto de 2016): 603–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/her/cyw034.

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33

Lynn, Richard. "INTELLIGENCE IN CHINA". Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 19, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 1991): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1991.19.1.1.

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Studies of the intelligence of' Oriental peoples in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and the United States have typically reported slightly higher mean IQs than those of British and American Caucasoids. Recently results have become available for a standardization of Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices in the People's Republic of China. The results show that Chinese 6–15 year-olds obtain a mean IQ of 102.1 in relation to an American Caucasoid standard of 100.

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34

Saunders, Phillip C. "Long-term Trends in China-Taiwan Relations: Implications for U.S. Taiwan Policy". Asian Survey 45, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2005): 970–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.6.970.

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Long-term political, economic, and military trends are reshaping the security environment in the Taiwan Strait in potentially destabilizing ways and undermining the ““one China”” framework. The United States has become more deeply involved in cross-strait relations to maintain stability and preserve the status quo, but this approach may not be sustainable.

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35

Aitken, Aaron. "The Future of U.S.-Taiwan Arms Sales". Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, n.º 1 (21 de febrero de 2013): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19032.

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The periodic sale of American arms to Taiwan has become one the United States’ thorniest diplomatic challenges. Not only has the issue forced the United States to carefully navigate between its long running commitments to Taiwan and its increasingly important relationship with China, it is an issue that could, if not carefully managed, lead to the outbreak of armed conflict between the two major regional powers. Given this danger, should the United States (1) cease arms sales, (2) increase arms sales, or (3) adopt a position somewhere in between? This essay will compare and contrast the merits of these three broad positions.

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36

Danilin, I. "The U.S.-China technological war through the prism of techno-nationalism". Pathways to Peace and Security, n.º 1 (2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-29-43.

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The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.

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37

Lien, Donald y Joseph Kortsch. "The Future of the World Health Organization: China and the United States Square Off". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15, n.º 4 (21 de octubre de 2020): 520–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10047.

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Summary The purpose of this essay is to discuss the ramifications of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic on the future of the World Health Organization (WHO). In particular, the WHO has come under fire for its initial response and reporting of the pandemic, its acceptance of Chinese self-reporting and management of the crisis and dubious claims that it failed to acknowledge and respond to data from Taiwan that indicated human–to-human transmission was occurring. These alleged missteps have brought unwanted and intense international scrutiny on the organisation and have, perhaps, left its future uncertain. This essay examines the history and mandate of the WHO, its vulnerability to national and regional political movements and some likely outcomes for the near- and long-term future. Additionally, it briefly addresses how the WHO is used as a diplomatic surrogate for the UN, especially in matters relating to Taiwan.

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38

Chen, Pochih. "The Substitution among the Exports of Taiwan, China, and Other Countries to the United States". Asian Economic Papers 7, n.º 2 (junio de 2008): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2008.7.2.1.

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The substitution among the exports of countries is a major phenomenon and foundation of the fast-changing global economy. However, the econometric method using aggregate data can usually estimate the extent of substitution only several years after the substitution has happened. This paper designed a detailed market share (DMS) analysis method that uses detailed trade data to document the actual replacement among the exports of different countries. The DMS indicators can measure the replacement that happened in every product or product group for every year. Therefore, DMS indicators can also be used as variables in further econometric research. This paper employed indicators to analyze the exports of Taiwan and China to the United States during 1990 and 2006. We found that the proportion of Taiwan's exports to the United States that was replaced by China during this period was about 71 percent to 85 percent. Taiwan, Japan, and other developed countries were the major sources of China's export growth. China also replaced a great part of developing countries' exports. China has also started to replace the high-end products of advanced countries. We found that 63 percent, 60 percent, and 33 percent of the highly human capital—intensive exports from Taiwan, Korea, and Japan, respectively, have been replaced by China. Most of these replacements happened in high-end products after 2000. Therefore, more products from advanced countries will be replaced by China in the near future.

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39

Erskine, Kristopher C. "“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, n.º 1 (15 de marzo de 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501003.

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The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.

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40

EVANS, Paul. "Techno-nationalism in China–US Relations: Implications for Universities". East Asian Policy 12, n.º 02 (abril de 2020): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000161.

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The deepening strategic rivalry between China and the United States has military, diplomatic, ideological, trade, financial and commercial dimensions. One is in the area of emerging and transformative technologies in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution that has spawned a techno-nationalist competition with global implications including for universities. This article outlines the American government’s efforts in managing research and training interactions with China and their implications for other countries, Canada and Singapore in particular.

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41

Ross, Robert S. "China's Naval Nationalism: Sources, Prospects, and the U.S. Response". International Security 34, n.º 2 (octubre de 2009): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.46.

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Recent developments in Chinese politics and defense policy indicate that China will soon embark on an ambitious maritime policy that will include construction of a power-projection navy centered on an aircraft carrier. But just as nationalism and the pursuit of status encouraged past land powers to seek great power maritime capabilities, widespread nationalism, growing social instability, and the leadership's concern for its political legitimacy drive China's naval ambition. China's maritime power, however, will be limited by the constraints experienced by all land powers: enduring challenges to Chinese territorial security and a corresponding commitment to a large ground force capability will constrain China's naval capabilities and its potential challenge to U.S. maritime security. Nonetheless, China's naval nationalism will challenge U.S.-China cooperation. It will likely elicit increased U.S. naval spending and deployments, as well as politicization of China policy in the United States, challenging the United States to develop policy to manage U.S.-China naval competition to allow for continued political cooperation.

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42

Wang, Qingxin Ken. "Taiwan in Japan's Relations with China and the United States after the Cold War". Pacific Affairs 73, n.º 3 (2000): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672024.

