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Nadya Shahnaz Gabriella, Akbar Ramadhan Gumas, Ardinia Awanis Shabrina, and Febrianita Aisyah Putri. "Faktor- Faktor Penyebab Yang Menyebabkan Perilaku Tindak Pidana Korupsi Di Kalangan Pegawai Negeri." Jembatan Hukum : Kajian ilmu Hukum, Sosial dan Administrasi Negara 1, no. 2 (April 26, 2024): 76–86. https://doi.org/10.62383/jembatan.v1i2.188.
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Corruption originates from the Latin word corruptio, which was used by Aristotle in his book degeneratio et corruptione It means change or deterioration and has no connection to power or money . Corruption offenses fall under the category of special criminal acts, thus requiring specific measures to eradicate them Indonesian positive law regulates the eradication of corruption offenses in Law Number 31 of 1999 as amended by Law Number 20 of 2001 concerning the Eradication of Corruption Offenses. Corruption is an extraordinary crime; its impact can harm democratic values, morality, national finances, and violate social and economic rights of the community It also poses a threat to the aspirations towards a better society. The factors that cause corruption are as follows: (1) Individual behavior, (2) Political factors, (3) Economic factors, (4) Legal factors, (5) Social factors This study aims to understand and provide information about corruption, types of corruption, and the factors that cause corruption in general.
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Ceva, Emanuela, and Maria Paola Ferretti. "Political corruption." Philosophy Compass 12, no. 12 (September 18, 2017): e12461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12461.
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Soliman, Hussein, and Sherry Cable. "Sinking under the weight of corruption: Neoliberal reform, political accountability and justice." Current Sociology 59, no. 6 (October 20, 2011): 735–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392111419748.
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The United Nations adopted the 2003 Convention Against Corruption to reduce corruption in developing nations. Corruption’s determinants include political systems’ permeability to economic influence, state economic intervention, weak political competition and officials’ discretionary power to allocate resources. Corruption’s outcomes are slowed economic development, misallocation of government resources, income inequalities and, less frequently, disasters. Using archival and interview data, this article documents corruption’s shaping of the 2006 sinking of an Egyptian ferry in the Red Sea, which killed 1034; high-level corruption not only caused the disaster but exacerbated its impacts. The study’s findings confirm much of the empirical literature but contradict assertions that corruption is associated with high levels of government intervention in the economy. Based on the findings, the article gives a critique of neoliberal reform that associates it with high-level corruption.
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Bodruzic, Dragana. "Vice or coping mechanism? Bridging political science and anthropological approaches to the study of corruption." Critique of Anthropology 36, no. 4 (July 25, 2016): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x16654552.
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Political science and economics have dominated the study of corruption. Recently, anthropologists have questioned traditional definitions of corruption and have conducted a deeper inquiry into the interplay of cultural dynamics and corruption. However, despite the existence of two strands in anthropology—interpretive and political economy—anthropological contributions to the study of corruption have come primarily from interpretive anthropology. Anthropologists studying corruption have focused on narratives and on understanding corruption’s embeddedness in cultural logics. Ethnography, however, has also revealed the importance of fixed price in many instances of corruption. This paper argues that fixed price is an indicator of the systematization of corruption. Consequently, greater attention needs to be paid to how corruption is also embedded in political economy.
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Werlin, Herbert H. "Is Lord Acton Right? Rethinking Corruption, Democracy, and Political Power." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 1 (September 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.1.1.
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This article examines Lord Acton’s famous assertion, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power, to corrupt absolutely,” including the suggestion that democratization reduces corruption. This assertion requires us to look at the meaning of political power, corruption, and democracy. By making a distinction between primary and secondary corruption (essentially, controllable and uncontrollable corruption) and between liberal democracy (emphasizing competitive politics) and classical democracy (emphasizing consensus-building politics), together with introducing Political Elasticity (PE) theory, a number of difficult questions are raised: 1. What is political power (with Hobbes and Russia, in mind)? 2. What is the linkage between political power and corruption? 3. Why is it that corruption does not necessarily prevent economic development (with China in mind)? At the conclusion the autocracy-corruption linkage is examined, as exemplified by a comparison of Singapore and Jamaica, indicating: (1) that political power, if persuasive, is not necessarily corruptive; (2) liberal or partisan democracy tends to corrupt and lawless democracy, to corrupt absolutely and (3) authoritarian regimes may recognize that controlling corruption is essential for their legitimacy and economic prosperity.
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Klašnja, Marko, Andrew T. Little, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Political Corruption Traps." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 3 (October 24, 2016): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.45.
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Academics and policymakers recognize that there are serious costs associated with systemic corruption. Stubbornly, many countries or regions remain stuck in a high-corruption equilibrium—a “corruption trap.” Most existing theories concentrate on mutually reinforcing expectations of corrupt behavior among a fixed set of bureaucrats or politicians, implying that changing such expectations can lead to lower corruption. We develop models that more fully characterize the political nature of corruption traps by also analyzing the behavior of voters and entrants to politics, as well their interaction with incumbent politicians. We show that corruption traps can arise through strategic behavior of each set of actors, as well as through their interrelations. By linking politician, voter, and entrant behavior, we provide an explanation for why simply trying to change expectations among one set of actors is likely insufficient for eliminating corruption traps.
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Philp, Mark. "Defining Political Corruption." Political Studies 45, no. 3 (August 1997): 436–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00090.
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Clark, Gordon L. "Political Corruption and Political Geography." New Zealand Geographer 54, no. 1 (April 1998): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-7939.1998.tb00526.x.
