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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 19 de febrero de 2023

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1

Bull, Martin J. "The PDS, the Progressive Alliance and the Crisis." Modern Italy 1, no. 1 (1995): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949508454756.

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From the perspective of the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) and the left generally, the 1989-1994 period can be viewed as a political failure in as far as there was a right-wing outcome (albeit ephemeral) to Italy's transition. Yet, it is a failure which has to be viewed in the context of the deep undercurrents of change at work in Italy in this period and the constraints within which the PDS and its leader, Achille Occhetto, were operating

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2

Saresella, Daniela. "Christianity and Socialism in Italy in the Early Twentieth Century." Church History 84, no. 3 (September 2015): 585–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000517.

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Though a Catholic country, Italy has been distinguished by the presence of a deeply-rooted Socialist Party. At the beginning of the twentieth century, encouraged by the economic and social changes taking place as well as by a new and growing awareness, a number of Catholics decided to open up to a dialogue with the socialist world. Some, such as Don Murri, identified Turati's party as a possible political interlocutor, in the conviction that the programmes of the democratic Catholics and those of the left had many elements in common. Others sensitive to modernist issues, particularly in intell

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3

Drake, Richard. "Terrorism and the Decline of Italian Communism: Domestic and International Dimensions." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 2 (April 2010): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.2.110.

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This essay looks at two recent Italian books about the evolution of the Italian Communist Party (PCI). Drawing on archival materials, the books trace the conflict between the radicals and the reformers within the PCI's ranks, a conflict that gave way to violent splinter groups that regarded the PCI as too staid and conciliatory. As the far left took a violent turn in Italy in the late 1960s, it paved the way for the spasm of grisly far-left and far-right terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and early 1980s. The books lend weight to the view that the PCI, through its exaltation of Communist revoluti

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4

Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225562.

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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive tech

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5

Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225563.

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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive tech

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6

Chiarini, Rosalba. "The Government Contract between the League and the Five Star Movement in Italy:." Revista Euro latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 129–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rr.v1i2.55.

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The coalition government of Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte was born after the parliamentary elections of March 2018 as an outcome not of ideological proximity, but of rational choice, a strategic exchange between the two parties. The rightist League accepted some increase of the public expenditure requested by its populist partner, and the 5 Star movement accepted some limits to immigration flows, promoted by its xenophobic partner. The Italian political system, which since the 1990’s had been characterized by moderate pluri-partitism and a centripetal competition, after 2018 has suffered a pus

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7

Alekseenkova, E. S. "Transformation of Right-Wing Populism in Italy in 2018−2022: From Sovereignism to Patriotism." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S7 (December 2022): S667—S674. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622130123.

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Abstract The transformation of the discourse of right-wing populist parties in Italy from 2018 to 2022 is considered. Based on analysis of the discourse of the programs and electoral rhetoric of the parties the Brothers of Italy, the League, and Forward Italy, the author concludes that Italian right-wing populism is becoming more moderate, replacing the concepts of sovereignism with “patriotism and conservatism” and rejecting Euroscepticism. Although nationalism is still characteristic of the right-wing parties in Italy, it is changing: a legalist approach to migrants is gradually replacing th

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8

Fasone, Cristina. "Catalysing Marginalisation? The Effect of Populist Governments on the Legislative and Scrutiny Functions of the Italian Parliament." Parliamentary Affairs 74, no. 4 (June 7, 2021): 802–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab009.

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Abstract The article analyses whether and how the activity of populist governments in Italy has affected the performance of parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. The analysis covers the government of Five Star Movement (5SM) and the Lega as well as the coalition government made up of the 5SM, the Democratic Party and centre-left junior allies up to the COVID-19 outbreak. The article uses selected bills and decree-laws to investigate the impact on the legislative function, while question time sessions and committees of inquiry are examined as case studies on the scrutiny function. Th

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9

Fava, Terenzio. "Le elezioni comunali del 2016." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 77, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8540.

