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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Ottoman committee of Union and Progress"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 1 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Ottoman committee of Union and Progress"

Gökatalay, Semih. "Economic Nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress Revisited: The Case of the Society for the Ottoman Navy". Nationalities Papers 48, n.º 5 (27 de enero de 2020): 942–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.79.

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AbstractThe Ottoman-Turkish historiography has been largely concerned with the economic nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which consisted of four doctrines: elimination of foreign dominance on the Ottoman economy, removal of non-Muslims from the economic sphere, creation of a Turkish/Muslim bourgeoisie, and rapid industrialization. Through its focus on the economic activities of the Society for the Ottoman Navy, a CUP-affiliated charitable organization with enormous economic power, the present study investigates how the economic policies of the period can be regarded as a practice of economic nationalism. Based on archival material and in dialogue with secondary sources, this article argues that although the Unionist leadership and intelligentsia employed the language of economic nationalism, the operation of the economy in practice was considerably different from its rhetoric. War conditions, the lack of indigenous capital accumulation, and relations of the Ottoman Empire with foreign powers heavily shaped the implementation of the economic nationalism of the CUP.

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O’SULLIVAN, MICHAEL B. "‘The Little Brother of the Ottoman State’: Ottoman technocrats in Kabul and Afghanistan's development in the Ottoman imagination, 1908–23". Modern Asian Studies 50, n.º 6 (15 de abril de 2016): 1846–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000244.

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AbstractBy charting the activities of Ottoman experts in Afghanistan from 1908–23, this article demonstrates how their arrival precipitated a series of state-building practices rooted in the particular historical experience of Ottoman reform projects. The country thus became the object of an Ottomanmission civilisatriceand the beneficiary, in the eyes of certain figures within the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress, of an avowedly Ottoman-Turkish modernity. Sharing this conviction were members of the Afghan royal family and its chief ministers, especially Maḥmūd Ṭarzī, who first invited the Ottoman advisers to Kabul. The provision of Ottoman technical assistance took a variety of forms, but is most evident in military, educational, and public health reforms enacted in Kabul in this period. Through the study of previously unexamined Ottoman, Afghan, and British sources, the aim here is to incorporate these events into discussions of Ottoman informal empire, Afghan developmentalism, and pan-Islam.

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Schull, Kent F. "Identity in the Ottoman Prison Surveys of 1912 and 1914". International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, n.º 3 (agosto de 2009): 365–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809091089.

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Population surveys and census records, in addition to providing valuable human statistical information, have enormous potential to act as luminary tools for identity construction and conceptualization. How governmental agencies identify a population can also provide insights into a regime's motives, rationale, and ideology. The tables presented here are taken from the annual prison survey conducted by the Ottoman Prison Administration from 1912 to 1918 and shed light on the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) or CUP's conceptualizations of difference. CUP was the main ruling organization in the Ottoman Empire during this period.

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Çiçek, M. Talha. "Visions of Islamic Unity: A Comparison of Djemal Pasha’s al-Sharq and Sharīf Ḥusayn’s al-Qibla Periodicals". Die Welt des Islams 54, n.º 3-4 (2 de diciembre de 2014): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05434p07.

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During the First World War, the Ottomans undertook a pan-Islamism propaganda campaign through the newspaper al-Sharq (published by Djemal Pasha in Damascus) to motivate its Arab subjects to support the Ottoman struggle against the Entente powers. To this end, many articles and news items appeared in al-Sharq to inspire Muslim unity around the figure of the caliph. Unity was presented as a crucial part of saving Muslims; disasters were predicted should the Ottoman Empire fall to the ‘infidels’. Sharīf Ḥusayn and his followers were explicitly or implicitly accused of splitting the umma and rendering the Ḥijāz and the remainder of independent Muslim territories vulnerable to British and other European imperialists. In 1916, Sharīf Ḥusayn launched a revolt in Mecca against the Ottoman Caliph and established a periodical, al-Qibla, to target the same audience. In al-Qibla, Ḥusayn presented the Committee of Union and Progress as amoral and irreligious usurpers of the caliph’s authority, and therefore undeserving of allegiance. In this article I analyse the discourse of the two competing sides by examining their propaganda on issues such as loyalty to the caliph, the unity of the Muslims and the formation of alliances with the Great Powers. I argue that Islam shaped the propaganda battle between the Ottomans and the sharīf to a greater extent than did Arabism or Turkism.

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Dimitriadis, Sotirios. "Visions of Ottomanism in Late Ottoman Education: The ıslahhane of Thessaloniki, 1874–1924". Die Welt des Islams 56, n.º 3-4 (28 de noviembre de 2016): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p07.