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Ferreira de Oliveira, Wilson José. "Anti-corruption protests, alliance system and political polarization." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (November 13, 2020): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.38032.
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The fight against corruption has become, in recent years, one of the main international causes. Many studies have been done on the effects and consequences of corrupt and corrupting practices for the political system and for the general society. However, there are still few who are dedicated to analyzing the conditions and dynamics of the fight against corruption as a public and international cause and its consequences and impacts on national political systems. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the emergence and spread of anti-corruption movements and protests in Brazil, between 2013 and 2018. I aim to demonstrate that the emergence and development of anti-corruption protests and mobilizations in this period are related to the crisis and collapse of the “alliance system” between the main political leaders and organizations, becoming a political resource to recompose and change such alignments. This analysis shows the relevance of the “political dimension” to understand the process of emergence and the development of protests and mobilizations against corruption.
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Shashkova, A. V. "Corruption as a Problem of Political Theory and Political Practice." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-64-73.
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The present article is dedicated to the analysis of "corruption" from point of view of political practice and political theory. The present article studies historical examples of corruption: corruption during the era of Alexander the Great, Carthage, Roman Republic. The article gives the evolution of the term "corruption", pointing out current aspects of the term. The article provides positive and negative results of corruption, gives resume. The present article analyses corruption results: economical, political and social. Most important economical consequences of corruption are the following: increase of shadow economy, decrease of tax payments, weakening of the state budget, breach of market competition, decrease of market effectiveness, destabilization of the idea of market economy. Most important social consequences of corruption are the following: great distinction between the declared and real values, which creates a "double standard" of the moral and behavior, distraction of great sums from public and humanitarian development, increase of property disproportion, increase of social tension. The present article names most important political consequences of corruption: shift of ideas from public development to the security of power of oligarchy, decrease of trust to the state, decrease of image of the country at the international arena, increase of its economical and political isolation, decrease of political competition. The present article gives one of the resumes that the globalization process increases corruption. Together with globalization most important role is given to corporations and corporate corruption comes to the front raw.
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Hine, David. "“Political corruption in Italy,” political corruption in Europe and Latin America." Trends in Organized Crime 2, no. 4 (June 1997): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-997-1090-3.
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Myndresku, Iuliia. "Corruption Study Paradigm in Modern Political Science." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.285-304.
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In the last decades a growing awareness emerged of the relevance of corruption as an hidden factor which may negatively affect political and economic decision-making processes. In spite of a lively scientific debate there is no general consensus on a commonly accepted definition of what corruption is. The A. distinguishes three main paradigms, focusing on different (though not irreconcilable) variables. The first is the economic paradigm, which usually takes the principal-agent model of corruption as its founding pillar. In this paradigm corruption is considered the outcome of rational individual choices, and its spread within a certain organization is influenced by the factors defining the structure of expected costs and rewards. A second approach – the cultural paradigm – looks at the differences in cultural traditions, social norms and interiorized values which shape individuals’ moral preferences and consideration of his social and institutional role. These are a leading forces that can push a corrupt public or private agent (not) to violate legal norms. A third neo-institutional approach considers also mechanisms which allow the internal regulation of social interactions within corrupt networks, and their effects on individuals’ beliefs and preferences. Though the corrupt agreements cannot be enforced with legal sanctions, several informal, nonwritten rules, contractual provisos and conventions may regulate the corrupt exchange between agent and corruptor. Corruption is the outcome of a multitude of individual and collective choices which change public opinion towards corruption and its diffusion throughout the state, markets and civil society. There is no univocal recipe to deal with anti-bribery measures, since corruption is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. Reforms aimed at dismantling systemic corruption have to be finely tuned against its hidden governance structures, i.e. its internal regulation of exchanges and relationships. Otherwise, a vicious circle may emerge: the more an anticorruption policy is needed, because corruption is systemic and enforced by effective third-parties, the less probable its formulation and implementation. Only when official rules are complemented by coherent informal institutions, bottom-up initiatives, they tend to produce the expected outcomes and make anticorruption regulation more effective.
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Navot, Doron, and Itai Beeri. "Conceptualization of Political Corruption, Perceptions of Corruption, and Political Participation in Democracies." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2017): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/15.2.199-219(2017).
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This study empirically examines relationships between conceptions of political corruption, perceived levels of corruption, and political participation among members of the public. Based on a field study of 298 Israelis, we show that the effects of perceived levels of corruption on participation are significantly influenced by how citizens conceptualize corruption. The public's conceptions of corruption influence whether and how they will participate. The findings provide strong evidence that while the perceived extent of political corruption is a powerful determinant of participation, the public's conception of corruption must not be overlooked. Rather, both factors should be considered as important indicators of participation.
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Fell, Dafydd. "Political and Media Liberalization and Political Corruption in Taiwan." China Quarterly 184 (December 2005): 875–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000548.
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This article examines the relationship between democratic and media reforms and political corruption in Taiwan. Has liberalization resulted in increased corruption or has it created a cleaner political system? I argue that the Taiwan case reveals the potential positive effects of multi-party democracy for tackling political corruption, as opposition parties have exploited a liberalized media to challenge and alter accepted but corrupt norms of governance. Pillars of the KMT party state such as its party assets, vote buying and the corrupt patron–client relationship with local factions were until the 1990s either openly or tacitly accepted as legitimate. The Taiwanese opposition parties took a latent political issue, corruption, and progressively broadened the scope of what is publicly acknowledged as corruption. By exposing cases of KMT government corruption and establishing new norms of clean governance it is possible that in the long term opposition parties can contribute to the creation of a cleaner political system.