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Local elections held on June 2016 in Italy asked voters to appoint more than 1,300 among mayors and municipal councilors, some of them in big cities like Rome, Milan, Turin. This article aims at assessing who is the real winner of this election. At first sight, the Five Stars Movement won this election. Nevertheless, some doubts arise because of its limited coverage of the territories, internal conflicts and the lack of homogeneity of its electoral results at the local level. Among the losers, Forza Italia and minor parties like NCD and extreme-left parties are to be counted, while the Norther

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10

Hill, Dave. "Marxist education and teacher education against capitalism in neoliberal/ neoconservative/ neofascist/ times." Cadernos do GPOSSHE On-line 2, no. 1 (August 14, 2019): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33241/cadernosdogposshe.v2i1.1524.

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In this article I analyse global and national neoliberalisms- economic and social class war from above- neoconservatisms which are leading to and connected with NeoFascisms- with their scapegoating, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, heterophobia, militarism and the attacks on dissent- whether electoral, media, or from academics/ universities and workers’ organisations and actions. Six prime examples are Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Trump in the USA, Orban in Hungary, the Law and Justice government in Poland, and the racist government in Italy, in effect led by Salvini. Across Europe Far

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11

Maccaferri, Marzia. "Intellettuali italiani fra societŕ opulenta e democrazia del benessere: il caso de "Il Mulino" (1958-1968)." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 45–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001002.

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- By the 1950s the process of economic reconstruction in Italy was widely considered as accomplished with the welfare consumerist society starting to take hold, albeit not without its contradictions. Shifting the perspective of the analysis from the economic aspects to the socio-political ones of consumption, this essay seeks to reconstruct the debate that was developed by the group of intellectuals of the journal Il Mulino over the challenges posed by the transformation of lifestyles and culture as a consequence of the establishment of the so-called affluent society in the years spanning betw

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12

Mehring, Franz. "On Hauptmann's ‘The Weavers’ (1893)." New Theatre Quarterly 11, no. 42 (May 1995): 184–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00001202.

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Born in 1846, Franz Mehring as a young man was a follower of Ferdinand Lassalle, who in 1863 had organized Germany's first socialist party. As well as establishing a reputation as a journalist with his contributions to many liberal and democratic newspapers, Mehring was awarded his doctorate at Leipzig University in 1881 for his dissertation on the history and teachings of German social democracy. In his mid-forties he embraced Marxism and in 1891 joined the German Social Democratic Party, soon emerging as the intellectual leader of its left wing. He became editor of the Leipziger Volkszeitung

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13

Guizzi, Vincenzo. "Craxi’s Italy." Government and Opposition 20, no. 2 (April 1, 1985): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01076.x.

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IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and econ

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14

Warner, Carolyn M. "Christian Democracy in Italy." Party Politics 19, no. 2 (November 15, 2012): 256–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068812462934.

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This article argues that historical context can be a strong force for the origins of an ideologically and behaviourally moderate religious political party. It explores the origins of Italian Christian Democracy, following the trajectory of the Partito Popolare Italiano and Democrazia Cristiana in order to highlight a path to religious party moderation that excludes extremism and violence at all stages. That path includes the development of a moderate ideology prior to inclusion in the democratic system, influenced by efforts to reconcile Catholicism with democracy. Extremist alternatives are e

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15

Kınıklıog˘lu, Suat. "The Democratic Left Party: Kapikulu PoliticsPar Excellence." Turkish Studies 3, no. 1 (March 2002): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005696.

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16

Krason, Stephen M. "What the Democratic Party Has Become." Catholic Social Science Review 27 (2022): 189–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr2022272.

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This was one of SCSS President Stephen M. Krason’s “Neither Left nor Right, but Catholic” columns in The Wanderer in 2021. In it, he writes that the Democratic party has increasingly embraced the agenda of the left, been tolerant of violence by radical organizations, been willing to compromise the principle of the rule of law, and shown increasing intolerance of opposing perspectives and a tendency to political repression. This article is reprinted with permission.

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17

Gaunder, Alisa, and Sarah Wiliarty. "Conservative Women in Germany and Japan: Chancellors versus Madonnas." Politics & Gender 16, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000867.