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In 1874, Midhat Paşa, then serving as governor-general in Thessaloniki, founded a vocational school (ıslahhane) in the city. The paşa had been a pioneer of vocational education in the Ottoman Empire and believed that ıslahhane schools could serve as models for his inclusivist Ottomanist policies. Soon after the ıslahhane of Thessaloniki was founded, however, official state ideology was reoriented towards consciously Islamic principles and symbols. During the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the ıslahhane of Thessaloniki became associated with the local Muslim community and became the focal point for the emergence of an Ottoman Muslim civic identity in the city. After the Revolution of 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress expanded upon the policies of religious and ethnic partıcularism despite paying lip service to the legacy of Midhat; students of the ıslahhane provided the Committee with an activist base. After the Balkan Wars and the collapse of Ottoman rule in the Balkans, the school remained one of the most important links connecting the community to the empire.

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Arslan, Ozan y Cinar Ozen. "The Rebirth of the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress in Macedonia Through the Italian Freemasonry". Oriente Moderno 85, n.º 1 (12 de agosto de 2005): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-08501005.

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Sohrabi, Nader. "Reluctant Nationalists, Imperial Nation-State, and Neo-Ottomanism: Turks, Albanians, and the Antinomies of the End of Empire". Social Science History 42, n.º 4 (2018): 835–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.4.

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Nationalism's role in the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire is re-examined. Traditionalists blamed the breakdown on the extreme nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) while today's orthodoxy attributes it to the external contingency of the Balkan Wars and World War I instead. This article looks at the onerous state-building and mild nation-building demands put forth by the CUP toward the Albanians. The Albanian resistance created unstable coalitions that broadened to include north and south, and tempered religion in favor of ethnicity, but fell short of demanding independence. The First Balkan War forced a vulnerable Albania to reluctantly declare independence for which it had made contingent plans. The Ottoman center refused to change course and its pursuit of an imperial nation-state prompted other populations to think and act more ethnically than ever before and draw up their own contingent plans. The concept of ethnicity without groups (Brubaker) and the causal connection between state-building and nationalism (Hechter) are critically assessed in the Ottoman context.

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Bozarslan, Hamit. "The Ottomanism of the Non-Turkish Groups: The Arabs and the Kurds after 1908". Die Welt des Islams 56, n.º 3-4 (28 de noviembre de 2016): 317–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p03.

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After 1909, the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) abandoned the Ottomanist ideals that had earlier characterised the group, adopting instead a purely Turkish nationalist ideology. They were not necessarily hostile to Arab and Kurdish communities, but considered that the latter had no say in the definition of the Empire, let alone in its future. In contrast, many Arab and Kurdish intellectuals continued to define themselves as Ottomanists. These intellectuals, including Sāṭiʿ al-Ḥuṣrī and Şerif Pasha, were defenders of the fraternity of the Islamic umma and, before the ‘nationalist-turn’ they took after World War I, were opposed to any kind of nationalism within Islam. They could not, however, easily justify the fusion of Islam and an Ottoman entity defined as Turkish. Integration into the Ottoman Empire for them did not imply the dissolution of the Arab and the Kurdish component within its Islamic imperial fabric.

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Taglia, Stefano. "The Feasibility of Ottomanism as a Nationalist Project: The View of Albanian Young Turk İsmail Kemal". Die Welt des Islams 56, n.º 3-4 (28 de noviembre de 2016): 336–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p04.

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This article surveys the appeal of Ottomanism for non-dominant group members of the Young Turk organisation. It focuses on a specific reading of Ottomanism as a nationalist discourse articulated by Young Turk intellectuals in exile. The article analyses the actions, thoughts and writings of Ottoman Albanian İsmail Kemal who, in 1900, after an influential career in Ottoman officialdom, escaped to Europe and affiliated himself with the leaders of the organisation in exile. What emerges from this study is that Ottomanism was, until the Committee of Union and Progress adopted an authoritarian and pro-Turkist stance, a feasible discourse for Young Turk activists from both a dominant and non-dominant background. The article also suggests that an assessment of the role of Young Turks from a non-Muslim or non-Turkish background needs to include a consideration of a simultaneous and compatible role of such members as working for imperial reform and for the improvement and protection of their own particular community.