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Ullah, Asad, Mamoon Khan Khattak, and Mussawar Shah. "Transition in Pakistani Political Norms of Society and Corruption." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. III (September 30, 2018): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-iii).04.
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The Messenger of ALLAH Almighty, the Holy Prophet MUHAMMAD (peace be upon him) has said "Ar-Rashi Wal Murtashi Kila huma Finnar" that mean "the giver and taker of bribes (corrupt) will both go to the fire of hell". This research analyzes corruption's effect on existing social values in Peshawar region of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A total of 150 respondents were selected as sample using stratified random sampling technique for study using Likert scale as measurement tool in interview schedule. The bi-variate and uni-variate analyses were made for reaching results. The existence of the effect of "corruption perception" as independent variable's effects were assessed on the "social values in political institutions" as dependent variable by applying Chi-square test. Furthermore, Gamma (y) statistics' application was made for finding the bond and relationship's direction. It was concluded that a significant association prevails regarding corruption perception with organized corruption alliance between government servants and politicians (P=0.002), politicians who are corrupt do safeguard corrupt interests (P=0.000) and favoured political environment (P=0.000). Moreover, posting candid politicians on significant government posts (P=0.000), removing political influence form bureaucracy (P=0.000), making politicians accountable to agencies related to stopping corruption (P=0.000), recompensing politicians of honesty (P=0.033), sensitizing politicians to be aware of corruption (P=0.000) and applying court's judgements regarding reducing corruption (P=0.000) were found significantly associated with improving state of corruption.
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Joković-Pantelić, Milica. "Characteristics and manners of corruptive acts described in feuilletons, records and short stories by Branislav Nušić." CM: Communication and Media 18, no. 54 (2023): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/cm18-46780.
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Branislav Nušić - whose descriptions of corruption and corruptive conduct of individuals and authorities of his time are presented and analyzed in this paper - humorously and accurately depicted situations, manners and character of the participants in corruptive acts. His observations reveal causes, reasons and motives of why people become involved in corruptive activities. Greed and gaining a social status, position and reputation at all costs reflect important character traits of the people resorting to corruption. Nušić particularly describes the use of the joint budget by people in power, bribing for positions in the hierarchy of power and of voters during the election process for members of parliament, the role of nepotism in gaining privileges, promotion and advancement in civil service and the profit provided by such status. Different events involving characters inclined towards corruption are described by Nušić through comic, tragic and farcical plots. The paper is aimed to use Nušić' s insight into his era to show how corruption as a phenomenon is dangerous when it involves individuals and society, and how difficult it is to stop or eradicate corruption to the extent that it cannot threaten social life. Nušić's descriptions of corruptive situations are still present in similar forms today. Nušić's message is that Serbia's political life is inundated in corruption. By their repetition over time, corruptive cases lead to the formation of corruptive patterns accompanying Serbia's political life to date.
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Nisnevich, Y. "What Is Political Corruption." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-133-138.
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The article analyzes the definitions of political corruption based on the following approaches used in political science to classify forms and manifestations of corruption: subject-oriented, actor-based and targeted. Within the framework of these approaches, we offer an updated definition of political corruption which can involve public officials of all levels. Political corruption is instrumentally defined as the unlawful use by a public official of various types of administrative resources of public authority to extract personal and (or) group political benefits (political enrichment), including in favor of third parties. The author singles out such form of corruption as state policy corruption, the essence of which is to skew the state policy in favor of private interests at the expense of public interests in order to unlawfully gain both tangible economic and intangible political benefits. The institutional mechanism of state policy corruption is the unlawful use by public officials of its legislative and regulatory administrative resources not to implement public policy in order to realize national interests and goals in various spheres of life of society and the state, but to create “rules of the game” that allow obtaining illegal advantage, to extract personal and (or) group benefit, which may have both tangible and intangible expression. Actors of such corruption can be senior public officials, whose competence includes adopting laws and regulations that determine state policy in various areas and mechanisms for its implementation. It is noted that state policy corruption is characterized by “autocorruption” – a situation where there is no external stimulation to commit a corruption act, it is not necessary, and its executor and final beneficiary are the same actor and (or) actors belonging to the same community. The author identifies the relationship between state policy corruption as a symbiosis of political and economic corruption at the highest levels of power and the peak of systemic corruption with corrupt state capture.
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Kumar, Pawan. "Addressing Political Corruption In India." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (June 29, 2013): 14–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.3.
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The debate on the relationship between corruption and democracy involves the fundamental issue of the nature of corruption and that of democracy. Both these concepts can be understood in quite different manners. This paper tries to bring corruption into the realm of democratic theory by focusing on the nature of the problem and its effects on democracy. It begins by discussing the various ways in which theorists and thinkers have conceptualized political corruption, making it a complex phenomenon. This explores how political corruption takes root in and thrives in a democracy. The paper also highlights the importance of focusing more on the effects of corruption so that the systemic nature of the problem can be explored. The intention in this paper is not to come up with any grand theory of corruption but it only seeks to problematize the conventional and prevalent understanding of political corruption. Conventionally, corruption has been considered as a moral, individual or social problem but recent approaches to study corruption have tried to establish link between corruption and democracy by focusing on the effects of corruption on democratic institutions and processes. These different understandings have made corruption a contested field of research as it affects economic, social, and political aspects of a political system almost equally. This exercise insists the need of looking at it from institutional perspective as it is engulfed in social, economic and political fields. The paper presents its arguments by acknowledging the link between reducing corruption and broader process of democratization.
