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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Passive resistance – serbia – kosovo"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024
Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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1

Ademi, Haxhi, and Oktaj Hasani. "Kosovo – From Occupation to Liberation: a Historical Perspective From the Balkan Wars 1912/13 to the War of Kosovo 1998/99." Eminak, no. 4(48) (January 10, 2025): 211–30. https://doi.org/10.33782/eminak2024.4(48).760.

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The purpose of the research paper is to study examines Kosovo’s political, economic, social and cultural developments under Serbian occupation from 1912-1913 to 1998-1999. The scientific novelty. The paper highlights the key factors that led Kosovo Albanians to initiate armed resistance during the period 1998-1999, demonstrates that this conflict was a consequence of systematic discrimination against Albanians. It’s will enable to better understand the historical trajectory of Kosovo from its occupation in 1912-1913, to its eventual liberation in 1999. Conclusions. The London Conference of 191
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2

Surlić, Stefan, and Andrijana Lazarević. "Embracing change? Assessing the impact of Generation Z in Serbia on Kosovo issue." Političke perspektive 14, no. 2 (2024): 85–102. https://doi.org/10.20901/pp.14.2.04.

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This paper explores the perspectives of Generation Z in Serbia on the ongoing issue of Kosovo, a topic central to understanding future regional dynamics amid efforts towards normalization and reconciliation. Despite growing up in a post-conflict era, Generation Z remains influenced by historical ethnic and political tensions, particularly around national identity. The key research question addressed is: How does Generation Z in Serbia perceive and influence the Kosovo issue? To explore this, we employed a qualitative approach, conducting eight focus groups and ten in-depth interviews with Serb
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3

Mujika Chao, Itziar. "Women’s Activism in the Civil Resistance Movement in Kosovo (1989–1997): Characteristics, Development, Encounters." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (2020): 843–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.73.

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AbstractThis article analyzes women’s socio-political participation and activism within the nonviolent civil resistance movement in prewar Kosovo between 1989 and 1997, as well as the movement’s gender dynamics. This Albanian-led resistance movement emerged during the early 1990s with the principal goal of building a parallel state, seeking independence from Serbia, and offering means of survival for the population. This project required the participation of all Albanian citizens, and although the participation of women was massive, this has gone largely unrecognized. This article will explore
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4

Mujika, Chao Itziar. "'Women's activism in the civil resistance movement in Kosovo (1989-1997): characteristics, development, encounters'." Nationalities Papers Journal of Ethnicity and Nationalisms 48, no. 5 (2020): 843–60. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.73.

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This article analyzes women’s socio-political participation and activism within the nonviolent civil resistance movement in prewar Kosovo between 1989 and 1997, as well as the movement’s gender dynamics. This Albanian-led resistance movement emerged during the early 1990s with the principal goal of building a parallel state, seeking independence from Serbia, and offering means of survival for the population. This project required the participation of all Albanian citizens, and although the participation of women was massive, this has gone largely unrecognized. This article will exp
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5

Milačić, Filip. "Democratic Backsliding Through Legislative Capture in Serbia: A One-Man Show." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 712, no. 1 (2024): 47–60. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162251316346.

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Serbia’s democracy has been in a state of continuous erosion since the Serbian Progressive Party and Aleksandar Vučić came to power in 2012. Vučić exploited his popularity as a self-proclaimed defender of the Serbian nation to gain full control of the party and initiate democratic backsliding through “legislative capture.” Vučić’s capture of the parliament and its appointment powers made possible a subsequent capture of many democratic institutions. The rest, mindful of Vučić’s broad electoral appeal, deferred to the executive. Challenges to Serbia’s democratic backsliding were attempted throu
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6

Djurdjevic, Nenad. "Steps toward the establishment of dialogue in Kosovo: Experiences of the Center for non-violent resistance." Temida 7, no. 4 (2004): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0404067d.

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The beginning of the initiative of acquainting and rapprochement of the two sides - the Serbs and the Albanians - began by the end of 2001 in Vienna, at the initiative of the United States Peace Institute (USPI). The distinctive feature of the meeting was a high degree of mistrust and distance among the participants. The participants were the representatives of political parties from Serbia and Kosovo. There were no representatives of the local Serbs. The cooperation continued through a series of meetings that were organized on the level of the civil society, because it was assumed that the ci
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7

Hashani, Ylli. "The Resistance of the Albanian people against violent displacements during the years 1918-1941." Historijski pogledi 8, no. 13 (2025): 123–43. https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2025.8.13.123.

