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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Ottoman empire in WWI"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 8 de febrero de 2022

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1

Ağaoğlu, Sami. "Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Gazze Muharebeleri / The Battles of Gaza in World War I". Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, n.º 2 (6 de abril de 2017): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i2.637.

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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>According to Germany’s demand, Ottoman Empire opened Canal Front which is one of the most important front lines of WWI to pass the Suez Canal and attack Egypt. There were two massive attacks between Ottoman and British. The first clash occured in 1915 and second took place in 1916. Result of Ottoman forces struggle with the British troops, Ottoman Empire were defeated but then Ottoman Empire counter attacked. They tried to prevent British attacks in the campaigns of Sinai and Palestine.</p><p>The paper deals with the First and the Second Battle of Gaza that repelled English forces, the third Gaza Battle and its result, Yildirim Army Group (or Thunderbolt Army Group) of the Ottoman Empire that was formed in order to prevent advance of attackers and siege and fall of Jerusalem. Therefore, subsequent failures of the campaign and retreating to the Anatolia started. The research paper was based on archival documents, primary&secondary sources and memoirs.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Osmanlı Devleti, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın önemli cephelerinden olan Kanal cephesini Almanların isteği doğrultusunda Süveyş kanalının geçmek ve Mısır’a taarruz etmek amacıyla açmıştı. Osmanlı Ordusunun I. Kanal Seferi ve II. Kanal Seferi başarısız olunca, karşı saldırıya geçen İngiliz birlikleri Sina ve Filistin cephesinde, Gazze muharebeleri ile durdurulmaya çalışılmıştır.</p><p>Araştırmamızda, İngiliz birliklerinin püskürtüldüğü I. ve II. Gazze muharebeleri, Birüssebi ve Gazze’nin elden çıktığı III. Gazze muharebesi, Osmanlı Devleti’nin bu yenilgiyi durdurabilmek için kurduğu Yıldırım Orduları Gurup Komutanlığı ve Kudüs’ün elden çıkışı ele alınmıştır. Böylelikle birbiri ardına gelen yenilgiler zinciri ile Osmanlı Ordularının Anadolu’ya çekilişi arşiv belgeleri, birinci elden kaynaklar ve hatıratlardan yararlanılarak işlenmiştir.</p>

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2

Gzoyan, Edita, Regina Galustyan y Shushan Khachatryan. "Reclaiming Children after the Armenian Genocide: Neutral House in Istanbul". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 33, n.º 3 (2019): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcz044.

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Abstract During the Armenian Genocide the Turkish Government forcibly converted and assimilated Armenian children. The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in WWI brought the opportunity to retrieve such children, whose identities and future became a battleground between Armenians and Turks. This article addresses the fate of these child-survivors, many of whom, after being rescued, continued to deny their Armenian identities. The article presents a history of Neutral House, a unique organization established in Istanbul to return these children to their nation.

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3

Aydın, Abdurrahim y Tuncay Zorlu. "Transfer of German Military Know-How and Technology to the Ottoman Military Factories at the beginning of the First World War". Belleten 79, n.º 285 (1 de agosto de 2015): 739–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2015.739.

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Supply of military weapons, equipment, spare parts and ammunition had always been of a crucial importance for the Ottoman Empire. This issue came to be a part of an international diplomacy from 19th century onwards when the Ottoman governments were forced into a position to choose allies from European Powers who were in rivalry in providing military materials. Many companies from France, England and Germany competed with each other in order to have the greatest share from the military supplies market in the Ottoman Empire. Such German companies as Krupp, and Rheinische Metallwaren und Maschinefabrik in Düsseldorf; French company Sxneider/Le Creusot; and British Armstrong/Vickers Company were among them. However, German weapon companies stood out in meeting the needs of the Ottoman military. In the reign of Abdulhamid II, the German company of Krupp came forward in selling artillery weapons in particular after the 1880's, and turned out to be the dominant power in the end of the century, while the other German companies dealt in the various other military materials such as rifles, ammunitions, spare parts, wagons, factory workbenches. Levazımat-ı Umumiye Dairesi (General Supplies Department) which functioned as attached to the Harbiye Nezareti (Ministry of War) during the early years of the 20th century was in charge of the supply and distribution of primary materials which were necessary for the provisioning of the army. This department was not only involved in the provisioning and equipment of the army during the WWI, but played an important role in procuring the technical equipment for the setting up and development of military factories as well as establishing connections and cooperation with Germany to this end, through its branches. It is possible to reach many correspondences about these cases in ATESE Archives which is attached to the General Staff. This study aims to provide some examples concerning the activities of the above-mentioned department and military factories and procuring the wartime equipment in particular, based on the primary sources.