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Šumah, Štefan. "“Ethnic” Corruption: When Ethnic Identity Meets Political Corruption." Academicus International Scientific Journal 30 (July 2024): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2024.30.05.
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Corruption is a complex phenomenon which can appear in various forms and political corruption remains one of the most common forms.Political corruption further encompasses many forms, one of which is ethnic corruption. Ethnic corruption is one of form of corruption that involves giving certain ethnic groups privileges that other groups do not have. The purpose of these privileges is for the ruling political structure to stay in power. This type of corruption was common practice in the former Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union, and continues in its successor, the Russian Federation.. Pronounced ethnic corruption remains prevalent in many countries across Asia and Africa. With an increasingly polarized voting base in the United States, new forms of ethnic corruption have started to appear. Because of its characteristics, ethnic corruption is one of the most challenging types of corruption to address.
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Asran, Jalal. "Corruption and Democracy: Political Corruption in PostSoeharto Indonesia." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 04, no. 10 (October 7, 2021): 2679–85. https://doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v4-i10-08.
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Post-Soeharto Indonesia, known as the era of reform and democracy, has not been able to inhibit corrupt behaviour by state officials at the central and local government levels, in legislative and executive institutions, or in the judiciary as a judicial institution. This article discusses and analyses the corruption process carried out by state officials, especially those occupying legislative, executive, and special judicial institutions at the central government level in interacting with each other and with outside institutions. The public's hope that ongoing democracy will be able to limit political corruption in Indonesia is only an illusion, considering the democracy model that developed in Indonesia post-Soeharto led to a patronage democracy, namely the interaction of power between state institutions which is based on mutually beneficial considerations. Another consideration is that the institution that administers justice which serves as law enforcement agency is involved in corrupt practices.
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Ciric, Jovan. "Problems of political corruption." Socioloski pregled 42, no. 4 (2008): 531–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg0804531c.
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Moxon-Browne, E. "Political corruption in Africa." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 699–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619732.
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Philp, Mark, and Elizabeth Dávid-Barrett. "Realism About Political Corruption." Annual Review of Political Science 18, no. 1 (May 11, 2015): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-092012-134421.
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WISEMAN, JOHN A. "Political Corruption in Africa." African Affairs 87, no. 346 (January 1988): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097989.
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Reed, Steven R. "Political corruption in Japan." International Social Science Journal 48, no. 149 (September 1996): 395–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2451.00040.
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Stratford, Jean Slemmons, Juri Stratford, and Mark Mccullough. "Thinking about political corruption." Journal of Government Information 21, no. 5 (September 1994): 495–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1352-0237(94)90026-4.
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Fleischer, David. "Political corruption in Brazil." Crime, Law and Social Change 25, no. 4 (1996): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00572512.
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Guarnieri, Carlo, Cristina Dallara, and Michele Sapignoli. "Political corruption in Italy." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (November 13, 2020): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37879.
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At least since the 1990s, corruption has continued to be listed as one of the major shortcomings affecting old and new European democracies. In spite of that, measuring political corruption is still a tricky task. In this scenario, some recent studies proposed to turn the attention to the judicial actions to curb corruption, through criminal prosecution, shedding light specifically on the investigations involving high-level politicians (Popova and Post 2018; Dallara 2019). In this paper we aim to present data about judicial prosecution of political corruption in Italy, emphasizing how the number of investigations involving political actors seems rather high, although relatively few cases end with a conviction. Moreover, we aim to suggest some explanatory factors that could account for this situation. Among them: the salience of the issue in the political and public debate; the governance structure of the Italian judicial system and some characters of the Italian criminal law and procedure.
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Shabbir, Ghulam, Mumtaz Anwar, and Shahid Adil. "Corruption, Political Stability and Economic Growth." Pakistan Development Review 55, no. 4I-II (December 1, 2016): 689–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i4i-iipp.689-702.
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This paper gives insight of the role of political stability in investigating the two competing hypotheses in Developing Eight Muslim countries, and also investigates whether conditional liaison between corruption and political stability matters or not. The empirical findings indicate that investment, population and political stability play positive role in promoting economic growth. Corruption not only impact growth but also influenced by the institutional quality that a nation experiences. Corruption acts as sands in the wheels in the nations having higher degree of political stability, and greases the wheels in less politically stable countries such as Nigeria and Pakistan. Thus, political stability is conducive to growth, as it reduces the social unrests, political turmoil, and encourages investment, and there by economic growth. JEL Classification: C30, D73, O43, P48 Keywords: Corruption, Economic Growth, Political Stability, Conditional Cooperation
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Milova, Tatyana, Kateryna Troshkina, Yevhenii Horlov, and Jaroslaw Dobkowski. "Country’s Brand and Corruption Level: Cointegration Analysis." Marketing and Management of Innovations, no. 3 (2019): 366–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2019.3-28.