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This paper aims to elucidate the resistance of the Albanian people against the violent measures undertaken by Serbian political circles towards the Albanian population in Kosovo since the reoccupation of Kosovo by Serbian authority in 1918 and throughout the years leading up to the beginning of the Second World War. The reoccupation of Kosovo was accompanied by the reinstatement of military, civil, and administrative authority, and immediately initiated a policy that had been left unfinished from the Balkan Wars, which was based on the doctrine of ethnic cleansing. This policy had been inherit
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8

Krasniqi, Elife. "Same Goal, Different Paths, Different Class: Women’s Feminist Political Engagements in Kosovo from the Mid-1970s until the Mid-1990s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 2-3 (2021): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0014.

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Abstract The year 1989, when Serbia revoked Kosovo’s autonomy, was a break that changed also the course of women’s political engagements. Women had always to negotiate and strategise with different layers of power and against different forms of oppression—state and patriarchal oppression and cultural racism as well as class oppression. The author highlights the convergences and divergences of women’s political activism in the political dynamics of late socialism and then in the 1990s in Kosovo. She looks at gender, class and national dimensions of women’s political engagements with a focus on
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9

Novković, Nenad. "Political discourse on Serbia in the media reporting of the selected western countries." Nacionalni interes 50, no. 1 (2025): 191–220. https://doi.org/10.5937/nint50-54496.

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The paper presents the results of research on the discourse on Serbia in selected Western media since the beginning of the military operation in Ukraine. The conducted research included the analysis of the original content of articles published on the Bild, BBC, and The New York Times websites, showing that the current discourse on Serbia was mostly established in the 1990s, during the Balkan conflicts, when the previous, positive image of the country as part of the SFR Yugoslavia was replaced by a negative one, awakening earlier references to the entire Balkan region. Historically, the West h
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10

Bobic, Mirjana. "Acceleration of modernization of marriage as a condition to the rehabilitation of procreation in Serbia." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 131 (2010): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1031431b.

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The first part of the paper shows that Serbia (excluding Kosovo and Metohia), like other Former Yugoslav states, still has not entered 'the second demographic transition', even though the decline of the universality of marriage has been registered. Instead of behavioral shift towards postmodern, individualised types and forms of unions, the population of contemporary Serbia resorts to the strategy of passive adaptation to persisting structural barriers, which, in the aggregate, are manifested through: the postponement of marriage and ageing of fertility, practical absence of serial monogamies
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11

Vukadinović, Igor. "Mass demonstrattions and the fall of Vojvodina regime in 1988." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 377–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26944.

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The main cause of demonstrations was Vojvodina leadership's persistent refusal to accept changes to the Constitution that would confirm the sovereignty of Serbia in its autonomous provinces. After Slobodan Milosevic rose to power, the Serbian authorities developed two different policies regarding autonomous provinces. In case of Vojvodina, the main emphasis was on using the lack of democratic capacity and legitimacy of the leadership in Vojvodina, while leadership of Kosovo was the subject of party pressure through the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. Leadership of Vojvodina, which has been
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12

Ilić, Nataša. "Proposal of a national strategy for combating corruption by forming an anti-corruption team." Crimen 14, no. 2 (2023): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/crimen2302170i.

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The security crisis, in a broader sense, which is noticeable on a national, regional and planetary level, is an incentive for science to highlight problems and generate proposals for establishing balance in society. The challenges facing the Republic of Serbia will not be eliminated by the passive attitude of the state in the face of the ramifications of socially dangerous phenomena. In this direction, one of the most destructive destructive phenomena is corruption. Qualified as a serious crime, corruption causes the breakdown of society, intolerance towards eradication, creating resistance to
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13

Krsmanović, Slobodan, Kristina Petrović, Boško Dedić, et al. "Defense responses of sunflower plants to the fungal pathogen attack." Biljni lekar 48, no. 5 (2020): 510–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/biljlek2005510k.