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4

Dimitrov, Nikola V., Blagoja Markoski, Ivan Radevski y Vladimir Zlatanoski. "Bitola – from Eyalet capital to regional centre in the Republic of Macedonia". Urban Development Issues 55, n.º 3 (22 de mayo de 2018): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/udi-2018-0006.

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Abstract In the past nine hundred years Bitola has undergone a string of administrative and political rises and falls. In the course of the 16th century the city grew to have a very large population and become a huge economic and geopolitical centre of the large province of Rumelia in the Ottoman Empire. However, as a result of some overwhelming political and military events that played out during the 20th century (the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the Balkan wars, WW1, WW2 and other economic, political, technical and technological developments that occurred in the world and in the country) Bitola was reduced to a mere local city in economic, geopolitical and population terms. The immediate economic and population expansion of Bitola is presented through an exact numeric and cartographic overview of spatial-temporal changes in the city’s development in the past two centuries. For the purposes of rendering a more accurate image, we have compared Bitola’s population, administrative and geopolitical role with a number of major Balkan cities.

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5

Davis, Uri. "Whither Palestine-Israel? Political Reflections on Citizenship, Bi-Nationalism and the One-State Solution". Holy Land Studies 5, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2006): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0002.

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Since the dismantlement of the Ottoman Empire in the wake of WWI and the Lausanne Peace Treaty signed in 1923, much of the debate on Palestine was framed between the two polarities of a ‘One-State Solution’ versus a ‘Two-State Solution’. This paper suggest that, given the hybrid international legal considerations pertaining to the question of Palestine, taking the values of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, standards of international law, and all UN resolutions relevant to the question of Palestine as a point of departure frames the debate in an applied international legal context that usefully reconciles the said two polarities into a synthetic whole of one federated or confederated state incorporating three bi-national components: an ‘Arab state’, a ‘Jewish state’, and the City of Jerusalem as corpus separatum, thereby reconciling both the rights of the Palestinian Arab people for national self-determination and their rights as the indigenous people of the country.

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6

Sarabiev, Aleksei V. "THE RUSSIAN CONSUL IN DAMASCUS PRINCE BORIS N. SHAKHOVSKOY’S ROLE IN INTERFAITH PEACE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n.º 4 (14) (2020): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-162-178.

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Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to his descendants a legacy of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on interfaith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (WWI). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities of the Islamist organization Muslim League in Damascus, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion towards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the attempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest is also the information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region. All these issues in the Syrian soil are viewed by the diplomat through the prism of competition between European powers, especially France and Italy.

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7

Caciur, Dana. "Considerations Regarding the Status of the Morlachs from the Trogir`s Hinterland at the Middle of the 16th Century: Being Subjects of the Ottoman Empire and Land Tenants of the Venetian Republic". Res Historica, n.º 41 (29 de septiembre de 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2016.41.95.

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<p style="margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 0.18cm;" align="JUSTIFY"> </p><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL">W połowie XVI stulecia prowincja Trogir, podobnie jak cała Dalmacja, odczuwała znaczący spadek gospodarczy i demograficzny. Opuszczone ziemie i wsie regionu przygranicza, oddzielające posiadłości Imperium Ottomańskiego i Republiki Weneckiej stały się nowym domem dla półkoczowniczych pasterzy Morlaków. Niektórzy spośród wcześniejszych właścicieli opuszczonych posiadłości wyprowadzili się w czasie konfliktu z Ottomanami do miast na wybrzeżu i zdecydowali się wydzierżawić swoje ziemie Morlakom, którzy przybyli tu spoza granicy. Tak stało się w przypadku wsi </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL"><em>Radosich</em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL">,</span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL"><em> Triloque </em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL">i </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL"><em>Suchi Dol</em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span lang="pl-PL">, wydzierżawionych rodzinom Morlaków, które – w świetle dokumentów państwowych – musiały wywiązać się z obowiązków nałożonych na dalmatyńskich właścicieli. Rodzaje powinności, które miały być świadczone przez Morlaków na rzecz weneckich panów, jak również ottomańskich władców, nie różniły się tak bardzo od zobowiązań wypełnianych przez inne społeczności wołoskie zidentyfikowane w środkowej części Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. Biorąc pod uwagę fakt, że zadaniem wenecko-ottomańskiego regionu pogranicznego było utrzymanie pokoju między nimi na terenie Dalmacji, wenecka decyzja o wydzierżawieniu ziem ottomańskim poddanym jawi się jako rozwiązanie korzystne dla wszystkich zaangażowanych stron: mieszkańców Dalmacji, władz ottomańskich na Bałkanach i półkoczowniczych Morlaków. </span></span></span></p><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 0.18cm;" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="pl-PL"><br /></span></span></span></p>