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AbstractDespite many similarities between them, the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) have represented women in parliament at different rates. This article argues that differences in party organization, electoral system rules, and left party strength interact to explain the varying levels of representation of conservative women in parliament. The CDU's corporatist structure allowed it to represent diverse interests and successfully respond to challenges for female support from the left. As a result of a weaker left party challenge and a cla

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18

Gwiazda, Anna. "Party Patronage in Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 4 (September 8, 2008): 802–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408316534.

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Patronage is central to Polish party politics. The power of a governing party to appoint its supporters to positions in public and semi-public spheres will be examined in this paper. The two governments under investigation are: the center—left coalition government of the Democratic Left Alliance, the Labour Union, and the Polish Peasant Party formed in October 2001 and the center—right minority government of the Law and Justice party formed in October 2005. A significant extent of party patronage was expected in the case of the Democratic Left Alliance, which confirmed a dominant party thesis.

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19

Rybář, Marek, and Kevin Deegan-Krause. "Slovakia’s Communist successor parties in comparative perspective." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 17, 2008): 497–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.008.

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The contrast between Slovakia’s primary Communist successor party—the Party of the Democratic Left—and its own successor—Smer—offers considerable insight into the interaction between party ideology, organization and electoral success in post-Communist Europe. The Party of the Democratic Left and Smer offered relatively similar programmatic positions, but Smer managed to replace—and far outpace—its predecessor by offering a more charismatic public face, a smaller and more tightly centralized organization and an ideological flexibility that permitted it to take advantage of a shifting electoral

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20

Silvia, Stephen J. "Left behind: The social democratic party in Eastern Germany." West European Politics 16, no. 2 (April 1993): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389308424959.

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21

McClean, Ciaran. "Northern Ireland and the Democratic Left Party, 1989-1999." New Hibernia Review 7, no. 3 (2003): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2003.0064.

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22

Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (December 1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individ

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23

Hickson, Kevin, and Jasper Miles. "Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 4 (July 20, 2018): 864–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118787148.

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The referendum result of 2016 creates a timely opportunity to reappraise Euroscepticism in British politics. This article examines the Eurosceptic tradition within the Labour Party, specifically its moderate wing. During the referendum campaign, Euroscepticism within the Labour Party was presented as a temporary phenomenon limited to the ‘hard left’ of the Party in the early 1980s. However, this view neglects a much longer tradition of Euroscepticism on the moderate wing of the Labour Party dating back to the earliest post–Second World War attempts to foster European unity. This article seeks

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24

Lazar, Marc. "The French Left, François Mitterrand and the Socialist Party." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001077.

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Eric Duhamel, François Mitterrand. L'unité d'un homme (Paris: Flammarion, 1998), 260 pp., FF 104, ISBN 2-0807 29 40. Bruce D. Graham, Choice and Democratic Order: the French Socialist Party, 1937-1950 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 430 pp., ISBN 0-521-41402-4 hardback. Robert Ladrech and Philippe Marlière, eds., Social Democratic Parties in the European Union. History, Organization, Policies. (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999), 234 pp., ISBN 0-333-68940-2. Mairi Maclean, ed., The Mitterrand Years. Legacy and Evaluation (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), 336 pp., ISBN 0-333-67167-8. Jo

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Daly, Tom Gerald, and Brian Christopher Jones. "Parties versus democracy: Addressing today’s political party threats to democratic rule." International Journal of Constitutional Law 18, no. 2 (July 2020): 509–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moaa025.

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Abstract The growing threat to liberal democracy worldwide is, in many ways, a political party threat. Recent years have witnessed the rise of a range of authoritarian populist, illiberal, far-right, nativist, and extremist parties. Some have entered government in countries including Hungary, Poland, Austria, and Italy. Germany’s Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD) is now the main parliamentary opposition. Beyond Europe we see democratic structures threatened or incrementally dismantled through the subversion of an established democratic party by an outsider (e.g. Donald Trump in the United State

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Ward, Hugh, Lawrence Ezrow, and Han Dorussen. "Globalization, Party Positions, and the Median Voter." World Politics 63, no. 3 (July 2011): 509–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711100013x.