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43

Guo, Lei, Yi-Ning Katherine Chen, Hong Vu, Qian Wang, Radoslaw Aksamit, Damian Guzek, Marek Jachimowski y Maxwell McCombs. "Coverage of the Iraq War in the United States, Mainland China, Taiwan and Poland". Journalism Studies 16, n.º 3 (19 de febrero de 2014): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2014.885198.

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44

Chen, Yun, Stacey B. Daughters, David Thissen, Stephanie Salcedo, Deepika Anand, Lung Hung Chen, Hong Liang, Xiaoqian Niu y Lucy Su. "Cultural Differences in Environmental Reward Across Individuals in China, Taiwan, and the United States". Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment 41, n.º 3 (1 de junio de 2019): 507–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10862-019-09743-0.

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45

Glaser, Charles L. "A U.S.-China Grand Bargain? The Hard Choice between Military Competition and Accommodation". International Security 39, n.º 4 (abril de 2015): 49–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00199.

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Despite the intense focus on China's rise, the United States has yet to confront the most challenging question posed by this power shift: Should it pursue a strategy of limited geopolitical accommodation to avoid conflict? U.S. policy continues to focus almost entirely on preserving the geopolitical status quo in Northeast Asia. Given the shifting power balance in Asia, however, there are strong theoretical rationales for considering whether significant changes to the status quo could increase U.S. security. A possibility designed to provide the benefits of accommodation while reducing its risks is a grand bargain in which the United States ends its commitment to defend Taiwan and, in turn, China peacefully resolves its maritime disputes in the South China and East China Seas and officially accepts the United States' long-term military security role in East Asia. In broad terms, the United States has three other options—unilateral accommodation, a concert of Asian powers, and the current U.S. rebalance to Asia. Unilateral accommodation and the rebalance have advantages that make the choice a close call, but all things considered, a grand bargain is currently the United States' best bet.

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46

Wang, Dong. "China's Trade Relations with the United States in Perspective". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2010): 165–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900307.

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China's trade relations with the United States over the past four decades is a topic that has not been fully dealt with in scholarly works. This paper charts the course of US-China economic relations since 1971, explains the principal forces stimulating growth and encouraging change and, finally, discusses how these two economic giants fit into an interlocking Asian and world economy. In reaction to the post-2008 financial downturn, advocates for a new world economic order have suggested a rebalancing of global demand, which will arguably become a major, politically charged issue in the US and in China in the years to come. Growing economic interdependence has quickly presented new challenges and opportunities, with issues such as human rights, Most-Favoured-Nation status, the Taiwan and Tibet question, and the huge American trade deficit threatening to cloud the relationship at times. With China's emergence as a major power and America's hegemonic ambitions tested in successive wars, the contradiction between a booming commercial relationship and conflict associated with geopolitical and ideological differences will continue to constitute a serious challenge. The long-term goal for each side will be to forge economic ties strong enough to create a stable political relationship, rather than to be held hostage by geopolitical constraints.

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47

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations". Journal of East Asian Studies 1, n.º 1 (febrero de 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

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48

Gardner, Robert W. "Asian Immigration: The View from the United States". Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, n.º 1 (marzo de 1992): 64–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100104.

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Between the 1965 immigration law and 1990, Asian immigration to the United States increased tenfold to a quarter of a million annually. As sender of the most immigrants, Japan has yielded to the Philippines, South Korea, Vietnam, India, and China. From 1974–1989, over 900,000 Southeast Asian refugees entered the United States. Most Asians today are admitted in the family preference category. On average, the sex ratio is balanced, but over 55% of immigrants from South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan are female. Asians are occupationally diverse, with a greater number of professionals/executives (35%) than laborers (14%). Though relatively few in number, Asians concentrate geographically (notably in California) and exert growing political influence in those areas. Except for refugees, Asians are generally viewed as having a positive impact as students and workers. On the other hand, inas much as they contribute to ethnic diversity, they fan the current fears over threats to a common American cultural heritage. Anti-Asian hate crimes and interethnic violence have risen. Asian immigration is likely to continue to rise and show greater emphasis on employment preference categories.

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Carbone, P. P. "Developing a postgraduate medical oncology training program in Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China." Journal of Clinical Oncology 9, n.º 2 (febrero de 1991): 335–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.1991.9.2.335.

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Because cancer is the number one cause of mortality in Taiwan, a governmental decision was made to develop an experiment in medical oncology education using a United States-style training program in medical oncology in three Taipei, Taiwan, university hospitals. In the past, trainees from developing countries came to the United States or other foreign countries to receive specialty training. In doing so, the training did not necessarily prepare the individuals with skills to treat the indigenous cancers, nor did they work with other related specialists or support staff such as nursing and pharmacy, so important to providing good cancer care. This program involved 13 fellows with significant laboratory experience working with American faculty on-site. The major benefits of this model for oncology training are that the trainees developed important interdisciplinary relationships with local staff at each of the hospitals; they were involved in the treatment of the major cancer diseases of Taiwan such as nasopharyngeal, hepatocellular, and cervical cancers as well as breast, lung, and colon cancers; and they completed a certification process involving written and oral tests by two senior American oncologist examiners. Oncology services have been established at each of the hospitals and most of the fellows have expressed an interest or made arrangements to come to the United States to get additional research experience.

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50

Silverthorne, Colin P. "Work Motivation in the United States, Russia, and the Republic of China (Taiwan): A Comparison". Journal of Applied Social Psychology 22, n.º 20 (octubre de 1992): 1631–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1992.tb01761.x.

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