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Okay, Cüneyd. "Sport and Nation Building: Gymnastics and Sport in the Ottoman State and the Committee of Union and Progress, 1908-18". International Journal of the History of Sport 20, n.º 1 (marzo de 2003): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001845.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Ottoman committee of Union and Progress"

Ozten, Sekine. "Early Awakening Of The Kurdish National Sentiments In The Ottoman Empire (1880- 1914)". Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611512/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at presenting the historical panorama of the early Kurdish cultural activities in Anatolia which began to rise as a political subject after the First World War but could begin to express its nationalist demands after the foundation of the Republican government. It is claimed in the thesis that Kurdish nationalist identity as a collective body could begun to be formed in the last period of the Ottoman Empire when the Empire was in an inevitable dissolution. This progress in question took its start during the reign of Abdulhamid II, and accelerated during the Committee of Union and Progress period. Especially after the 1908 Constitution, Kurdish intellectuals have begun to create &ldquo
Kurdish&rdquo
publications and cultural institutions seeking to improve the conditions in the regions that the Kurds inhabited. These facts lead us to some questions to begin with and this thesis seeks answers for the following important questions: &ldquo
By considering the awakening of Kurdish nationalist identity, how did the policies centered on the provinces after 1908, influence the Kurdish regions?&rdquo
, &ldquo
What is the response of the Kurdish regions to the new state policies of the period?&rdquo
, &ldquo
Considering the social associations formed by Kurds during the CUP period what were the effects of them on the formation of a new Kurdish identity?&rdquo

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Arslan, Ozan. "Les faits et les buts de guerre ottomans sur le front caucasien pendant la première guerre mondiale". Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011MON30102.

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Ce travail analyse la diplomatie ouverte et secrète menée par la Sublime Porte ainsi que la conduite de guerre du Haut Commandement ottoman sur le front caucasien entre 1914 et 1918 à la lumière des sources primaires comme les archives diplomatiques et militaires et les témoignages des hommes d’Etat et militaires de l’ère de la Grande Guerre, et, refuse le mythe que l’idéologie de panturquisme a déterminé les buts de guerre de la Sublime Porte sur le front caucasien pendant la Grande Guerre. Il vise à montrer qu’au lieu de l’idéalisme d’un nationalisme expansionniste c’était le pragmatisme d’une realpolitik, formulé selon les « intérêts de sécurité » de l’Etat ottoman, qui caractérisait la politique caucasienne de la Sublime Porte pendant la Première Guerre mondiale
This dissertation analyzes the Sublime Porte’s open and secret wartime diplomacy as well as the Ottoman High Command’s conduct of war on the Caucasian front during the period of 1914-18 in the light of primary sources such as the diplomatic and military archives and memoirs of statesmen and military commanders of the era. It refuses the myth which maintains that a Panturkist ideology determined the Ottoman war aims on the Caucasian front during WWI. It argues that it was the pragmatism of a Realpolitik formulated according to the “security interests” of the Ottoman state, rather than the idealism of an expansionist nationalism, which characterized the Ottoman policies toward the Caucasus during WWI

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Libros sobre el tema "Ottoman committee of Union and Progress"

Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Select Committee on the European Union. Select Committee on the European Union progress of scrutiny. London: Stationery Office, 2000.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Select Committee on the European Union. Select committee on the European Union Progress of scrutiny. London: Stationery Office, 2000.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Select Committee on the European Union. Progress of scrutiny. London: Stationery Office, 2000.

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Ahmad, Feroz. The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish politics, 1908-1914. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

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The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish politics, 1908-1914. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

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African organizations and institutions: Cross-continental progress : hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Ninth Congress, second [i.e. first] session, November 17, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich. On progress in implementing the decisions of the 27th CPSU Congress and the tasks of promoting perestroika: Report by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee to the 19th All-Union Party Conference, June 28, 1988. Moscow: Novosti Press Agency, 1988.

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Il-sŏng, Kim. Let the progressive students of the world fight for peace and social progress: Speech delivered at the banquet given in honour of the delegates to a meeting of the Executive Committee of the International Union of Students, January 17, 1986. Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Pub. House, 1990.

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Office, General Accounting. Postal service: Progress in implementing supply chain management initiatives : report to the chairman and ranking member, Special Panel on Postal Reform & Oversight, Committee on Government Reform, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: GAO, 2004.

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Office, General Accounting. Year 2000 computing crisis: Progress made in compliance of VA systems, but concerns remain : report to the Chairman, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, Committee on Veterans' Affairs, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C. (P.O. Box 37050, Washington, D.C. 20013): The Office, 1998.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Ottoman committee of Union and Progress"

"THE BALKANS AND THE COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS". En Essays in Ottoman-Turkish Political History, 203–8. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463229948-021.

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Macfie, A. L. "The End of the Committee of Union and Progress". En The End of the Ottoman Empire 1908–1923, 225–33. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315842363-13.

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"NOTES ON KAZIM KARABEKÌR'S COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS (1896-1909)". En Essays in Ottoman-Turkish Political History, 43–56. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463229948-005.