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8

Wigen, Einar. "Ottoman Concepts of Empire". Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2013): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080103.

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Empire was never an important concept in Ottoman politics. This did not stop Ottoman rulers from laying claim to three titles that may be called imperial: halife, hakan, and kayser. Each of these pertains to different translationes imperii, or claims of descent from different empires: the Caliphate, the steppe empires of the Huns, Turks, and Mongols, and the Roman Empire. Each of the three titles was geared toward a specific audience: Muslims, Turkic nomads, and Greek-Orthodox Christians, respectively. In the nineteenth century a new audience emerged as an important source of political legitimacy: European-emergent international society. With it a new political vocabulary was introduced into the Ottoman language. Among those concepts was that of empire, which found its place in Ottoman discourse by connecting it with the existing imperial claims.

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9

TUNANDER, OLA. "A New Ottoman Empire?" Security Dialogue 26, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1995): 413–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010695026004007.

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10

Başustaoğlu, Ahmet C. y Sadık Emre Karakuş. "The fight against typhus in the Ottoman Army during WWI". Microbiology Australia 35, n.º 3 (2014): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma14055.

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11

Rogers, J. M. "Empire Lines: Clan Careers in the Ottoman Empire". Court Historian 21, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2016): 49–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14629712.2016.1173397.

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12

L., R. P. y Colin Imber. "The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1481". Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, n.º 3 (julio de 1993): 508. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605427.

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13

Mayorek, Yoram. "Herzl and the Ottoman Empire". CEMOTI 28, n.º 1 (1999): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.1999.1476.

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14

MAYOREK, Yoram. "Herzl and the Ottoman Empire". CEMOTI, n.º 28 (1 de junio de 1999): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cemoti.583.

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15

Fleming, K. E. "The Ottoman Empire, 1700–1922". History: Reviews of New Books 29, n.º 3 (enero de 2001): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525888.

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16

Catherwood, Christopher y Warren Dockter. "Understanding British-Ottoman relations at the twilight of the Ottoman empire, 1880–1922: Winston Churchill and the Ottoman empire". Heritage Turkey 3 (1 de diciembre de 2013): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18866/biaa2015.063.

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17

Kerr, Stewart y Ian Germani. "Ottoman Decline: Military Adaptation in the Ottoman Empire, 1683-1699." Journal of Student Research 7, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2018): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v7i2.503.

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The Siege of Vienna in 1683 by the Ottoman army marks a key shift in the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire. The power of the Ottomans had continuously risen since 1453 but the defeat of the Ottoman army at Vienna marked the beginning of Ottoman decline in military and geographical power. The years following the siege forced the Ottomans to fight a united alliance of Austrian, Venician, and Polish armies from Europe. This article follows the events from the siege of Vienna through to the year 1699, when the war following the siege, finally came to an end with the Ottomans seceeding land to all three of its European opponents. By tracing the academic debate on what impacted the Ottoman defeat the most, the article explores the different theories behind why the Ottomans were defeat and what were the causes for the shift in power away from the Ottoman Empire toward the countries in Europe.

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18

ELDEM, EDHEM. "Ottoman financial integration with Europe: foreign loans, the Ottoman Bank and the Ottoman public debt". European Review 13, n.º 3 (julio de 2005): 431–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000554.