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The authors argue that the effects of economic globalization on social democratic parties in Western Europe are conditional on the position of the median voter. If the median is far enough to the right, such parties will adopt business-friendly policies because they are required to win office. Only when the median is relatively far to the left will globalization constrain social democratic parties, forcing them to adopt policies further to the right in order to retain credibility. It is on this basis the authors argue that empirical studies are misspecified unless they include an interaction b

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27

Ladrech, Robert. "The Party of European Socialists: Networking Europe's Social Democrats." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0007.

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Most discussions regarding the fate of the democratic left in Europe focus on individual parties in national political systems. Beyond this level, individual political figures have strode across the (West) European stage symbolizing the principles and values of social democracy; one thinks, for example, of Willy Brandt or Olaf Palme. By and large, though, when the health of the democratic left is assessed, it is done so by counting the number of parties in European governments. This “counting game” does not evaluate the ideological attraction of these parties, but rests solely on the outcomes

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28

Charalambous, Giorgos, and Iasonas Lamprianou. "The (non) particularities of West European radical left party supporters: comparing left party families." European Political Science Review 9, no. 3 (December 21, 2015): 375–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000429.

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So far little has been done to explore similarities and differences between radical left parties and other traditionally perceived party families of the left at the societal level. A noticeable gap thus remains in the study of the European radical left: whether and in what ways social divides form the basis of radical left party support. Using data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey (2008), for five West European countries, we investigate radical left party supporters’ socio-demographic and attitudinal characteristics, juxtaposing them with those of social democratic party sup

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29

Fofanova, Anna R. "United States Democratic Party and the 2020 Presidential Election: The Main Candidates, Topics and Features of the Election Rhetoric." REGIONOLOGY 27, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 398–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.107.027.201903.398-412.

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Introduction. The article is of relevance due to the beginning of the active phase of the race for the right to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for the 2020 United States presidential election. The range of issues, topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democrats will largely determine the outcome of the 2020 election and therefore will influence the subsequent development of the United States. The objective of the study is to analyze the political rhetoric of the major Democratic Party presidential candidates and the political trends among the ranks of the Democrats, taking

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McDonald, Michael D., Ian Budge, and Robin E. Best. "Electoral Majorities, Political Parties, and Collective Representation." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 9 (January 24, 2012): 1104–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011434008.

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In practice, democracies privilege plurality parties. Theories of the democratic process challenge the democratic credentials of this practice. Abstract social choice theory wonders whether an electoral majority even exists. A more optimistic line of argument, prominent in research on collective representation, assumes that the policy position of the median voter embodies the majority electoral preference. The conflict between what democracies actually do and what two leading theories of the democratic process say calls for a comparative inquiry into electoral majoritarianism. For each of a do

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Posner, Paul W. "Popular Representation and Political Dissatisfaction in Chile's New Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166227.

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The constraints imposed on Chile’s democratic transition by the military regime, plus the impact of structural reform and the political renovation of the dominant parties of the center and left, have made the traditional party allies of the popular sectors unable or unwiIIing to represent those constituents in the political arena. This argument is substantiated through an overview of pacted democratic transitions, an analysis of the evolution of party-base relations in Chile, and a consideration of the institutional impediments to further democratic reform.

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FORLENZA, ROSARIO. "A Party for the Mezzogiorno: The Christian Democratic Party, Agrarian Reform and the Government of Italy." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000263.

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AbstractIn the 1950s the Christian Democratic party turned its attention to agrarian reform projects and development funding for southern Italy. Its social and economic objectives were the destruction of latifundia, the creation of a class of small landowners, industrial and commercial development and the reduction of territorial inequalities. The ultimate goal, however, was political: to gain loyalty, allegiance and electoral consensus. To manage the economy and direct change, the party had to strengthen the organisation, form a ruling class, lay down territorial roots and widen the scope of

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Khan, Arif, Saiful Islam, and Muhammad Alam. "The role of political opposition: A pre-requisite for democracy." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, no. 1 (August 24, 2021): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.1.6.

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No doubt for a democracy to be triumphant, multi-party system or, at least two party systems is obligatory. A country where there is one party system and lack observant and efficient opposition there are every chances for the incumbent party to become autocratic and domineering. One party system is most of the times susceptible to transform into dictatorship. Most of the times where there is one party system, the opposition is stifled and trampled and the dictatorship of the single party is established. Germany during Hitler’s rule and Italy during Mussoloni rule are the cases in point. One ca

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Dahal, Kapilmani. "Parties' Polarization and their Impact on Democracy." Journal of Political Science 18 (June 29, 2018): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v18i0.20441.