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The paper summarized the arguments and counterarguments in the scientific debate on the impact of corruption on a country's brand. The modern approaches to the analysis of corruption’s impact on the country's macroeconomic indicators were analysed. The authors justified that increasing the corruption’s level is considered as one of the most significant deterrents to the radical political and economic changes taking place in the countries by society. The main purpose of the paper is to analyse the long-term cause-and-effect relationships between Control of Corruption and the country's brand. Four European countries (Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine) were selected as the object of the investigation, which pursued an evolutionary policy of reforming the political and economic system after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which encouraged the practice of eliminating corruption. The research period was 2000-2018. With a purpose to check the hypothesis of the investigation the 3-stage algorithm to estimate the long-term cause-and-effect relationships between Control of Corruption and the key parameters of the country brand is developed. The developed algorithm was based on the Augmented Dicker-Fuller test and granger casualty test. It is established that for Ukraine, the interconnections between Control of Corruption and International migrant stock, Control of Corruption and Exports of goods and services, Control of Corruption and Foreign direct investment had a unidirectional character of influence of the corruption’s level on the components of the country’s brand. The findings proved that 51.73%, 43.79% and 66% of the total fluctuations of International migrant stock, Exports of goods and services, Foreign direct investment depend on changes in the level of corruption in the country. The obtained results allowed concluding that for the European Union countries (Poland, Lithuania and Latvia) it was the country brand that had a positive impact on reducing the corruption’s level. It was justified that the choice of a specific model for combating the corruption’s level in the chosen countries significantly determined the course of their political transformation and influenced the change’s rate of the social and economic development. Keywords: brand, stakeholders, competitiveness, investors, corruption.
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Quddous, Abdul, Aftab Anwar Shaikh, and Liaqat Ali Abro. "Solution of Corruptions in Pakistan through Legal Aspects." Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 682–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00274.
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Pakistan's development is greatly endangered by the corruption problem. This issue necessitates the administration of justice. The primary cause of corruption is institutional dysfunction, which is negatively impacting our nation's reputation abroad. The goal of the current study, "Solution of Corruptions in Pakistan through Legal Aspects," is to categorize the various ways that corruption, a wicked practice, has crept into Pakistan's political system. In addition, the study aims to offer recommendations for the practical elimination of corruption as a societal ill via the Pakistani legal system.
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Sulaiman, Kamal-Deen. "Islamic-Ethical Norms as a Combat against Corruption in Contemporary Nigeria." Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 61–82. https://doi.org/10.31841/KJSSH.2021.18.
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Corruption in Nigeria is seen to stem from the abuse of administrative power of any kind, be it, judicial, political authority and financial dominance. Also, all corrupt acts are construed as lack of ethical norms from religio-moral perspective, and unjustin relation to the principles that safeguard rendering to everyone their due, thereby undermining communal harmony. As a result, the need to combat corruption in Nigeria has brought all stake holders much closer together by setting up various anticorruption agencies. This study therefore, aims at identifying the phenomenon of corruption, and the root causes of it in our Society. It will also examines the consequential effects of corruption on Nigeria as a Secular State and provide analysis on how the Islamic-Ethical Norms can help combat corruption using analytical method. The paper revealed that, corruption has different forms and manifestations; social, political, economic, administrative as well as the corruption of data and information. It also uncovered corruptions as a product of spiritual emptiness by adherence of Islam which is contrary to the basic principles of moral and values it advocate. It is equally evident that, Islam condemns corruption as a severe threat to proper social, economic, and ecological balance. Corruptions in Islam are taboo because it is considered a grave criminal offenses and a great sin. The paper also emphasized the need for instituting justice and reforming Islamic values because preserving people’s lives and their possessions are among the main purposes of Islam.
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Hu, Yiming, and Mingxia Xu. "China’s anti-corruption campaign, political connections and private firms’ debt financing." China Finance Review International 9, no. 4 (November 18, 2019): 521–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cfri-09-2018-0132.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the deleveraging impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on private firms with political connections, relative to those without political connections. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, taking the anti-corruption campaign employed from the end of 2012 as an exogenous shock, the authors design a quasi-experiment difference-in-difference approach to examine how the loss and failure of political connections impacts private firms’ debt financing. Findings The authors find that the loss and failure of political connections following the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress causes the yearly new debt ratios of treatment firms with political connections to decrease, relative to those of control firms without political connections. This outcome is more pronounced for provinces with more cadres excluded in the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress, which rendered politically connected firms susceptible to lose connections with central or provincial cadres. To explore the mechanism, the authors find that following the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress, politically connected firms limit rent-seeking activities, whereas resource acquisition is weakened. The authors also find that the impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress on the debt financing of politically connected firms, relative to their counterparts, is more pronounced for groups with high levels of information asymmetry and for less explicit guarantee groups. Finally, politically connected firms are more likely to be dominated by internal funds in dealing with a loss of advantages in debt financing, compared with their counterparts without political connections. Research limitations/implications The findings in this study suggest that the loss or failure of previous political connections following Xi’s anti-corruption campaign make politically connected firms lose the advantages in debt financing through the rent-seeking, resource acquisition, information asymmetry, implicit guarantee channels, which provide new evidence for research on the impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress on private firms’ financing behaviors via the loss or failure of existing political connections. Practical implications The findings in the study will have some inspiration for policy makers and entrepreneur. Originality/value This study provides new evidence on the different impacts of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign on private firm’s debt financing between politically connected and unconnected firms.
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Naxera, Vladimír. "The Never-ending Story: Czech Governments, Corruption and Populist Anti-Corruption Rhetoric (2010–2018)." Politics in Central Europe 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0017.
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Abstract Corruption is a phenomenon with significant effects – economically, politically and culturally. Corruption tends to be viewed negatively by the public. As such, anti-corruption rhetoric may be an ideal election strategy for individual political parties. Nevertheless, anti-corruption rhetoric does not necessarily translate into an actual anti-corruption policy. This study analyses the impact of anti-corruption rhetoric that does not reflect the actual practices of its speaker and has been used strategically to gain favour. My focus is on elections and the subsequent formation and exercise of government in the Czech Republic. I analyse how anti-corruption rhetoric directed at political opponents works as an election success strategy. At the same time, I show how electoral success, transformed into real political power, strengthens the ability of actors to engage in activities that amount to borderline or outright corruption, irrespective of any anti-corruption rhetoric.