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Between 1854 and 1881, the Ottoman Empire went through one of the most critical phases of the history of its relations with European powers. Beginning with the first foreign loan contracted in 1854, this process was initially dominated by a modest level of indebtedness, coupled with sporadic and inconsequential attempts by western powers to impose some control over the viability of the operation. From 1863 on, a second and much more intense phase began, which eventually led to a snowballing effect of accumulated debts. The formal bankruptcy of the Empire in 1875 resulted in the collapse of the entire system in one of the most spectacular financial crashes of the period. It was only six years later, in 1881, that a solution was found in the establishment of the Ottoman Public Debt Administration that would control a large portion of state revenues. The new system restored the financial stability of the Empire, but profoundly modified its rapports de force with Europe by imposing on it a form of foreign control that would have been unthinkable only ten or twenty years earlier. While bringing a much-needed stability to the flailing Ottoman financial situation and thus opening the way to economic development, the new system also radically changed the very nature of the process of integration, by introducing an imperialist dimension that had been lacking in the previous decades.

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19

Sonmez, Selami. "The glamor of the Ottoman Empire". International Journal of Academic Research 6, n.º 1 (30 de enero de 2014): 391–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7813/2075-4124.2014/6-1/b.53.

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20

Aksoy, Berrín. "Translation Activities in the Ottoman Empire". Meta 50, n.º 3 (2 de noviembre de 2005): 949–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011606ar.

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Abstract In the Ottomans, translation activities took place without much significance until the 18th century. Due to the dominance of religion and the closed society structure, mostly texts on Islamic civilization and arts from Arabic and Persian were translated in the form of commentaries, explanations and footnotes. The only contribution of translation then may be said to be the promotion of written Ottoman Turkish which was used in Anatolia as well as among the Court circles. With the beginning of Westernization efforts in the 18th and largely in the 19th centuries, translation activities gained momentum and proliferated in kind and quantity. A large amount of books from the West and the East in the fields of science, literature, arts, social sciences, etc. were translated during that time. Although these activities were disorganized and inconsistent, they still helped the development of similar sciences and Modern Turkish Literature which was to reach its peak in the Modern Turkish Republic established in the 20 th century.

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21

Murphey, Rhoads, M. Fuad Köprülü, Gary Leiser y M. Fuad Koprulu. "The Origins of the Ottoman Empire". Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, n.º 4 (octubre de 1993): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605820.

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22

Dever, Ayhan, Burkay Cevahircioğlu, Ezel Nur Korur y Burak Büyükgüllü. "Sports Lodges In The Ottoman Empire". International Journal of Anatolia Sport Sciences 3, n.º 2 (2018): 312–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5505/jiasscience.2018.99608.

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23

Ward, Seth. "The Jews of the Ottoman Empire". History: Reviews of New Books 24, n.º 4 (junio de 1996): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952537.

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24

Norton, Claire. "Debunking myths of the Ottoman empire". Holy Land Studies 4, n.º 1 (mayo de 2005): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.1.103.

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DEVER, Ayhan. "SPORTS LODGES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE". International Journal of Anatolia Sport Sciences 3, n.º 6 (1 de enero de 2018): 312–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22326/ijiasscience.39.

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26

AKGÜN, Seçil Karal. "Mormon Missionaries in the Ottoman Empire". Turcica 28 (1 de enero de 1996): 347–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/turc.28.0.2004350.

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27

PALA, Cenk. "The Agricultural Organization in Ottoman Empire". Ekonomik Yaklasim 7, n.º 21 (1996): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5455/ey.10229.

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28

Chalcraft, Tony. "The Ottoman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia". Reference Reviews 31, n.º 8 (16 de octubre de 2017): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr-09-2017-0188.

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29

Erdoğdu, Teyfur. "Provincial Elites in the Ottoman Empire". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 51, n.º 4 (2008): 680–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852008x354689.

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30

Karateke, Hakan T. "Historians of the Ottoman Empire: www.ottomanhistorians.com". Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 39, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2005): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400048094.

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Historians of the Ottoman Empire is an online encyclopedia project whose first articles were recently published. The project aims to provide comprehensive information on the lives and works of Ottoman historians, who spent most, or at least a significant part, of their lives as Ottoman subjects. All articles will be published online as a searchable database and will be available free of charge. Once published, the articles will be kept up-to-date through constant revisions.

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31

Cohen, Mark R. y Avigdor Levy. "The Sephardim in the Ottoman Empire". Jewish Quarterly Review 86, n.º 3/4 (enero de 1996): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454917.

