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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Political Arena"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 4 de febrero de 2022

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1

VANBERG, VIKTOR J. "Market and state: the perspective of constitutional political economy". Journal of Institutional Economics 1, n.º 1 (27 de mayo de 2005): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137405000032.

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The paper approaches the ‘market versus state’ issue from the perspective of constitutional political economy, a research program that has been advanced as a principal alternative to traditional welfare economics and its perspective on the relation between market and state. Constitutional political economy looks at market and state as different kinds of social arenas in which people may realize mutual gains from voluntary exchange and cooperation. The working properties of these arenas depend on their respective constitutions, i.e. the rules of the game that define the constraints under which individuals are allowed, in either arena, to pursue their interests. It is argued that ‘improving’ markets means to adopt and to maintain an economic constitution that enhances consumer sovereignty, and that ‘improvement’ in the political arena means to adopt and to maintain constitutional rules that enhance citizen sovereignty.

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2

Holyoke, Thomas T., Heath Brown y Jeffrey R. Henig. "Shopping in the Political Arena". State and Local Government Review 44, n.º 1 (20 de marzo de 2012): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x11428620.

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3

Swales, John D. "Hypertension in the Political Arena". Hypertension 35, n.º 6 (junio de 2000): 1179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/01.hyp.35.6.1179.

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4

Tivey, Leonard. "Constitutionalism and the Political Arena". Political Quarterly 70, n.º 2 (abril de 1999): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00219.

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5

Mintzberg, Henry. "THE ORGANIZATION AS POLITICAL ARENA". Journal of Management Studies 22, n.º 2 (marzo de 1985): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6486.1985.tb00069.x.

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6

Duyvendak, Jan Willem y Trudi Nederland. "Pati�nten in de politieke arena / Patients in the Political Arena". Sociologie 2, n.º 2 (junio de 2006): 178–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1347/sogi.2.2.178.

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7

Navot, Suzie. "Fighting Terrorism in the Political Arena". Party Politics 14, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2008): 745–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808093409.

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8

Craven, Rebecca. "Animal experiments in the political arena". Trends in Pharmacological Sciences 22, n.º 5 (mayo de 2001): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0165-6147(00)01723-5.

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9

Doherty, David. "Perceived Motives in the Political Arena". American Politics Research 43, n.º 3 (28 de noviembre de 2014): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x14557273.

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10

Lima, Flavia Danielle Santiago. "PROTECTING POLITICAL RIGHTS OR INTERFERING IN THE POLITICAL ARENA?" HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 164–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i2.24.

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The interactions between legal and political system has been strengthened in recent years, especially through judicial review, with the transference to Courts of themes that define and divide a political system. In brazilian case, in the absence of legislative deliberation some of these discussions are forwarded Brazilian courts, who gave controversial decisions about “mega politics”. So, the research´s question “” is the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court (re) building electoral legislation, as a manifestation of judicial activism, interfering in mega politics?The study starts from a theoretical approach, with the deductive method, combined with a qualitative case analysis about courts´s decisions regarding party loyalty, coalition verticalizations, threshold clauses and the rights of legislative minorities, and political donations. Therefore, the research is supported by a bibliographical and documentary survey. Based on the methodological approach of Judicial Politcs, the legal protection of fundamental political rights and the structure of the Brazilian strong judicial system are described (Normative Theory), and evaluated the motivations of legal decisions, taking into account judicialization as exercise of a political activity (Positive Theory).

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11

Oleskog Tryggvason, Per. "How Mediated Opinion Polls Influence Political Parties: Revisiting the Arena Framework". International Journal of Public Opinion Research 32, n.º 2 (23 de julio de 2019): 243–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edz021.

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Abstract One key question in research on the mediatization of politics concerns how political actors are influenced by the news media. Using a unique dataset of more than 2,400 Swedish politicians, this study bridges two literatures—the arena framework of strategic party behavior, and research on elite perceptions of media power—by investigating how politicians assess the influence of mediás publication of opinion polls. The results show that published opinion polls are seen as highly influential, but that perceptions of influence vary between the internal, electoral, media, and parliamentary arenas on which political parties act. Furthermore, on the electoral and media arena, the perceived influence of published opinion polls is found to be a function of how the politician’s party has performed on the polls. More specifically, politicians who believe their party to have either increased or decreased their poll support since the previous election deem polls as more influential compared to politicians who perceive that their party has not moved in the polls.