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Fahrenthold, Stacy D. "The Mahjar of the Young Turks, 1908–1916". En Between the Ottomans and the Entente, 31–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190872137.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the Ottoman Empire’s rediscovery of the Syrian mahjar after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. The revolution toppled the Hamidian states and brought the constitutionalists to power in Istanbul. The new Committee of Union and Progress party saw in the Ottoman diasporas the opportunity to reclaim migrants through diplomacy, economic development, and repatriation. The Unionists cultivated Syrian, Armenian, and Turkish ethnic fraternal societies in the American mahjar, opening new Ottoman consulates in the Syrian and Lebanese communities, especially under Mundji Bey in New York City and Amin Arslan in Buenos Aires. Although Syrian clubs readily promoted Young Turk ideas to bring the ‘spirit of 1908’ to America, these clubs also transformed into spaces for substantive citizenship and critique. As the Ottoman Empire slid into a militarized Unionist government after 1909, the Syrian societies abroad formed the nuclei of the mahjar’s decentralist, reform, and Arabist political movements.

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Robson, Laura. "The Violence of World War, 1914–1920". En The Politics of Mass Violence in the Middle East, 34–53. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825036.003.0003.

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This chapter investigates the unfolding of the war in the Arab provinces, examining how imperial reforms morphed into extreme violence as the Ottoman state enacted genocidal campaigns against Armenians and practiced political repression against Arab activists while European forces invaded, blockaded, and occupied the famine-stricken Levant. It focuses in particular on the rather sudden delegitimization of Ottoman authority in the Mashriq as a consequence of the multiple Allied invasions; the Committee of Union and Progress’s emerging policies of mass conscription, material requisitioning, and political repression in greater Syria and the Iraqi provinces, symbolized particularly by the public executions in Beirut and Damascus in 1915 and 1916. It also articulates how the Allied military campaigns in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine aimed not only to defeat the Ottomans but also to establish the outlines of a postcolonial absorption of these territories and their resources into the British and French Empires.

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"The Young Turks and the Committee of Union and Progress". En The Routledge Handbook of Modern Turkey, 42–50. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203118399-11.

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Dündar, Fuat. "The Settlement Policy of The Committee of Union and Progress 1913-1918". En Turkey Beyond Nationalism: Towords Postnationalist Identities. I.B.Tauris, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755608010.ch-004.

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Garben, Sacha. "Article 159 TFEU". En The EU Treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759393.003.265.

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Article 143 EC The Commission shall draw up a report each year on progress in achieving the objectives of Article 151, including the demographic situation in the Union. It shall forward the report to the European Parliament, the Council and the Economic and Social Committee.

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Galt, Frances C. "‘Regrettably Up-to-Date’, 1975–81". En Women's Activism Behind the Screens, 103–40. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529206296.003.0004.

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This chapter investigates Gillian Skirrow’s assertion that the Patterns report remained ‘regrettably up-to-date’ by 1981, six years after its publication (1981: 94). It argues that the relationship between women and the ACTT was characterised by inertia between 1975 and 1981. This chapter identifies the reasons for slow progress around the implementation of the recommendations of the Patterns report and considers its impact on women’s activity. Firstly, it argues that the ACTT’s gendered union structure operated to inhibit the implementation of the report’s recommendations, demonstrated by limited engagement with the report among rank-and-file members and the reluctance of male union officials to negotiate around its recommendations. Secondly, this chapter argues that the Committee on Equality was detached from the formal union structure, limiting its power to influence policy and restricting women’s activity. This chapter then traces women’s growing frustration with the ACTT’s inactivity from 1980 onwards, culminating in the demand for a women’s conference. In doing so, it illustrates the influence of external feminist campaigns in the late 1970s. Finally, this chapter outlines the demands of the ACTT’s first Women’s Conference in 1981, which called for the formalisation of women’s representation within the union structure.

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Gingeras, Ryan. "Fallen Patriots". En Eternal Dawn, 17–61. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791218.003.0002.

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No appreciation for the early history of the Turkish Republic can begin without a proper understanding of the origins, desires, and tribulations of the Young Turks. Their era by no means constituted a mere placeholder or prologue to the dramatic events that occurred thereafter. Turkey, as it came to be defined philosophically, was the unintended offspring of this movement. The most profound attributes of Atatürk’s state, its thirst for radical social change, its predilection for chauvinistic nationalism, and its oligarchic structure, descended directly from the Committee of Union and Progress’ approach towards politics. Ultimately, their displacement from the imperial stage allowed for Mustafa Kemal to rise to prominence and paved the way for an altogether new regime.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Ottoman committee of Union and Progress"

YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)". En 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.

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