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32

Schmidl, Petra G. "Astronomical Instruments in the Ottoman Empire". Journal for the History of Astronomy 51, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2020): 497–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828620943749.

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33

Tavim, José Alberto Rodrigues da Silva. "Sephardic Intermediaries in the Ottoman Empire". Oriente Moderno 93, n.º 2 (2013): 454–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340026.

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Abstract With this article we aim to reflect upon the possibilities of Jewish personalities of Iberian origin to act as intermediaries with the West while residents in the Ottoman Empire and subjects of the Sultan. Unlike spying, a field where D. Yosef Nasi (c. 1520-1579), one of such personalities, excelled before, at the service of Portuguese Authorities, the visibility and centrality of their activity as middlemen near the Sublime Porte and some Sephardi groups, made difficult for them to act in cover activities. Conversely, were they not acting in a precarious equilibrium as intermediaries as they remained always dependent of the sultans’ favour, being seen frequently in Europe as biased towards their masters and employers? The great alibi of these exponents of the Sephardi universe in Ottoman lands, men like D. Yosef Nasi and D. Salomon ibn Yaʿīš (1520-1603), resides precisely in the crystallisation of their western past in the Ottoman Empire—visible in a certain social and residential segregation from their communities of origin, despite having close ties with these—which enabled them to ease the fluidity of contacts between the West, from where they had come, and the Porte, their actual place of residence. Was not this western-ness kept strategically by them and supported by the sultans a “poisoned” mediation, that is, a pseudo-mediation whose ultimate end was their self-consecration as a different kind of zimmi near the Porte, and one hyper-active in its favour?

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34

Ianeva, Svetla. "Provincial Elites in the Ottoman Empire". Journal of Early Modern History 11, n.º 6 (2007): 549–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507783207408.

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35

Heck, Özge Girit. "Labelling the Ottoman Empire as ‘Turkey’ in the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893". International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 3, n.º 1 (28 de marzo de 2015): 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.487.

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Through an examination of government, media, and commercial sources published during the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893, this article demonstrates the co-existence of three dominant ideological movements that helped create a unified social identity for the Ottoman Empire against threats of nationalism and imperialism from the Great Western Powers, in specific, the United States, during the late nineteenth century. The three ideologies that found a representation at the World’s Fair were: Ottomanism, Islamism, and Turkism. Firsthand accounts of the Ottoman Empire through these three ideologies reveal American and Western nations’ political and cultural power and influence over the Ottoman Empire, which was made possible through the external labelling of the Ottoman Empire as ‘Turkey’, and its people as ‘Turkish’, as well as through the representation of the Ottoman Empire as a ‘Muslim state’. This article will also examine how American Orientalism was perpetuated at the fair, through juxtaposing the United States’ modern and democratic institutions visually and textually with the Ottoman Empire’s conservative and authoritarian ones.

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36

Yanık, Lerna K. "Bringing the Empire Back In: The Gradual Discovery of the Ottoman Empire in Turkish Foreign Policy". Die Welt des Islams 56, n.º 3-4 (28 de noviembre de 2016): 466–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p09.

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This article traces the emergence of references to the Ottoman Empire in the discourse and practice of Turkish foreign policy since the late 1940s. It argues that present-day emphasis on the Ottoman Empire and its legacy in Turkey has not happened in a vacuum, but rather has been a gradual process that has taken place over decades, helping to justify Turkey’s foreign policy. The article also shows that politicians from different sections of the political spectrum were crucial in reclaiming the Ottoman past in foreign policy. The consequences of this reclamation have been twofold. First, foreign policy, both in terms of practice and discourse, has become yet another venue, among many, for the continuous framing and reframing of Turkey’s past, paving the way for further Ottomanisation of the Turkish identity. Second, this Ottomanisation, or reclaiming of aspects that characterised the Ottoman Empire, has helped Turkey’s political actors justify and legitimise Turkey’s policies not only externally but, at times, also internally – as was the case in the 1990s, when some of these political actors tried to deal with Kurdish separatism by using the legacy of the Ottoman Empire.

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37

Mikhail, Alan y Christine M. Philliou. "The Ottoman Empire and the Imperial Turn". Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, n.º 4 (20 de septiembre de 2012): 721–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000394.

