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1

Plumlee, John P., Jay D. Starling y Kenneth W. Kramer. "Citizen Participation in Water Quality Planning". Administration & Society 16, n.º 4 (febrero de 1985): 455–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009539978501600404.

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2

Damurski, Lukasz. "E-Participation in Urban Planning". International Journal of E-Planning Research 1, n.º 3 (julio de 2012): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2012070103.

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Simple observation of planning practices in Eastern and Western Europe reveal a substantial gap in citizen participation between the post-socialist societies and the highly developed countries. This gap was created recently during the continent’s history and is reflected in an uneven distribution of social capital and democratic attitudes. During the last 30 years Western societies developed their civic consciousness and improved their democratic procedures; while citizen activities in the East was constrained by socialist regimes, then dissipated by the system transformation and only now is slowly reviving. How can social and political distance? Development of ICT (Information and Communication Technology) tools seems to stimulate social cohesion of European countries. The Internet creates new forms of social life, giving new opportunities for citizen involvement and strongly influences public decision-making systems. Examples of e-participation in planning from both sides of the continent suggest that this gap is not necessarily as big as it appears to be. This article compares online participation tools offered in Poland and Germany. Analyzing three complimentary aspects of e-participation in planning: “transparency,” “spatiality,” and “interactivity.” The results are expressed further in the article.
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3

Lindell, Marina y Peter Ehrström. "Deliberative Walks: citizen participation in local-level planning processes". European Political Science 19, n.º 3 (20 de enero de 2020): 478–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00243-4.

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4

Mirecka, Małgorzata y Tomasz Majda. "Citizen Participation in Local Planning Józefosław Case Study". Challenges of Modern Technology 8, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2017): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2625.

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Citizen participation in the city development planning process is guaranteed by law in every civil society. In Poland, the participation of local communities in spatial planning has been evolving since the political transformation of the years 1989/1990. Changes that occur in the participation process are a result of the formation of civil society and a resulting increase in social awareness on possibilities of expressing one's needs and influencing planning decisions of local governments, as well as modifications in laws and regulations. The article presents the experience gathered in the field of extended social participation in the procedure of drawing up local spatial development plans, on the example of ongoing work on plans for the village of Józefosław in Piaseczno, nearby Warsaw. The problems identified in the area covered by the plans and their origins have been characterized, the assumptions of the plans, whose main purpose is to alleviate diagnosed problems and respond to the needs of the inhabitants, articulated at various stages of the planning process. Then the scope and results of the various phases of social participation – preplanning and based on formal planning procedures – have been described. The experience gained from the phase of public consultation during the preparation of local plans for the village of Józefosław allowed us to draw more general conclusions about participatory procedures specified in the binding regulations, which were included in the summary.
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5

Shiu-hing, Lo. "Decolonization and Political Development in Hong Kong: Citizen Participation". Asian Survey 28, n.º 6 (1 de junio de 1988): 613–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644656.

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6

Shiu-hing, Lo. "Decolonization and Political Development in Hong Kong: Citizen Participation". Asian Survey 28, n.º 6 (junio de 1988): 613–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1988.28.6.01p01703.

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7

Díaz Orueta, Fernando. "Spain: Local Democracy and Citizen Participation". Space and Polity 10, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2006): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562570601110666.

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8

Zhang, Lin, Pieter Hooimeijer, Yanliu Lin y Stan Geertman. "Roles and Motivations of Planning Professionals Who Promote Public Participation in Urban Planning Practice: Two Case Studies from Beijing, China". Urban Affairs Review 56, n.º 4 (22 de diciembre de 2019): 1237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419895116.