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Sunflower plants show pronounced allelopathic traits and represent a suitable base for potential scientific research work. Understanding and exploiting precisely of that potential could greatly reduce the use of chemical products for plant protection that are intensively used in the production technology of this crop. Today, a big effort is made in sunflower breeding in order to produce the resistance to the economically most important pathogens, which are in most cases phytopathogenic fungi and parasitic weeds such as broomrape. Since sunflower is an increasingly popular crop within farmer fi
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14

Costanza, Salvatore. "The serbs and the war against the Turks in the letters of Francesco Filelfo." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 59 (2022): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259185c.

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Francesco Filelfo (Tolentino 1398 ? Florence 1481) was one of the humanists to gain a thorough knowledge of Greek in Constantinople, where he lived in the 1420s. The young learned man was integrated into the Byzantine establishment. In particular, the heir and joint emperor John VIII Palaiologos appointed him as his personal secretary. On behalf of John, Filelfo attended the international congress in Buda in 1423; he met personally with the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, Despot of Serbia Stefan Lazarevic and other European leaders. He also went to Kovin on his return to Constantinople. In his L
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15

Lampe, John R. "Introduction." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201001.

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Read back from the 1990s, the scenario of a Greater Serbian agenda based in Belgrade and using Yugoslavia as a means to that end continues to tempt Western scholarship. Serbian exceptionalism thereby doomed both Yugoslavias. This special issue of East Central Europe addresses connections between Belgrade, Serbia, and Yugoslavia promoting contradictions that belie this simple scenario. Focusing on the first Yugoslavia, these six articles by younger Belgrade historians critically examine a series of disjunctures between the capital city and the rest of Serbia as well as Yugoslavia that undercut
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16

Zarković, Vesna. "The fandas in the Prizren and the Peć Sanjaks 1905-1908." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 1 (2022): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-37156.

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Albanian Roman Catholics, fandas, were settled in the Prizren and the Peć Sanjaks and in the area around Đakovica. Over time, their number increased with newcomers from the north of today's Albania and with high birth rates. In the areas where they were inhabited, they acted in an organized manner and, together with the Muslim Albanians, attacked the Serb population. They committed daily atrocities against the Serbs, who were forced to abandon or undersell their properties; they sought salvation outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire. The actions of the fandas, organized into groups, were w
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17

Mustafë Mustafa, Liburn. "THE EDUCATIONAL POLICIES OF THE SERBIAN STATE TO THE ALBANIAN MINORITY IN SERBIA." Knowledge International Journal 32, no. 1 (2019): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201129m.

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The right to be educated in mother tongue is considered among the most important human rights in the contemporary world. Such a right is guaranteed to the all world communities in spite of the state and international rights, regardless of the location, extent, and size of the community. Every state is obliged to respect and make possible the realization of the rights to be educated in their language to every minority within it, because the right to education in mother tongue is now considered a crucial tool for preserving and strengthening the cultural and ethnic identity, and vice versa, the
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18

Starčević, Srđan, and Srđan Blagojević. "The military service as part of the social ideal in Serbia." Srpska politička misao 80, no. 2 (2023): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44254.

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Compulsory conscription in Serbia was established in the 19th century, and the military as a social institution rapidly became an indispensable part of the socialization process of citizens. It remained so until 2011, which lent credibility to the strategic considerations of deterrence and total defense of that time. The return of war to European soil actualizes the issue of society's readiness for defense in many European countries. Serbian society has changed significantly in the two previous decades, becoming largely described by Bauman's fluid modernity, and the capacity of citizens for ar
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19

Vujanović, Jelena, and Milena Pešić. "The Battle of Košare 25 years later: Media and political narratives in Serbia." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti, no. 00 (2025): 2. https://doi.org/10.5937/pnb30-58223.

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The Battle of Košare was fought in 1999 on the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Albania. Although many young lives were lost in this battle, it was precisely this that prevented the deeper penetration of the terrorist KLA, supported by the regular Albanian army and NATO, into Kosovo and Metohija. But, as is often the case, military events are one thing, political implications are another, and media and political narratives about the events themselves are something else. Was this battle "the heavenly guard of a free Serbia" or "a sacrificed youth," a heroic feat to be remem
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20

Zarković, Vesna. "Visit of King Peter I Karađorđević to Constantinople in 1910." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, no. 1 (2023): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-41161.