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AbstractAs a polity that existed for over six centuries and that ruled on three continents, the Ottoman Empire is perhaps both the easiest and hardest empire to compare in world history. It is somewhat paradoxical then that the Ottoman Empire has only recently become a focus of students of empires as historical phenomena. This approach to the Ottoman Empire as an empire has succeeded in generating an impressive profusion of scholarship. This article critically assesses this literature within the larger context of what we term the Imperial Turn to explain how comparative perspectives have been used to analyze the empire. In doing so, it sheds new light on some older historiographical questions about the dynamics of imperial rule, periodization, and political transformation, while at the same time opening up new avenues of inquiry and analysis about the role of various actors in the empire, the recent emphasis on the empire's early modern history, and the scholarly literature of comparative empires itself. Throughout, the authors speak both to Ottoman specialists and others interested in comparative imperial histories to offer a holistic picture of recent Ottoman historiography and to suggest many possible directions for future scholarship. Instead of accepting comparison for comparison's sake, the article offers a bold new vocabulary for rigorous comparative work on the Ottoman Empire and beyond.

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Can, Lâle y Aimee M. Genell. "On Empire and Exception". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2020): 468–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8747423.

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Abstract Were Ottoman autonomous provinces nation-states in the making or signs of a semicolonial and irredeemably weak empire? Or, were they evidence of alternative arrangements of imperial sovereignty? By taking a long view of Ottoman history and examining “exceptional” provinces such as the Khedivate of Egypt, the Sharifate of Mecca, and the mutasarrifiya of Mt. Lebanon, this reflection seeks to recast new and reorganized configurations of administrative power in the nineteenth century as part of a broad repertoire of Ottoman autonomy. In lieu of characterizing these territories as flawed or imperfect sovereignties, we question the utility of these terms and argue that arrangements often referred to as exceptions were normative and central to the empire's survival. Drawing on our work on international law, autonomy, pilgrimage, and migration, we consider how Egypt and the Hijaz—two provinces that are often treated as exceptionally exceptional—serve as productive sites to examine how Ottomans engaged with the international legal order and posed alternative visions of authority that informed not only the end of the empire but also its afterlife.

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Duran, Saltuk. "Transportation, Steamships and the Rise of Postal Protectionism in the Ottoman Empire under the Reign of Abdülaziz (r. 1861–1876)". DIYÂR 1, n.º 1 (2020): 84–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2020-1-84.

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This paper aims to examine the increasingly protectionist policies of the Ottoman government against the foreign steamship postal services operating between the imperial ports under the reign of Sultan Abdülaziz (r. 1861-1876). This remarkable phenomenon has both local and international dimensions. First of all, rising postal monopoly claims of the Ottoman government against the foreign postal services on its territory are the striking consequences of increasing autonomy of the local steamship networks in the Ottoman Empire. In other words, foreign postal services had lost their utility in the Empire as a result of the development of the local postal services. Nevertheless, the Ottoman Postal Administration under Abdülaziz manifested substantial deficiencies in relation to its services outside the Empire. By adopting protectionist policies, the Ottoman government aimed to eliminate financial and political threats to the Empire that were coming through foreign postal channels. Finally, at an international level, the protectionism of the Ottoman government was a local response to the globalisation of postal communications.

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40

Fleet, K. "Review: A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire * Sevket Pamuk: A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire". Journal of Islamic Studies 13, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2002): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/13.1.81.

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41

Woodhead, C. "Review: The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe * Daniel Goffman: The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe". Journal of Islamic Studies 15, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2004): 234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.2.234.

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42

Brummett, P. "Gender and Empire in Late Ottoman Istanbul: Caricature, Models of Empire, and the Case for Ottoman Exceptionalism". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2007): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2007-006.

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43

Emiralioğlu, Pınar. "The Ottoman Enlightenment: Geography and Politics in the Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Empire". Medieval History Journal 22, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2019): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945819897449.