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Семчук, Наталя. "Політична корупція як комплексне політико-правове явище". Вісник Конституційного Суду України 5/2019 (2 серпня 2020): 108–14. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4817739.
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Semchuk N. Political corruption as a complex political and legal phenomenon. The article provides a comprehensive overview of the main provisions on political corruption that cover its various aspects — from the historical genesis to the specific criminal legal measures. This approach to understanding political corruption will provide for a possibility to create a coherent system to counter this phenomenon in the future.
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Seaman, Ogbotubo L., and Fiemotongha Christopher. "The Challenges of Democratic Governance in Bayelsa State: Exploring Political Corruption." Global Journal of Political Science and Administration 12, no. 3 (March 1, 2024): 13–23. https://doi.org/10.37745/gjpsa.2013/vol12n31323.
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Political corruption has continued to pose a hindrance to democratic governance in Bayelsa State since the birth of democracy in 1999 in the state. This study, “interrogating the interface between Political corruption and Democratic Governance in Bayelsa State”, examines the relationship between political corruption and democratic governance. Political corruption impedes the benefits of democratic governance, however one must first acquire political power before becoming politically, Corrupt. From the beginning of the first republic to date, democratic governance in the state (Bayelsa State) has not really given much to the people. As the State with the least number of Local Government Areas in Nigeria’s Federal system, the level of development is not commensurate with the amount of financial resources received including the 13% oil revenue it had received from the federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) of the federal government. This is not unconnected to a corrupt political class in the state. The first executive governor of the state was convicted of corruption, and two past governors of the state were entangled in corruption charges. What are the effects of political corruption? It is observed in this study that, infrastructural and human capital under development in the state are major outcomes of political corruption. The only way to do away with this class of politicians is through the ballot, therefore there should be serious sensitization of the people, championed by Civil Society Groups (CSOs) on the evils of political corruption, and the need for them to reject any financial or material gifts as inducements from the political class especially on the day of election.
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Jiménez, Alfredo, and Ilan Alon. "Corruption, political discretion and entrepreneurship." Multinational Business Review 26, no. 2 (July 16, 2018): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mbr-01-2018-0009.
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Purpose While common sense suggests that corruption will likely have a negative impact on the economy as it raises the cost of doing business, research on the topic showed inconsistent results (positive, negative and neutral). This paper aims to verify whether corruption has a “grease” or “sand” effect on the wheels of entrepreneurial rates and under which conditions corruption will have stronger or weaker effects. Design/methodology/approach Using institutional theory as the basis for the hypotheses, generalized least squares estimation is conducted to empirically examine the role of corruption and political discretion in entrepreneurship in a sample of 93 countries. Findings Countries with higher levels of corruption are associated with lower levels of firm creation. However, this negative effect of corruption is weaker when there are higher levels of political discretion. Originality/value This is the first evaluation of the moderating effect of political discretion on the negative impact of corruption on entrepreneurship.
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Baig, Saranjam, Cuneyt Yenigun, and Khalid Mehmood Alam. "Political Capacity and Corruption Nexus: Re-Examining Evidence for Developing Countries." Economies 10, no. 6 (May 31, 2022): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10060127.
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This article examines the question of whether developing countries with strong political capacity have lower levels of corruption. Despite the ubiquity of literature on corruption, the relationship between a state’s political capacity and corruption has not been addressed by the existing academic literature. To measure the political capacity of a country, the authors have used relative political capacity (RPC), an indicator that gauges the effectiveness of governance by its ability to meet or exceed their expected extractive capabilities and its ability to implement a set of policy choices. On the one hand, politically capable and stable governments are in a position to pursue their political and economic goals, such as reducing corruption. On the other hand, a strong political capacity provides them with the opportunity for rent-seeking and corruption. This implies that a state’s strong political capacity can be either a ‘boon’ or ‘bane’ to implement a set of desired policy goals. Based on this assertion, the authors test the hypothesis of whether a strong relative political capacity increases or reduces the level of corruption. The analysis uses the ordinary least-squares and two-stage least squares methods for 98 developing countries to test the hypothesis. The findings suggest that the explanatory power of political capacity is at least as important as conventionally accepted causes of corruption, such as economic development, and democracy.
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Tuathail, Gearóid Ó. "Book Review: Political corruption and political geography." Progress in Human Geography 23, no. 1 (March 1999): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/030913299670653863.
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Dasgupta, Sandipto. "The Power of Corruption." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 558–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885524.
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Abstract The central paradox of corruption in the political life of the global South is how such a widely despised phenomenon persists so untroubled by allthe negative attention. The two books under discussion—Steven Pierce's Moral Economies of Corruption and Milan Vaishnav's When Crime Pays—demonstrate that to make sense of that paradox, one needs to go beyond the dominant legal/technocratic understanding of corruption as either private acts of illegality or failures of the civic democratic process. Thinking further with the insights offered by those books, the article sugg ests that the phenomenon of corruption can only be made sense of when placed within the matrix of political and social power relations in the global South democracies. Corruptions appear not as distortions in an idealized democratic marketplace, but in the context of maneuvers of counter-democratic power to maintain existing hierarchies of dominations against tides of democratic mobilization, not merely as a subversion of the public good, but in reaction to attempts to make goods public.
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Hussaini, Mustapha, and Nura Aliyu Kabuga. "Impact of Corruption on Public Investment Outcomes in Nigeria." Asian Journal of Economics, Business and Accounting 25, no. 1 (January 11, 2025): 197–221. https://doi.org/10.9734/ajeba/2025/v25i11643.