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12

Moshe, Mira. "Dissonant political discourse". Journal of Language and Politics 9, n.º 2 (15 de julio de 2010): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.2.01mos.

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This study develops and illustrates the notion of dissonant political discourse. The discourse of dissonance is to be found wherever there is public debate on controversial topics or on topics requiring a decision, notably in the political arena. Discourse of this kind is characterized by arguments demonstrating both how hard and how necessary it is to face up to any decision that will put the decision maker in an inconsistent position. Findings confirm that voices heard in the arena of political discourse make use of dissonant argument when experiencing difficulties in justifying decisions. Ironically, it is precisely the evidence of difficulties encountered by the speakers that shows how continuation of the joint debate is ensured

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13

Karlsson, Martin y Joachim Åström. "The political blog space: A new arena for political representation?" New Media & Society 18, n.º 3 (29 de julio de 2014): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444814543990.

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14

Chiu Amparán, Aquiles. "Public discourse framesin 68 ́s political arena". polis 14, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2018): 61–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24275/uam/izt/dcsh/polis/2018v14n1/chiu.

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15

Maurin, Judith T. "Research utilization in the social-political arena". Applied Nursing Research 3, n.º 2 (mayo de 1990): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0897-1897(05)80157-0.

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16

Cickaric, Lilijana. "Women in political arena: Insiders or outsiders?" Sociologija 51, n.º 4 (2009): 423–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0904423c.

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This article focuses on two questions. Why are women underrepresented in democratic institutions and what are the barriers for their larger inclusion in political arena? Problems are analyzed from global perspective. Structural, cultural and political barriers are elaborated. The gender sensitive concept of representative democracy demonstrates legitimacy and difference in political processes. The hegemonic form of masculinity in all state institutions and procedures, in the election system, political culture and media, influences the exclusion of women on all levels of representation. Different theoretical concepts about gender representation in politics are analyzed. The author stresses greater influence of political factors - political culture, type of electoral system, party competitiveness, ideological differences, number of candidates, party and district magnitude, quota system - on women's representation in parliaments. The state of the art in representative bodies and in decision-making processes on the global level are analyzed in the third section of the article.

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17

Eglin, Laura Cesarco. "The Real Political Arena: Juana Bignozzi’s Poetry". Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 24, n.º 1 (2020): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcs.2020.0014.

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18

Figee, Edward L., Jordy F. Gosselt, Paul Linders y Menno DT De Jong. "Regional public affairs activities in The Netherlands: How to gain ground in the national and European arena". European Urban and Regional Studies 25, n.º 1 (7 de noviembre de 2016): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776416674061.

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The role of regional authorities is undeniably increasing in Europe. Due to increasing regionalism efforts within European Union (EU) member states and to the fact that EU legislation is affecting subnational authorities more and more directly, these authorities are not only striving for influence in the national arena, but in the European arena as well. The primary task of a public affairs (PA) practitioner working for a regional government in the EU is placing regional interests on national and European political agendas. However, since regional PA is a rather young discipline, opposite to PA in the private sector and in national government, much is unknown about the way regional PA practitioners are operating in the national and European political arenas, and how these arenas are receiving the subnational PA practitioners. In this study, 41 Dutch PA practitioners and PA receivers were interviewed about their opinions on and experiences with regional PA in both arenas: What are the relevant characteristics of these arenas for regional PA activities, and how are regional PA practitioners managing arena characteristics? The results show that at the national level, it is a struggle to find recognition for regional issues, due to dominant high-profiled regions, centralisation tendencies at the national level and a more general non-subnational attitude. At the European level, regional issues are more welcome, but regional PA practitioners have to overcome the dominant national interests of member states.

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19

Webster, Janet. "Staying effective and safe in the political arena". OLA Quarterly 2, n.º 4 (1997): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7710/1093-7374.1428.

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20

Carter, M. S. "Global Ecology—A New Arena of Political Conflict". Journal of Environmental Quality 23, n.º 6 (noviembre de 1994): 1373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2134/jeq1994.00472425002300060039x.

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21

O’Riordan, Timothy. "Global ecology: a new arena of political conflict". International Affairs 70, n.º 4 (octubre de 1994): 789–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624599.

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22

BURRAGE, MICHAEL. "TOCQUEVILLE IN THE POLITICAL ARENA ACTOR OR ANALYST?" European Journal of Sociology 44, n.º 2 (agosto de 2003): 273–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001280.