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This article investigates the close relationship between geographical knowledge and imperial politics in the Ottoman Empire during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Through an analysis of an anonymous portolan chart from 1652 and geographical accounts of Katip Çelebi, Ebu Bekir b. Behram el-Dimaşki and Osman b. Abdülmennan, it examines the circulation of ‘geography’ and ‘geographical knowledge’ in the Ottoman Empire during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In doing so, it aims to integrate the Ottoman Empire into the recently developing historical treatment of Enlightenment as a response to cross-border interaction and global integration. According to the traditional understanding, Ottoman involvement with modern science and technology did not begin until the nineteenth century when the Ottoman state enacted a series of reforms in education, economy, and military. This article aims to challenge this traditional understanding and argues that Ottoman ruling elites and scholars did indeed participate in intellectual discussions and political developments of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The knowledge exchange between the Ottoman geographers and their European contemporaries during this period laid the foundations of what I call ‘the Ottoman Enlightenment.’ The works discussed in this article informed the Ottoman imperial court and literate urbanites of the changes in the spatial understanding of the world and of the universe while also helping them to reevaluate the role of the Ottoman Empire globally during a period typically regarded as the beginning of Ottoman decline.

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44

Öztan, Ramazan Hakkı. "POINT OF NO RETURN? PROSPECTS OF EMPIRE AFTER THE OTTOMAN DEFEAT IN THE BALKAN WARS (1912–13)". International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000940.

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AbstractIn late 1912, the Ottoman imperial armies suffered a series of quick defeats at the hands of the Balkan League, comprising Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro, resulting in significant territorial losses. The Ottoman defeat in the Balkan Wars (1912–13) often stands at the center of teleological accounts of a neat and linear transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. These teleological readings see the Ottoman defeat as a historical turning point when Ottoman elites turned nationalist, discovered Anatolia, and embraced the Turkish core. This article contends that such approaches frame late Ottoman history in anticipation of the later reality of nation-states, and overlook the messy and historically complex nature of the collapse of empire and the emergence of the nation-state. Although the defeat was certainly shocking for the Ottoman ruling elite, I argue that it initiated an era of debate rather than one of broad consensus. Similarly, the defeat neither marked the end of the Ottoman Empire nor heralded the coming of the Turkish Republic, but rather reinvigorated the Ottoman imperialist project.

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45

Quataert, Donald. "Labor History and the Ottoman Empire, c. 1700–1922". International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (octubre de 2001): 93–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790100446x.

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This article surveys the evolution of labor history writing as an increasingly vibrant subfield of Ottoman history. It addresses labor historians outside of Ottoman history and for their benefit traces why and how workers almost completely were left out of Ottoman historical writing until c. 1970. Thereafter, Ottoman historians have more frequently discussed workers and their histories. At first focusing on organized workers and their relations with the state, these writings then shifted to labor in action. Thus, Ottoman labor history writing paralleled, in many respects, that of other fields of history. More recently, attention has been given to non-guild, non-union labor—including women and children—and its activities in the workplace.

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46

Palabıyık, Mustafa Serdar. "International law for survival: teaching international law in the late Ottoman Empire (1859–1922)". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 78, n.º 2 (6 de noviembre de 2014): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x14001037.

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AbstractThis article analyses the teaching of international law in the late Ottoman Empire. It argues that the Ottomans were interested in teaching European international law to equip Ottoman bureaucrats with the skills necessary for evaluating and regulating the complex interrelation between the Ottoman Empire and the European states, to defend the vital interests of the Empire against European legal penetration via extraterritoriality, and to understand the legal basis of the European system of which the Empire had officially been accepted as a part by the European Great Powers since the conclusion of the Treaty of Paris in 1856. The article focuses on the courses, scholars and textbooks in the field of international law in the Ottoman Empire during three periods. The preliminary period (1859–76), witnessed the emergence of the first courses, scholars and literature on international law; in the Hamidian period (1876–1908) these courses were stabilized and systematized in line with higher education reforms in the Ottoman Empire; and finally, in the post-Hamidian period, the opening of new schools of law in the countryside and the reformation of existing schools allowed the teaching and literature of international law to flourish.

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47

Dumberry, Patrick. "Turkey's International Responsibility for Internationally Wrongful Acts Committed by the Ottoman Empire". Revue générale de droit 42, n.º 2 (15 de septiembre de 2014): 561–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1026907ar.