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Public participation in urban planning is a contested issue in China. In this article, we look at the endogenous mechanism of institutional change, by analyzing the roles and motivations of “third-party” planning professionals in two contrasting cases: a government-led and a citizen-led participatory practice. Findings show that planners were advocates of citizen participation in heritage preservation in both cases and acted as “mediators” in the first and “activists” in the second, yet remained within the mainstream planning structure. Their motivation to serve the rights of the citizens was clear, but subordinate to the drive to conform to the professional norms of authenticity in preservation in both cases. In contrast to both the Global North where more agonistic approaches question inclusive planning and the Global South where insurgent planning finds space to maneuver, Chinese urban planning seems to proceed by taking small steps within narrow margins when it comes to citizen engagement.
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9

Guziana, Bozena. "Only for Citizens? Local Political Engagement in Sweden and Inclusiveness of Terms". Sustainability 13, n.º 14 (13 de julio de 2021): 7839. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13147839.

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In both policy and research, civic engagement and citizen participation are concepts commonly used as important dimensions of social sustainability. However, as migration is a global phenomenon of huge magnitude and complexity, citizen participation is incomplete without considering the political and ethical concerns about immigrants being citizens or non-citizens, or ‘the others’. Although research on citizen participation has been a frequent topic in local government studies in Sweden, the inclusiveness and exclusiveness of terms used in the context of local political engagement, which are addressed in this article, has not received attention. This article examines the Swedish case by analyzing information provided by the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and by websites of all 290 municipalities as well terms used in selected research publications on local participation. Additionally, this article studies the effectiveness of municipal websites in providing information to their residents about how they can participate in local democracy. The results show that the term citizen is commonly and incorrectly used both by local authorities and the Association. The article concludes that the term citizen is a social construction of exclusiveness and the use of the term citizen should be avoided in political and civic engagement except for the limited topics that require formal citizenship.
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10

Michels, Ank M. B. "Citizen participation and democracy in the Netherlands". Democratization 13, n.º 2 (abril de 2006): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340500524067.

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11

Albert, Victor. "Power, Policy, and Citizen Participation in Santo André, Brazil". Latin American Perspectives 44, n.º 2 (9 de julio de 2016): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16650673.

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City master plans assumed a central role in urban planning in Brazil with the promulgation of a new constitution in 1988 and the passage of enacting legislation in 2001. Citizen participation became an important part of this new urban planning framework. In contrast to some of Brazil’s other democratic experiments, participation in urban planning has been received critically or with only cautious optimism. A comparison of two participatory forums in Santo André, São Paulo, shows that established patterns of administrative power can decisively influence the participation of the public in city planning. Differences in the executive structures of the two institutions enabled one of them but not the other to foster open-ended deliberation on policies with members of disadvantaged groups. The study suggests that participation might be enhanced by reserving executive positions for civil society participants, including the public at all stages of policy development, choosing participants largely from disadvantaged groups, and keeping the forum small. Planos diretores para cidades desempenharam papel fundamental no planejamento urbano brasileiro com a promulgação da Constituição de 1988 e o sancionamento da legislação em 2001. Demais, a participação de cidadãos tornou-se importante elemento dessa nova moldura de planejamento urbanístico. Ainda assim, em contraste com outros experimentos democráticos no Brasil, a participação no planejamento urbano tem sido recebida de maneira crítica ou no máximo com otimismo cauteloso. Contudo, uma comparação entre dois forums participativos em Santo André, São Paulo, demonstra que padrões estabelecidos de poder administrativo tiveram influência decisiva na participação pública no planejamento urbano. Diferenças na estrutura executiva das duas instituições permitiram que uma delas, mas não a outra, promovesse deliberações transparentes sobre iniciativas enquanto permitia a participação de grupos menos privilegiados. O estudo sugere que a participação pode ser ampliada com a nomeação de participantes da sociedade civil a cargos executivos, incluindo-se o público em todos os estágios da política de desenvolvimento e escolhendo-se indivíduos majoritariamente entre segmentos mais desfavorecidos da população. O forum deve, ainda, manter-se pequeno.
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12

Koch, Florian y Lina María Sánchez Steiner. "Participation without Power". Latin American Perspectives 44, n.º 2 (21 de septiembre de 2016): 168–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16668312.