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Corruption remains a significant barrier to public investment in Nigeria, particularly for large-scale projects. This study aims to examine the impact of corruption on public investment outcomes across varying levels of investment with time series data covering 1986 to 2023. Using simultaneous quantile regression, the analysis captures both the direct effect of corruption and its interactions with macroeconomic variables, including GDP per capita, inflation, government effectiveness, political instability, and foreign direct investment (FDI). The results demonstrate that corruption consistently reduces public investment, with the negative impact intensifying at higher quantiles. Interaction terms reveal that government effectiveness mitigates the harmful effects of corruption, while political instability exacerbates them for smaller projects but plays a more complex role in larger ones. Inflation and FDI further amplify corruption's negative effects, particularly in medium and large-scale projects. The study concludes that larger public investments are especially vulnerable to corruption, which emphasises the need for stronger institutional frameworks and governance reforms to enhance transparency and accountability in public sector investment. Lastly, macroeconomic stability and improved political conditions are crucial to enhancing public investment outcomes, particularly in large-scale projects.
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Navot, Doron. "Political Corruption, Democratic Theory, and Democracy." Les ateliers de l'éthique 9, no. 3 (March 12, 2015): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029057ar.
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According to recent conceptual proposals, institutional corruption should be understood within the boundaries of the institution and its purpose. Political corruption in democracies, prominent scholars suggest, is characterized by the violation of institutional ideals or behaviors that tend to harm democratic processes and institutions. This paper rejects the idea that compromises, preferences, political agreements, or consent can be the baseline of conceptualization of political corruption. In order to improve the identification of abuse of power, the concept of political corruption should not be related directly to democratic institutions and processes; rather, it should be related to ideals whose content is independent of citizens’ preferences, institutions and processes. More specifically, I articulate the relations between political corruption and the notion of subjection, and include powerful citizens in the category of political corruption. Yet, I also suggest redefining under what conditions agents are culpable for their motivations in promoting private gain. By doing this, we better realize how democratic institutions can be the source of corruption and not just its victims. Such a redefinition, I propose finally, is the basis for the distinction between individual and institutional corruption.
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Munyai, Anzanilufuno, and Jean-claude N. Ashukem. "The political economy of political corruption in 21st century Africa: Perspectives from Cameroon and South Africa." Law, Democracy and Development 27 (November 8, 2023): 330–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2077-4907/2023/ldd.v27.13.
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AAFrom ancient to modern times, corruption has plagued human civilisation. Its existence confirms that it has been integrated into the social fabric of global society and become a vice of governance. Corruption has dual implications: the direct financial benefit for the perpetrators due to the misuse of entrusted power, which raises the issue of accountability; and the deprivation to society of the allocation of resources. Political corruption results in large amounts of public funds being systematically siphoned off at the expense of society, and against the dictates of the constitutional values of transparency and accountability. For South Africa and Cameroon, political corruption continues to impede growth and development, despite the prevalence of anti-corruption mechanisms in these countries. From a comparative perspective, we investigate the scale and consequence of political corruption in South Africa and Cameroon to analyse the existing anti-corruption mechanisms, strategies and regimes in the two countries in combatting political corruption. We further analyse how and to what extent courts, particularly the Special Crime Court in Cameroon, have been able to address the issue. Furthermore, we demonstrate the similarities between high-level abuse of power in South Africa and Cameroon, notwithstanding existing anticorruption mechanisms. We conclude that a proactive system of checks and balances is urgently required to quench the growing cancerous phenomenon of political corruption in Africa, specifically in Cameroon and South Africa.
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Setiyono, Budi. "MEMAHAMI KORUPSI DI DAERAH PASCA DESENTRALISASI: BELAJAR DARI EMPAT STUDI KASUS." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, no. 1 (October 25, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.27-62.
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Since ‘reformasi movement’ and decentralization takes place, a lot of local government officials (politicians and bureaucrats) are jailed due to their involvement in corruption cases. While on the one hand, this may an evidence that corruption eradication efforts have shown positive results, but on the other hand, it leaves ironic heartbreaking questions. Why these officials caught in corruption cases? Are they economically shortage that forced them to illegally "steal the state money" for themself, their family, as well as their patrons? Or is it related to the wider socio-political context that they can not control? This paper shows that the causes, patterns and modes of corruption at local level were very diverse. In addition to factors related to moral hazard, corruption is also associated with poor government administration, convoluted and unclear regulations, rigid organizational hierarchy, and political rivalry that can lead to an entrapment of official in actions that are perceived as corrupt. These conditions are exacerbated by the weakness of the behavior and commitment of law enforcement agencies in combating corruption. It is urgent, therefore, to develop an integrated system and strategy to increase the effectiveness of corruption eradication. We need to form an a comprehensive policy of combating corruption which is based on the principle of accountability and public participation.Keywords: local government corruption, anti-corruption measures, accountability, governance.
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Alfiantoro, Handoko, Abdul Maasba Magassing, M. Syukri Akub, and Judhariksawan. "Legal Position of Criminal Act of Political Corruption as Part of Reflection Money Political Practice." Journal of Hunan University Natural Sciences 49, no. 6 (June 30, 2022): 236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55463/issn.1674-2974.49.6.24.