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Political parties are the major agents of a political process. In the democratic system of governance, political parties are thought to be the inevitable factors. Political parties are said to be as the lubricant oil of democracy, engine of democracy, fuel of democracy, life line of democracy and energy of democracy in the democratic system. Democracy is the political system which is regulated and performed by the political parties. For the well functioning of a democratic system, the political parties should follow perform the democratic values and norms properly. All the parties but mainly t

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Mansbridge, Jane, and Stephen Macedo. "Populism and Democratic Theory." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (October 13, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042843.

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Commentators routinely describe “populism” as vague. Some argue that the early US populists, who coined the modern usage, were not populists. We disagree and identify this common conceptual core: the “people” in a moral battle against “elites.” The core definition fits all cases of populism: those on the left and right, those in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. In addition to this minimal common core, we identify strongly suggested and frequently correlated non-core characteristics. These include the people's homogeneity and exclusivity, direct rule, and nationalism, as well as a sing

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Van Dyck, Brandon. "External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2017.3.

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AbstractMany successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This article presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of successful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant leaders facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prev

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BERGER, STEFAN, and DARREN G. LILLEKER. "THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC DURING THE ERA OF NON-RECOGNITION, 1949–1973." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002443.

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The German Democratic Republic (GDR) became the focus of a recurrent and sometimes heated debate within the British Labour party before 1973. The official stance of the party followed an all-party consensus within parliament about the non-recognition of the second German state. Yet many on the left wing of the Labour party came, for various reasons, to perceive such an inflexible stance as governed not by reason but dictated by the West German government. Such ambivalence towards West Germany and the Adenauer government in particular led to ambiguities within the party's policy as a considerab

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38

Holmes, Michael. "Democratic Left: The Life and Death of an Irish Political Party." Irish Political Studies 27, no. 1 (February 2012): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.636192.

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Celep, Ödül. "The moderation of Turkey’s Kurdish left: the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP)." Turkish Studies 19, no. 5 (June 18, 2018): 723–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2018.1483195.

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Navia, Patricio, and Rodrigo Osorio. "It's the Christian Democrats' Fault: Declining Political Identification in Chile, 1957–2012." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 4 (December 2015): 815–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915001067.

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AbstractFor different reasons, identification with political parties has been on the decline everywhere. Using polling data, we show that political identification in Chile increased in times of polarization before 1973 and in the transition to democracy in 1990 and fell under democratic consolidation. The decline comes primarily from falling identification with the largest party, the centrist Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Assessing the determinants of party identification, we report that while in the 1960s the PDC had a wide appeal as it attracted voters identified with the left, centre an

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Kopeček, Lubomír. "Opoziční smlouvy „za kopečky“ II.: Byl pakt ČSSD a ODS z let 1998-2002 demokratickou deviací?" Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 284–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.4.284.

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This is the second part of a two–part paper, the first one having been published in the previous volume of this journal. After the 1998 general elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, the largest party, the Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), formed a minority government. The origin and existence of this government was enabled by an agreement with the second largest formation, the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). What was then known as the Opposition Agreement became the subject of considerable debate. The first part of the paper provided analysis of government practice in similar

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Shestov, Nikolay I. "The “left” future of Russia: Reflections of party theorists and the electorate." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 22, no. 2 (May 23, 2022): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2022-22-2-189-198.

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In their minds, subjects of democratic politics constantly form and optimize images of future changes in functioning of the state and society, use them as a tool in the struggle for political influence and leadership. The article provides a comparative analysis of how this creative process is going on within Russian civil society today, in the minds of ordinary citizens and party elites committed to left-wing political values. The author focuses on identifying differences in the results to which the work of party elites and ordinary citizens’ consciousness on the specific contours of the non-l

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Bentancur, Nicolás, and José Miguel Busquets. "The Governing Left in Uruguay (2005–2015): A Participatory Democratic Experiment." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 1 (October 29, 2018): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18807488.