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Citizen participation has become an important political strategy. A case study of the Barranquilla land-use plan employing Fung and Wright’s theories on countervailing power reveals that the citizen participation promoted to comply with legal requirements was a failure because it was manipulated by the dominant public actor. In societies such as that of Barranquilla, which employs traditional modes of politics, there is little chance of fostering successful participatory processes because there is no countervailing power to offset the established one. The violent context that surrounds the political sphere, low confidence in state institutions, and the convergence of economic and political power prevent the creation of strong and independent countervailing powers. La participación ciudadana se ha convertido en una importante estrategia política. El estudio de caso del plan de usos de terrenos de Barranquilla a través del prisma de las teorías de Fung y Wright sobre el poder compensatorio revela que la participación ciudadana promovida para cumplir con los requisitos legales fue un fracaso porque fue manipulada por el actor público dominante. En sociedades como la de Barranquilla, con sus modos tradicionales de la política, hay pocas posibilidades de fomentar procesos de participación exitosos porque no hay un poder compensatorio que contrarreste el poder establecido. El contexto violento que envuelve la esfera política, la poca confianza en las instituciones estatales y la convergencia del poder económico con el poder social impiden la creación de poderes compensatorios fuertes e independientes.
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13

Ian Gershberg, Alec. "Decentralization, Citizen Participation, and the Role of the State". Latin American Perspectives 26, n.º 4 (julio de 1999): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9902600401.

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14

Pandeya, Ganesh Prasad y Shree Krishna Shrestha. "Does Citizen Participation Improve Local Planning? An Empirical Analysis of Stakeholders’ Perceptions in Nepal". Journal of South Asian Development 11, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2016): 276–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174116667097.

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Using a qualitative approach, based on extensive fieldwork and surveys, this article examines how participatory institutions in Nepal perform and affect local planning. The evidence points to mixed outcomes: citizen participation can improve local planning, especially with regard to achieving planning efficacy and equity; and at the same time, it sometimes yields no such effects or may produce negative effects including raising expectations, skewing priorities and producing faulty compartmentalization, besides adding to administrative complexities. This is because the anticipated benefits of citizen participation are strongly embedded in local, socio-political realities such as the degree of power exercised by the local elites, mainly politicians, a collusive nexus among them, prior history of citizen mobilization and empowerment and the degree to which citizens and civil society organizations are able to exercise their agency to countervail those forces.
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15

Lin, Yanliu y Stijn Kant. "Using Social Media for Citizen Participation: Contexts, Empowerment, and Inclusion". Sustainability 13, n.º 12 (10 de junio de 2021): 6635. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13126635.

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Social media have been increasingly used by governments and planning professionals to gain public opinions, distribute information, and support participation in planning practices. Nevertheless, few studies have been conducted to understand the influence of local contexts and the extent to which social media can enhance citizen power and inclusion. This study investigates the role of social media in citizen participation by taking case studies in the Netherlands. It adopts a mixed methods approach that combines interviews, web scraping, and content analysis to understand the characteristics of social media participation. There are several key findings. First, support policies and a high level of social media penetration rate are preconditions for more inclusive participation. Second, social media enhance social inclusion by engaging many participants, who may not be able to participate via traditional methods. Third, they facilitate interactions and different levels of citizen power, though the government still plays a leading role within top-down approaches. Finally, they improve the effectiveness of participation regarding transparency, accessibility, and workable solutions. However, there are several potential political and social bias associated with social media technology. The combination of online and offline participation methods is properly necessary to engage different groups in the planning process.
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16

GARBE, DETLEF. "Planning Cell and Citizen Report: a report on German experiences with new participation instruments". European Journal of Political Research 14, n.º 1-2 (marzo de 1986): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00831.x.

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17

Legacy, Crystal, Jonathan Metzger, Wendy Steele y Enrico Gualini. "Beyond the post-political: Exploring the relational and situated dynamics of consensus and conflict in planning". Planning Theory 18, n.º 3 (agosto de 2019): 273–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095219845628.