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The visit of King Petar I Karađorđević to the Turkish sultan is one of the eight visits in modern Serbian history. Seven meetings of Serbian rulers with sultans took place in Constantinople, except for one that took place in Bulgaria. In the visits made before 1878, the Serbian rulers went as vassals. The meeting between the Serbian king and Sultan Mehmed V Rešad in 1910 was the third in a row since Serbia became an independent state. King Petar I Karađorđević spent the second half of March and the first half of April 1910 travelling. First, he visited Russia, then Constantinople, Mount Athos,
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21

Gorcsa, Oszkár. "Az „albán golgota”." Belvedere Meridionale 37, no. 2 (2025): 37–56. https://doi.org/10.14232/belv.2025.2.3.

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By the end of 1915, as a consequence of the successful multi-front offensive of the Central Powers, Serbia was on the verge of collapse. Despite avoiding the enemy’s constant attempts of encirclement, the Serbs had to give up a large part of their country. The only hope of salvation for the beleaguered Serbian army was to break through the enemy front, but the Central Powers prevented all endeavours to do so. The last hope of resistance for the Serbian army was lost in the Battle of Kosovo at the end of November 1915. Nevertheless, instead of capitulating, the Serbian army retreated into the m
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22

"Diplomatic Victory of the Kosovo Liberation Army." American Journal of History and Culture, 2021, 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.28933/ajhc-2021-06-1606.

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In the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Serbian nationalism played a crucial role with the project of creating a greater Serbia, using military violence to achieve the goal of this project. The northern republics such as Slovenes, Croats and Kosovo Albanians had the strongest reaction against this project, since after the first pluralist elections in Yugoslavia, political parties seeking independence from Belgrade came to the helm of these republics. The actions of national movements of the Slovenians, Croats, Bosnians, Kosovo Albanians, Macedonians and Montenegrins for independence, have been a rea
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23

Ivan, Nikolic PhD. "Influence of the Serbian Orthodox Church on Political and Nationalist Climate in Kosovo." January 6, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8062108.

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The Serbian-Kosovo crisis is a complex and multifaceted conflict that has its roots in centuries of history. Religion has played a significant role in the conflict, both as a source of identity and as a catalyst for violence. The majority of Kosovo Albanians are Muslim, while the majority of Kosovo Serbs are Orthodox Christian. These religious differences have been used to justify discrimination and violence against both communities. For example, during the 1998-1999 war, Serbian forces destroyed or damaged hundreds of mosques and other Muslim religious sites. In recent years, there have been
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24

"Along the Borderlines: Resistance and Collaboration as Transnational Movements in the Region of Sandžak and Kosovo, 1941-1944." Revista de Historia Jerónimo Zurita, no. 100 (December 23, 2022): 141–65. https://doi.org/10.36707/zurita.v0i100.518.

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Tras la campaña de Hitler y Mussolini en los Balcanes en abril de 1941, surgieron diversos movimientos de resistencia en los territorios fronterizos de Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia, Croacia, Albania, Bulgaria y Macedonia. Aunque se basaban en ideologías diferentes, una característica de estos movimientos seguía siendo la misma: a menudo estaban formados por combatientes transnacionales que actuaban de forma transfronteriza. Pero también surgieron movimientos de colaboración, que también presentaban rasgos transnacionales. Los ocupantes, los colaboradores y los resistentes se enfrentaron, por tan
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25

"The Mirror Reflection of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine in The Western Balkans: Opening New Conflicts as a Distraction." Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 6, no. 3 (2023): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-6.3-a000317.

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Background: The Western Balkan region has long struggled under extensive pressure and influence from Russia and the West. World developments have occasionally echoed tensions among nations in the region, including a prolonged EU and NATO membership process, which has increased the possibility of Russia’s influence, especially after the aggression in Ukraine. This article analyses the increase in Russia – Ukraine tensions and its direct correlation with the increase of tensions in the Western Balkans through hybrid war methods understood through Zhyhlei and Syvak’s definition: “a fragmentary an
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