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The blurbs on the jacket of this book are unusually misleading. A U.S. senator avers that it ‘conveys a sweep of historical analysis that gives us deep insight… into the American character’, and ‘sheds light on America's present and possible future as well as its past’. Since it contains virtually no historical or sociological evidence about the United States, it is hard to see how it might do this. One Harvard professor calls it ‘a major work of political theory’, and another ‘an enduring work of political theory in its own right’. But while the author conveys his disaffection with contemporary American democracy, he nowhere clearly and succinctly formulates anything that might reasonably be called a theory. A Johns Hopkins professor thinks that it ‘shows us how pertinent Tocqueville remains for democrats today’. Incidentally, it may perhaps do this, though this is hardly the author's intent, since he emphasizes the archaic and feudal quality of Tocqueville's final account of democracy.

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23

Murphy, Gary. "How parties win: shaping the Irish political arena". Irish Political Studies 32, n.º 2 (2 de octubre de 2015): 354–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2015.1090099.

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24

Schweitzer, Vladimir. "2017 IN THE WEST EUROPEAN PARTIAL-POLITICAL ARENA". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 1, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2018): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran1201868.

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25

Girvin, Brian. "How parties win: shaping the Irish political arena". West European Politics 39, n.º 6 (5 de agosto de 2016): 1349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2016.1215456.

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26

Lerner, Eli. "Learning the landscape: medicine in the political arena". Surgical Endoscopy 22, n.º 11 (18 de septiembre de 2008): 2335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00464-008-0127-2.

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27

Novikova, Vera Pavlovna y Elena Vadimirovna Chelpanova. "MEDIA CONCEPT "GIG ECONOMY" ON THE POLITICAL ARENA". Политическая лингвистика, n.º 5 (2019): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/pl19-05-09.

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28

Semenov, O. Y. "Environment NGO Activity in the World Political Arena". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 3(30) (28 de junio de 2013): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-3-30-70-74.

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The globalization of ecological and environmental problems in contemporary world politics defines a significant role of such issues in the agenda of both state and non-state international actors. Traditional diplomacy needs the assistance of NGOs related to environment and creating new mechanisms which could be able to respond to rapid ecological changes. The new role of environmental NGOs in world politics is clearly evident in rule- and standard-making as well as global governance issues.

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29

Iwansyah, Iwansyah, Satyawan Sunito y Sofyan Syaf. "MODAL JARO DALAM ARENA POLITIK LOKAL: Studi Kasus di Desa Cileuksa Kecamatan Sukajaya Kabupaten Bogor". Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 11, n.º 1 (2 de octubre de 2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v11i1.1272.

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This research concern swith the role of Jaro capital at local political arena in Cileuksa village of Sukajaya District, West Jawa. The aim of this research is to understand the relationship between Jaro capital at local political arena, capital elaboration as foundation for vertical mobility and capital reproduction within local political arena. Using case study as its research method, this research finds that as cultural actor, Jaro or Jawara, has significant meaning in local political arena, namely cultural influence and formal authority. With regards to cultural influence, this study finds that Jaro’s presenceis essential for Cileuksa’s villagers. Furthermore, as the head of the village, Jaro holds formal structure authority to go vernits people. This research concludes that both cultural influence and formal authority were supported by maintained and reproduced capital in local political arena.Penelitian ini berfokus pada konsep modal Jaro di arena politik lokal di Desa Cileuksa, Kecamatan Sukajaya, Jawa Barat. Tujuan dari riset untuk mengetahui hubungan antara modal Jaro di arena politik lokal, elaborasi antara modal sebagai fondasi untuk mobiltas vertikal dan reproduksi modal di dalam arena politik lokal. Dengan menggunakan studi kasus sebagai metode kajian, riset ini bertujuan untuk menemukan aktor kultural, Jaro atau Jawara, yang memiliki makna yang signifikan dalam arena politik lokal, yang disebut dengan pengaruh kebudayaan dan otoritas formal. Dengan melihat adanya pengaruh kebudayaan, kajian ini menemukan bahwa peran Jaro sangat penting bagi masyarakat Desa Cileuksa. Selanjutnya, sebagai seo rang pemimpin di desa, Jaro mengendalikan struktur otoritas formal bagi masyarakat desa. Riset ini menemukan bahwa ada dua pengaruh budaya dan otoritas formal yang didukung oleh adanya pengendalian dan reproduksi modal di arena politik lokal.