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Until now, there has been no specific regulation regarding the crime of political corruption in the laws and regulations in Indonesia, but this kind of activity has become familiarly mentioned. This phenomenon makes the legal position of the criminal act of political corruption worthy of being a separate offense in a material criminal law regulation. The purpose of writing this article is to determine the legal position which can later be used as material to formulate a new criminal act in the form of political corruption in the applicable positive law. This article uses the normative juridical research method through statute approach, comparative approach, and conceptual approach, which aims to critically examine the legal position of the criminal act of political corruption as part of the reflection of money politics practices. The study results indicate that in the context of future legal reforms, money politics as a form of political corruption must be regulated as a special offense in the law on eradicating corruption. The novelty offered by the authors in this article is the idea of the need to criminalize political corruption as a separate crime in the future.
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Ceva, Emanuela. "POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A RELATIONAL INJUSTICE." Social Philosophy and Policy 35, no. 02 (2018): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052519000013.
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Abstract:The corruption of public officials and institutions is generally regarded as wrong. But in what exactly does this form of corruption consist and what kind of wrong does it imply? Recent proponents of the “institutionalist approach” to political corruption have concentrated on those occasions when incentive structures distract institutions from their essential purpose and weaken public trust. The corruption of individual public officials has been less relevant to their work, except for when it leads to the erosion of the functioning of institutions. From this perspective, a clear emphasis has been put on the consequences of corruption. In contrast, I argue that political corruption, whether individual or institutional, can be more fundamentally understood as a form of political injustice in which someone has violated the logic of mutual accountability that undergirds all relations of justice in rights-based systems. In this sense, political corruption occurs when public officials use their entrusted power of office for the pursuit of an agenda whose rationale may not be vindicated as coherent with the terms of their mandate. By focusing on the inherent qualities of corrupt political relations, I lay out a novel relational and deontological understanding of the inherent wrongness of political corruption as a form of unaccountable action.
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Silva, Marcos Fernandes da. "The political economy of corruption in Brazil." Revista de Administração de Empresas 39, no. 3 (September 1999): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75901999000300004.
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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.
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Yeboah-Assiamah, Emmanuel, Kwame Asamoah, and Alex Osei-kojo. "Corruption Here, Corruption There, Corruption Everywhere: A Framework for Understanding and Addressing Public Sector Corruption in Developing African Democracies." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 3 (September 8, 2014): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i3.6406.
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Corruption exists in all political jurisdictions globally, but it is believed to be more pronounced in transitional democracies especially African countries. Due to the extent of corruption in African countries, scholars and practitioners in the fields of public policy and development studies suggest that corruption has significantly undermined, and continues to undermine development on the continent. Using Africa as a case study and selected theoretical models, this paper views corruption as a transaction process and provides a model to explain how the transaction occurs between the actors involved. It also explores how corruption diminishes efforts towards the development of Africa, and proposes a comprehensive framework that can be adopted to curb the canker of corruption in Africa. The study adopted the content analysis technique within qualitative study. It thus, draws extensively on existing literature available in peer reviewed articles, conference and government reports, books and magazines. Among the key findings of the study are that; corruption is a two-way affair, which manifests in some sort of demand and supply. It was also found out that the prevalence of weak bureaucratic institutions and systems (context) and the manner of how transactions are conducted (process) all contribute to promotion of corruption in developing African countries. In order to address the problem of corruption, the study recommends the adoption of a holistic approach, which involves a strong political will to enforce law and order, strengthening state institutions to detect, expose and prosecute culprits irrespective of their status and political affiliation. The paper also suggests that bureaucratic and political elites should take the lead in fighting corruption by conducting themselves in a manner that will inspire trust and confidence in the entire political system.
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Rahbarqazi, Mahmoudreza, and Raza Mahmoudoghli. "Corruption Perceptions, Political Distrust, and the Weakening of Political Islam in Iraq." Revista Española de Sociología 29, no. 3 - Sup1 (November 25, 2020): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22325/fes/res.2020.57.
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Employing the SEM technique, the present study aims to examine the effects of corruption perceptions on political distrust and political Islamization in Iraq. The present study used the Arab Barometer Wave V data provided during 2018–2019. By examining data from 2461 Iraqi citizens, the results revealed that corruption perceptions, on the one hand, increase citizens' perceptions of poor government performance and wrong direction of country, and it reduces the tendency for a democratic political system on the other hand. The results also showed that citizens' perceptions of corruption indirectly, through the above three mediating variables, increase political distrust in society and negatively affect political Islamization. Citizens' corruption perceptions, therefore, appear to be one of the important reasons that challenge the public's confidence in the institutions and the ruling political ideology.
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Hrynicki, Wojciech M. "Corruption as a Threat to the Rule of Law in a Democratic Law-Observing State." Security Dimensions 34, no. 34 (December 4, 2020): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5609.
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This paper shows that corruption constitutes a threat to the rule of law in a democratic law-observing state, destroying it from within and ridiculing it outside. It destabilises social relations in such a state, which adversely affects the political system as well as the development of legislation and economy. The paper also reminds that corruption erodes social relations, causing demoralisation and slackening of morals in society. Corruption may also be a threat to the life, health and property of citizens. The author tracks views about corruption using the method of theoretical analysis of the notions (critical analysis of secondary sources); the statistical method, mainly analysing the latest Corruption Perceptions Index (2019); and the dogmatic-legal method. He concludes that corruption destabilises multiple areas of the functioning of a democratic law-observing state, disrupting the political space, spoiling the law, and causing destructive phenomena in the economic as well as in the moral sphere. It ultimately destabilises state structures, rendering them dysfunctional and perverting the principles of democracy. Corruption interacts with legality acting as a feedback loop, as it destroys the rule of law and democracy, which in turn deepens corruptive phenomena.