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This paper examines the legal consequences of the commission by the Ottoman Empire of internationally wrongful acts, including acts of genocide, against the Armenian population during World War I. Specifically, the present paper examines the following question: can the modern State of Turkey (which was only officially proclaimed in 1923) be held responsible, under international law, for internationally wrongful acts committed by the Ottoman Empire before its disintegration? This paper first briefly examines whether Turkey should be considered, under international law, as the "continuing" State of the Ottoman Empire or whether it should instead be deemed as a "new" State, We will show that Turkey is, in legal terms, "identical" to the Ottoman Empire and is therefore "continuing" the international legal personality of the Empire. This paper will then focus on the legal consequences arising from this conclusion of continuity. Our analysis of past case law and State practice shows that both in the context of secession and of cession of territory, the continuing State continues to be held responsible for its own internationally wrongful acts committed before the date of succession. Accordingly, Turkey should be held responsible for all internationally wrongful acts committed by the Ottoman Empire.

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48

Сквозников, Александр y Aleksandr Skvoznikov. "LEGAL STATUS NON-MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE XVI-XIX CENTURIES". Advances in Law Studies 4, n.º 2 (29 de junio de 2016): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/19638.

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The aim of the article is to investigate the legal status of non-Muslim communities in the Ottoman Empire. The author concluded that the sources of Islamic law, including the Koran and Islamic legal doctrine, formed the basis of the legal system of the Ottoman Empire, recognized the equality of people regardless of their racial, ethnic or religious affiliation. Non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire guaranteed the right to life, security of person and property, freedom of religion, freedom of economic activity, the right to judicial protection and protection against external enemies. However, the scope of rights and duties of citizens depend on their religious affiliation. The Ottoman Empire was essentially theocratic state, where Islam is the state religion and regularly held a dominant position among the other denominations. Served non-Muslim were somewhat limited in their rights: they could not come to the state, including military service, which does not allow us to talk about full equality of all subjects of the Ottoman Empire, regardless of religion.

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Toprak, Zafer. "Modernization and Commercialization in the Tanzimat Period: 1838-1875". New Perspectives on Turkey 7 (1992): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000492.

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The aim of the present study is to reconsider and reconstruct the economic history of the “decaying” Ottoman Empire during the Tanzimat period. Scores of scholars have already interpreted the decay in terms of imperial expansion. The decay paradigm is part of empire histories. Therefore, it is strongly imprinted with political discourse.Below, I will argue that the Ottoman case would be better understood if viewed within the context of a more dynamic process of change versus inertia rather than decay, and that such an approach to Ottoman economic and social history would be less tainted with political concerns.The ultra-nationalist approach to Ottoman economic history, has always blamed the 1838 Anglo-Ottoman Commercial Treaty for the “under-development” or “dependency” of the late Ottoman Empire. This scenario with a xenophobic hint and backed by Marxist as well as nationalist historiographies, finds the main scapegoat of modern Ottoman-Turkish economic history in the 1838 Treaty.

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50

Gaber, Tammy. "Incredible Ottoman Projects". American Journal of Islam and Society 31, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2014): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i4.1080.

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When the term Ottoman architecture is used, the immediate image that comesto mind is that of the multitudes of mosque and religious buildings in Turkeyand the Ottoman Empire. One with a more in-depth knowledge of this fieldmay think of the prolific architect Sinan (d. 1588) and his hundreds of purpose-built works. However, this is not another book on Ottoman mosquesand pious foundations, but rather a focused collection of the empire’s oftenoverlookedcivic works, some of which demonstrate engineering innovationsin design. The empire’s geographical proximity to Europe gradually causedit to look westward for aspiration and engendered a palpable reflection ofEuropean influence in those of its architectural and infrastructure designsthat were the result of commissioning European experts to keep Istanbul andthe empire abreast of the latest innovations.This book is divided into thirty-five short sections, ranging from two tofourteen pages each, that consider particular urban, architecture, or infrastructuralinitiatives. Each section bears the name of the project in question, whichis amply illustrated with historical drawings (i.e., maps, urban plans, perspectivesrendered in watercolor, sections, and structural details), historical photographs,and relevant textual documents. However, almost no attempt hasbeen made to connect them to each other or to a larger thesis. And despite theintroduction’s portrayal of a wealthy, powerful, and vast empire with imperialinvestment in built innovations to improve the city, no indication is given asto the variety and breadth of the projects to be covered.An in-depth history of each one’s initiation is outlined, often revolvingaround an enlightened Ottoman sultan or an equally enlightened and forwardthinkingEuropean architect, urban planner, or engineer with occasional internationalbacking. The majority of these projects were never completed due tosuch international crises as war, natural disasters (e.g., earthquakes), the lack ...

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