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This Special Issue explores the problematique of the consensus and conflict binary that has emerged in the critical analysis of the post-political urban condition. Focusing on the interstitial spaces existing between consensus and conflict reveals a more relational dynamic that positions consensus and conflict as co-constitutive and continuously being shaped by the performance of politics by state and non-state actors. Critiques of the post-political tend to fail to engage with the conditions that lead to citizen actors acting in political ways beyond the formal processes of planning and decision-making, or when consensus or conflict is used by oppressive politics to produce exclusion and reproduce inequality. In addition to introducing the five papers appearing in this special issue, in this opening editorial, we argue the need to cast attention towards the new expressions of political participation generated by different citizen actors. Critically engaging with these varied expressions may reveal new ways of conceptualising participation that can create new informal spaces where injustices and inequalities are voiced and the structures and hegemonies created are exposed.
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18

Leong, Ho Khai. "Citizen Participation and Policy Making in Singapore: Conditions and Predicaments". Asian Survey 40, n.º 3 (1 de mayo de 2000): 436–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3021155.

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19

Leong, Ho Khai. "Citizen Participation and Policy Making in Singapore: Conditions and Predicaments". Asian Survey 40, n.º 3 (mayo de 2000): 436–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2000.40.3.01p0079e.

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20

Kalandides, Ares. "Citizen participation: towards a framework for policy assessment". Journal of Place Management and Development 11, n.º 2 (4 de junio de 2018): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpmd-02-2018-0017.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to contribute to the academic debate on participatory urban development in two ways: first, by proposing a methodological framework though which urban policies can be assessed; and second, through a case study that applies the framework, delivering an analysis of the policy intentions of the current Berlin administration.Design/methodology/approachThe first section of this paper introduces the case study, placing it in the political context in Berlin and suggesting an initial reading of the relevant documents that frame policy in participatory urban development today. The second section includes an attempt at disambiguation, a conceptual and an analytical framework, followed by a preliminary assessment of the Berlin participatory policy. The final part of this paper draws conclusions and sets a possible future research agenda.FindingsParticipation is present in several passages of the Contract and refers to different possible readings of the term: participation as institutional framework, participation as rights, participation in the public sphere and participation as practice.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the disambiguation of the concept of “citizen participation”, proposes a framework through which to assess policy and offers an initial analysis of the policy intentions of the current Berlin administration.
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21

van Diest, Camila. "Citizen Participation, Associations, and Conflict: The Transformation of Valparaíso’s Former Prison". Latin American Research Review 55, n.º 4 (2020): 790–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.725.

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22

Merino, Roger. "Re-politicizing participation or reframing environmental governance? Beyond indigenous’ prior consultation and citizen participation". World Development 111 (noviembre de 2018): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.06.025.

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23

Van Wymeersch, Elisabet, Stijn Oosterlynck y Thomas Vanoutrive. "The political ambivalences of participatory planning initiatives". Planning Theory 18, n.º 3 (30 de noviembre de 2018): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095218812514.

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This article explores the relevance of combining multiple understandings of democratic politics to analyse the ambivalent and contentious dynamics of citizen participation in spatial planning. Building forth on the ongoing efforts in critical planning theory to overcome the deadlock between collaborative and agonistic oriented planning approaches, we argue for the refraining from ‘over-ontologising’ the question of democratic politics in planning processes, and start from the assumption that participatory planning processes as an empirical reality can accommodate radically different, even incompatible views on democracy. In addition, it is argued that while current planning scholars predominantly focus on the applicability of the collaborative and (ant)agonistic approach to democratic politics, a third approach – based on Jacques Rancière’s notion of political subjectification grounded in equality – may be discerned. By mobilising an empirical study of a contentious participatory planning initiative in Ghent (Belgium), that is, the Living Street experiment, we illustrate that while different approaches to democratic politics do not necessarily align with each other, they are often simultaneously at work in concrete participatory planning processes and indeed explain their contentious nature.
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24

NEUGEBAUER, Carola. "URBAN RENEWAL PLANNING IN GERMAN CITIES – A GOVERNANCE ANALYSIS". Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, n.º 85 (2021): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2021.85.23-37.