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An account of the first 10 years of government of a leftist party in Uruguay—the Frente Amplio—focusing on a mode of designing public policies that prioritized participation by civil society organizations suggests that this strategy distinguishes it from the preceding traditional party administrations and challenges the “liberal-democratic” label assigned to it by some of the high-profile specialized literature. Este análisis de los primeros diez años de gobierno de un partido de izquierda—el Frente Amplio—en Uruguay, hace foco en una modalidad de construcción de las políticas públicas que inc

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Jones, Rhian E. "Levelling up versus democratic localism." Soundings 80, no. 80 (May 1, 2022): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.02.2022.

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The Johnson government's pledge to 'level up' in response to regional inequality has been derided for its continuing lack of political substance. Responses from the Labour Party leadership have tended to ignore the development in several parts of the UK of approaches focusing on democratic localism or 'community wealth building', in which local leaders, groups and communities in neglected or 'left behind' areas are not only achieving central aspects of what 'levelling up' promises, but doing so with more progressive principles and intentions than those that underpin the Tory-led project. The o

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Saito, Jun. "Infrastructure as the Magnet of Power: Explaining Why Japanese Legislators Left and Returned to the LDP." Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (December 2009): 467–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006743.

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By examining party-switching decisions among members of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), this article shows how distributive policy programs exclusively available to the governing party attract incumbents to the party in power. In a stable electoral environment where the government party is likely to stay in power, legislators elected from infrastructure-poor constituencies are effectively tied to the party. However, when the party's electoral prospects are uncertain, legislators behave more sincerely and switch parties to match their policy preferences. It is also found that defectors

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Damiani, Marco, and Marino De Luca. "From the Communist Party to the Front de gauche. The French radical left from 1989 to 2014." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 4 (October 6, 2016): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.001.

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This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a

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Fiorino, Nadia, and Umberto Triacca. "Government Spending and Coalition Parties in Italy (1960–1993): A Cointegration-Based Approach." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2003): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569203x15668905422054.

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Abstract This note attempts to test the relation between the parties that take part in coalition governments and specific spending programs in Italy from 1960 to 1993. In doing so, we: 1) build a voting power index to describe the relative position of political parties in government and 2) analyze the long-term relationship between expenditure by functions and political parties. Data indicate that the Christian Democratic party was the leading party. It adopted long run policies; nevertheless, it did not refer to specific items of public expenditure. T h e three smaller parties (the Liberal, t

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Hough, Dan, and Michael Koß. "Populism Personified or Reinvigorated Reformers? The German Left Party in 2009 and Beyond." German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270206.

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Despite its recent electoral successes, the Left Party's position in the German party system is more fragile that it may at first appear. The Left Party gained support in 2005 largely on account of dissatisfaction with other parties and not because masses of voters were flocking to its (nominally socialist) cause. Not even a majority from within its own supporter base thought it possessed "significant problem solving competences." Rather, much of the Left Party's political discourse is based on negative dismissals of much that it sees—in policy terms—before it. We discuss the Left Party's poli

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Gianfreda, Stella. "Politicization of the refugee crisis?: a content analysis of parliamentary debates in Italy, the UK, and the EU." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.20.

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This paper draws on the literature on party competition and issue ownership to assess whether political membership on the right-left dimension explains party stances on migration. While some scholars argue that on this issue a clear distinction between left and right exists, some more recent quantitative and fine-grained analyses show a more nuanced picture. According to them, a clear difference in narratives exists only when the salience of the issue is high, under pressure of the electoral success of a far-right party or about specific policy issues. This paper further investigates this aspe

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BELL, JONATHAN. "SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE RISE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN CALIFORNIA, 1950–1964." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005309.

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In the 1950s the Democratic Party in California grew from a struggling, rump organization into the major political party in the state. This was in large part due to the activities of a network of liberal activists in the California Democratic Council, a group formed in 1953 to encourage the creation of local Democratic ‘clubs’ across California in which those interested in left-of-centre politics could debate issues of the day and campaign for Democratic candidates in elections. This article argues that the rise of the Democrats in the Golden State was predicated on the espousal by both amateu

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