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30

Lundholt, Marianne Wollf, Ole Have Jørgensen y Bodil Stilling Blichfeldt. "Intra-organizational brand resistance and counter-narratives in city branding – a comparative study of three Danish cities". Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal 23, n.º 4 (15 de enero de 2020): 1001–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qmr-01-2018-0012.

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Purpose This study aims to contribute to an increased understanding of intra-organizational city brand resistance by identifying and discussing different types of counter-narratives emerging from the political and administrative arenas. Design/methodology/approach The empirical material consists of secondary data as well as six in-depth semi-structured interviews with Danish mayors and city managers in three different municipalities in Denmark. Findings Intra-organizational counter-narratives differ from inter-organizational counter-narratives but resemble a number of issues known from extra-organizational resistance. Still, significant differences are found within the political arena: lack of ownership, competition for resources and political conflicts. Lack of ownership, internal competition for resources and distrust of motives play an important role within the administrative arena. Mayors are aware of the needs for continued political support for branding projects but projects are nonetheless realized despite resistance if there is a political majority for it. Research limitations/implications This study points to the implications of city brand resistance and counter-narratives emerging from the “inside” of the political and administrative arenas in the city, here defined as “intra-organizational counter-narratives”. Practical implications It is suggested that politicians and municipality staff should be systematically addressed as individual and unique audiences and considered as important as citizens in the brand process. Originality/value So far little attention has been paid to internal stakeholders within the municipal organization and their impact on the city branding process approached from a narrative perspective.

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31

Burns, Nancy, Laura Evans, Gerald Gamm y Corrine McConnaughy. "Urban Politics in the State Arena". Studies in American Political Development 23, n.º 1 (19 de marzo de 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09000017.

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We seek to explain how states govern big cities. Political scientists' accounts of urban politics either fail to treat the state systematically or place state hostility at the center of such an account. Accounts by historians, by contrast, offer tools political scientists can use to theorize urban politics in the state arena. We use those tools, and we find that cities can manage the legislative process. This power starts with bill introduction and carries through to the vote on the floor. This ability results from a central feature of American state politics: on bills about big cities, state legislators now and in the past find their primary voting cues in the unity of local delegations. The city delegation, then, has tremendous power to manage the state's involvement in city affairs. In many respects, ours is an account of a special kind of divided government, with two institutional arenas where urban government is carried out.

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32

Segaard, Signe Bock. "Perceptions of Social Media". Nordicom Review 36, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 2015): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2015-0017.

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AbstractWhile observers have focused on the political use of social media when exploring their democratic potential, we know little about users’ perceptions of these media. These perceptions could well be important to understanding the political use of social media. In exploring users’ perceptions, the article asks whether politicians and voters view social media in a similar way, and to what extent they consider social media to be an apt arena for political communication. Within a Norwegian context, which may prove useful as a critical case, and using the technological frames model, we find that although voters’ and politicians’ opinions are not that dissimilar overall, politicians are more likely to recognize the political communicative role of social media. However, social media do indeed have the potential to become arenas for political mobilization among groups that traditionally are less visible in political arenas.

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33

Svenungsen, Bjørn. "Internett som geopolitisk arena?" Internasjonal Politikk 77, n.º 3 (2019): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v77.1403.

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34

Panebianco, Angelo. "PARLAMENTO-ARENA E PARTITI". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 17, n.º 2 (agosto de 1987): 203–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200016658.

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IntroduzioneLe tesi di Giuseppe Di Palma sul parlamento italiano possono essere discusse da due diverse angolature: si può, da un lato, valutare la descrizione/interpretazione del caso esaminato; si può, dall'altro lato, discutere il quadro teorico proposto e utilizzato. I due aspetti non sono, a giudizio di chi scrive, così strettamente collegati fra loro come potrebbe apparire a prima vista. Si può infatti concordare con molte delle osservazioni di Di Palma sulla evoluzione dei rapporti parlamentari in Italia pur mantenendo riserve sulla prospettiva teorica prescelta (la teoria della istituzionalizzazione nella variante offerta da Polsby).

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35

Ashworth, John, Benny Geys, Bruno Heyndels y Fanny Wille. "Competition in the political arena and local government performance". Applied Economics 46, n.º 19 (25 de marzo de 2014): 2264–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2014.899679.