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The European Union and Germany strive for a “green and just Europe” with a climate-neutral building stock, net zero land consumption and cities of social cohesion and cultural identity. Thus, urban renewal as the protection and cautious re-modelling of socio-material urban fabrics re-gains topicality. Urban renewal is neither a new nor an easy mode of urban development: West Germany experienced the first heydays of urban renewal planning in 1960s and 70s; big constructions works triggered civil protests and spurred institutional changes, namely the introduction of citizen participation in planning. Since then, the planning and local political institutions have continued to change oscillating between neoliberal and ‘citizen democratic reforms’. So far, however, the German planning research has ignored these changes and the evolving experiences of urban renewal. This paper steps in here: It aims at a critical review of the local practices of renewal planning in German cities today. Starting from the governance concept, the paper reveals key characteristics of and interdependencies among the local stakeholder groups in urban renewal – i.e. planners, politicians, citizens and activists, private entrepreneurs. It shows (1) how the formal political and planning institutions pre-frame the actors’ opportunities and interdependencies, and how they use leeway differently due to specific informal institutions. The paper (2) points at the tight and critical interdependency between the local political bodies and the planning departments, which differs importantly from some Eastern European contexts. Finally, the paper reveal (3) some new challenges that are the un-explored local effects of citizen participation and ppp-cooperation in German renewal planning today: It becomes evident that participatory and cooperative renewal planning is still a demanding learning process in Germany without easy nor final receipts.
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25

Buele, Irene, Pablo Vidueira, José Luis Yagüe y Fabián Cuesta. "The Participatory Budgeting and Its contribution to Local Management and Governance: Review of Experience of Rural Communities from the Ecuadorian Amazon Rainforest". Sustainability 12, n.º 11 (7 de junio de 2020): 4659. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114659.

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In Ecuador, the participatory political design of the political party forming the government from 2007 to 2017, along with the constitution of 2018, created opportunities for citizen participation. Participatory budgeting (PB) is the most commonly used citizen participation mechanism. The direct participation of citizens is reflected in improving the governance by democratizing decision processes. The contribution of PB to the local management and governance of seven rural communities of the Ecuadorian Amazon was analyzed using a case study. Based on (1) the level of compliance with municipal planning through management indicators and, the amounts allocated to PB, (2) along with the level of citizen satisfaction, complementary perspectives (acquired through a survey) on the implementation of PB are provided. These sources of evidence allowed us to critically assess the effects of PB in the improvement of local management and governance. We found low levels of municipal planning compliance, i.e., a 20% (2017) and 43% (2018), high levels of citizen dissatisfaction (around 91%) and also a “disagreement” with the PB implementation process. Finally, it is observed that the implementation of the participatory budget in rural communities presents deficiencies that limit the obtaining of representative benefits and that imply an improvement in the governance and quality of life of the citizenry. This is mainly caused by the low interest of citizens to participate in the phases of execution and monitoring of projects, due to a low culture and participatory education.
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26

MacRina, David M. y Thomas W. O'Rourke. "Citizen Participation in Health Planning in the U.S. and the U.K.: Implications for Health Education Strategies". International Quarterly of Community Health Education 7, n.º 3 (octubre de 1986): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ltcc-k77x-gdxp-669e.

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The role of citizen involvement in the health planning process in Great Britain and the United States makes for interesting comparisons. Within both systems, the record of citizen participation in health planning has been mixed. Both the philosophical goals and political and economic realities of the two countries have contributed to the development of markedly different systems of health care delivery and for the perceived role of the citizens within this delivery system. While previous comparisons have primarily centered on the nature of the delivery systems and potential effectiveness and cost, this study focuses upon the citizen's role in effecting meaningful health planning in both societies. Furthermore, the study relates findings to implications for developing effective health education strategies based upon these understandings.
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27

Butzlaff, Felix. "Between empowerment and abuse: citizen participation beyond the post-democratic turn". Democratization 27, n.º 3 (4 de febrero de 2020): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1707809.

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Cohen, Nevin. "Technical Assistance for Citizen Participation: A Case Study of New York City's Environmental Planning Process". American Review of Public Administration 25, n.º 2 (junio de 1995): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027507409502500202.

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MARTÍNEZ, MIGUEL. "The Citizen Participation of Urban Movements in Spatial Planning: A Comparison between Vigo and Porto". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 35, n.º 1 (16 de diciembre de 2010): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2010.00956.x.