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36

Ullrich, A., A. Waxman, V. Luiza da Costa e Silva, D. Bettcher, G. Vestal, C. Sepúlveda y R. Beaglehole. "Cancer prevention in the political arena: the WHO perspective". Annals of Oncology 15 (octubre de 2004): iv249—iv256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/annonc/mdh935.

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37

Mulinari, Diana y Anders Neergaard. "Violence, Racism, and the Political Arena: A Scandinavian Dilemma". NORA - Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research 20, n.º 1 (marzo de 2012): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08038740.2011.650706.

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38

Gagliarducci, S. y M. D. Paserman. "Gender Interactions within Hierarchies: Evidence from the Political Arena". Review of Economic Studies 79, n.º 3 (7 de diciembre de 2011): 1021–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdr046.

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39

Goldschmied, Nadav y Joseph A. Vandello. "The Advantage of Disadvantage: Underdogs in the Political Arena". Basic and Applied Social Psychology 31, n.º 1 (19 de febrero de 2009): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973530802659810.

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40

Gerber, Alan S., Gregory A. Huber, David Doherty y Conor M. Dowling. "The Big Five Personality Traits in the Political Arena". Annual Review of Political Science 14, n.º 1 (15 de junio de 2011): 265–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051010-111659.

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41

WUSTEN, HERMAN. "THE URBAN AGGLOMERATION AS A POLITICAL ARENA: AN INTRODUCTION". Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 81, n.º 4 (septiembre de 1990): 242–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.1990.tb01324.x.

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42

Smith, Jackie, Ron Pagnucco y Winnie Romeril. "Transnational social movement organisations in the global political arena". Voluntas 5, n.º 2 (junio de 1994): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02353983.

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43

Dubin, Pavel Pavlovich. "SPATIAL OPPOSITIONS IN THE POLITICAL ARENA OF GREAT BRITAIN". Политическая лингвистика, n.º 3 (2020): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/pl20-03-07.

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44

Denzau, Arthur, William Riker y Kenneth Shepsle. "Farquharson and Fenno: Sophisticated Voting and Home Style". American Political Science Review 79, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1985): 1117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956251.

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This article is aimed at integrating two kinds of analysis of legislators' calculations of advantage. We assume that legislators operate in two arenas, in the legislative arena itself, where their calculations of advantage concern simply their effectiveness in voting (Farquharson), and in the electoral arena, where their calculations concern the rewards for their position-taking as well as their effectiveness (Fenno). Our analysis is introduced by an interpretation of voting on the Powell amendment, 1956, when some legislators apparently voted strategically and others, equally able to do so, still did not. We then develop an expected utility model of voting that accounts for such divergent choices in terms of legislators' individual beliefs about the distribution of opinions in the legislature (Farquharson) and in their constituencies (Fenno). We conclude with an analysis of the Nash equilibria of choices to vote strategically or nonstrategically.

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45

Mary E. Stuckey. "Women and Political Participation: Cultural Change in the Political Arena (review)". Rhetoric & Public Affairs 1, n.º 2 (1998): 294–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2010.0007.

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46

Noboa, Eduardo, Paul Upham y Harald Heinrichs. "Building a Coalition with Depoliticized Sustainability Discourse: The Case of a Transdisciplinary Transition Management Arena in Peru". Journal of Sustainable Development 12, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2019): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v12n1p84.

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Transition management uses the depoliticized, rational discourse of systems terms, social learning and societal reflexivity. Transdisciplinary sustainability science research similarly uses the politically neutral terms of supporting the coproduction and integration of different types of knowledge. Yet both are clearly normative, resting on notions of participatory democracy and adopting environmental and social sustainability as explicit norms. Here we present the case of a transdisciplinary transition management arena in Peru, convened to develop a vision of a lower carbon, more decentralized and resilient national energy system. We show how the characteristics of the arena can help to foster the necessary conditions for empowerment and how these in turn both support – and are supported by - the ability of participants from different backgrounds generate shared problem statements, visions and strategies, building towards a coalition for change. While it remains to be seen how politically influential such arenas can be in the medium and long term, we show that depoliticized, rational sustainability discourse nonetheless has a political role to play in helping to legitimize informal institutional efforts towards energy policy change. Highlights Transition management and transdisciplinary sustainability science rationales are complementary These rationales are integrated in a Transdisciplinary Transition Management Arena (TTMA) framework The TTMA is applied with Peruvian energy system stakeholders holding marginalised views on energy futures A vision for a low carbon Peru is developed that emphasises the inclusion of distributed renewables The TTMA is assessed in terms of its capacity to support conditions for the empowerment of marginalised policy stakeholders

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Kouroutakis, Antonios. "Legitimate and Illegitimate Political Self-entrenchment and Its Impact on Political Equality". ICL Journal 15, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2020-0028.

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Abstract Self-serving politicians and self-entrenchment of the political establishment is a diachronic problem tantalizing liberal democracies. Incumbent political actors around the world constantly purport to entrench not only their presence in the political arena, but also their power and as a result, barriers to entry to new political actors are set, the chain of the democratic choice is disrupted and equality of opportunity is distorted. This article focuses on the available means in the constitutional system in order to safeguard a level playing field in the political arena. To this end, this article has three scientific objectives. First, it elaborates on the significance of equality of opportunities in the political system. Second, it identifies how political self-entrenchment creates an uneven playing field. Third, it focuses on the remedies that exist in the constitutional system and examines both legal and quasi legal mechanisms. With an analysis on the current means that are available in the constitutional system, the judicial review, and the alternative political processes based on independent bodies and quasi-judicial mechanisms, this article concludes that self-entrenchment and self-serving politicians are mainly left to be resolved by political means, the so called self-corrective promise of politics.

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Hagmann, Jonas, Hendrik Hegemann y Andrew W. Neal. "The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting." Special Issue: The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting, n.º 3-2018 (18 de febrero de 2019): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i3.01.

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While security has always been political, it has for the most part been considered a special kind of politics that closes down political activity and debate. This introduction reviews recent theoretical and empirical developments to argue that a research agenda that re-engages security through the prism of politicisation is better able to elucidate the growing range of actors, arenas and arguments visible in contemporary security governance. Based on recent literatures from Political Science and European Studies that – so far – have been largely ignored by Security Studies, it develops an analytical framework around three dimensions: controversy, mobilisation and arena-shifting. It showcases the relevance of this perspective through brief empirical illustrations on the post-Snowden controversy, public participation on security strategy-making, and the role of parliaments in security policy. The overall aim is to reopen conceptual questions on the relationship between security and politics, inspire innovative empirical work to study the diverse politics around security, and allow for more differentiated normative inquiries into the ambivalent consequences of politicisation.

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Feital, Marcela da Silveira, Eduardo Sonnewend Brondízio y Lúcia da Costa Ferreira. "Conflitos e arenas decisórias de megaprojetos de infraestrutura: uma discussão do Porto de São Sebastião - São Paulo/Brasil". Sociedade e Estado 34, n.º 2 (mayo de 2019): 455–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-6992-201934020005.

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Resumo A aprovação de megaprojetos envolve arenas de negociação/decisão em diversos níveis, com atores diversos em termos de interesses e recursos sociais. Essa pesquisa analisou a arena decisória referente à expansão do Porto de São Sebastião (SP) - porto inserido em área ambientalmente peculiar, com relevância histórica, econômica e estratégica para o desenvolvimento regional/nacional. Assim, foram analisadas as implicações de uma tendência de burocratização da arena ambiental para os conflitos associados a megaprojetos. Para isso, foram adaptadas teorias sobre racionalização, conflitos e arena social. Os dados empíricos incluíram materiais de audiências públicas, mídia e relatórios técnicos, entrevistas com atores-chave. O trabalho discutiu as implicações das interações no âmbito de cada nível no planejamento e no processo de licenciamento ambiental no Brasil, demonstrando que os atores com interesses divergentes adotaram estratégias de ação diferentes para influenciar as decisões. Além disso, elementos organizacionais do processo decisório contribuíram para um diálogo desigual, menos aberto e transparente.

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Bonardi, Jean-Philippe. "Market and Nonmarket Strategies During Deregulation: The Case of British Telecom". Business and Politics 1, n.º 2 (agosto de 1999): 203–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap.1999.1.2.203.

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From the 1970s to the 1990s, British Telecom (BT), the main telecommunications operator in Britain, underwent a dramatic revolution. The former public administration, often considered inefficient and hardly innovative, became a private company, and now aims to become one of the most dynamic giant telecom players, delivering everything from simple voice calls to advanced eCommerce services all over the world. These changes in the market arena were accompanied by some wide changes in the nonmarket arena, i.e. the institutional and regulatory environment of the British telecom market. This case study analyzes the changes in these two arenas to understand how market and nonmarket strategies may be combined by British Telecom to generate a competitive advantage in a deregulated environment.

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