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Reaven, Marci. "Neighborhood Activism in Planning for New York City, 1945-1975". Journal of Urban History 46, n.º 6 (28 de abril de 2017): 1261–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217705446.

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The practice of city planning in New York City was transformed in the decades after World War II. At the start of this period, the system was characterized by little citizen involvement and no transparency. By the mid-1970s, citizens had become accepted participants in land-use decision-making, and formal procedures for involving citizens in planning had been written into local law. This article explores how this turning point in citizen participation came about by focusing on the Cooper Square Committee—an ambitious practitioner of neighborhood activism on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. Setting the Committee’s quest in the participatory context of the times uncovers a groundswell of voluntary groups who used the city’s neighborhoods as forums for democratic action. Along with government actors, planning professionals, and civic and social agencies, such groups contributed to the transformation in planning, which developed not by premeditated campaign but by a cumulative process of public problem-solving and social innovation.
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31

Hardina, Donna. "Strategies for Citizen Participation and Empowerment in Non-profit, Community-Based Organizations". Community Development 37, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2006): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15575330609490192.

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32

Yang, Guobin. "The Co-evolution of the Internet and Civil Society in China". Asian Survey 43, n.º 3 (mayo de 2003): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.3.405.

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Civil society and the Internet energize each other in their co-evolutionary development in China. The Internet facilitates civil society activities by offering new possibilities for citizen participation. Civil society facilitates the development of the Internet by providing the necessary social basis——citizens and citizen groups——for communication and interaction. These arguments are illustrated with an analysis of the discourse in Qiangguo Luntan [Strengthening the Nation Forum] and an ethnographic study of Huaxia Zhiqing [Chinese Educated Youth], <www.hxzq.net>.
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33

Carlin, Ryan E. "The decline of citizen participation in electoral politics in post-authoritarian Chile". Democratization 13, n.º 4 (agosto de 2006): 632–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340600791921.

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34

Lederman, Jacob. "The People’s Plan? Participation and Post-Politics in Flint’s Master Planning Process". Critical Sociology 45, n.º 1 (31 de agosto de 2017): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517719554.

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Drawing upon an analysis of Flint’s 2012–2013 master planning process, this article explores a puzzling set of questions: Why would a city under emergency management with an abrogated democratic process explicitly encourage extensive citizen participation in one of its most important and strategic documents? How does the urge to involve the community in decision-making reflect new priorities of urban governance? The paper suggests that such a paradox can be conceived as a coherent strategy for addressing conflicting priorities. On the one hand, the exigencies of official claims to democratic engagement operate during a period in which public discourse on inequality has grown in prominence. On the other, harsh fiscal constraint compels local officials and stakeholders to create the conditions for new market-led investment as the singular remedy to urban decline. The result is a transformation of the normative boundaries of the public, lauded as democratic, yet narrowly defined as those participating in highly choreographed and non-binding civic rituals. Local stakeholders, outside consultants, and city administrators generated consensus on a set of urban planning best practices deemed conducive to novel forms of growth, suggesting a transferal of authority from elected office holders to non-elected experts. This process then established the conditions under which community participation was pursued. The intertwining of technical expertise and elite decision-making, however, predetermined community input by naturalizing technocratic logics in planning policy, while signaling the post-political bent of some participatory processes in U.S. cities.
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35

Silverman, Robert Mark, Henry Louis Taylor, Li Yin, Camden Miller y Pascal Buggs. "Are We Still Going Through the Empty Ritual of Participation? Inner-City Residents’ and Other Grassroots Stakeholders’ Perceptions of Public Input and Neighborhood Revitalization". Critical Sociology 46, n.º 3 (8 de abril de 2019): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519837322.

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This article revisits Arnstein’s “ladder of citizen participation” focusing on inner-city residents’ perceptions of public input in neighborhood revitalization projects. It draws from data collected in Buffalo, New York for a larger project that aimed to address negative externalities caused by neighborhood change. Data were collected using focus groups in neighborhoods in the early stages of revitalization. Nine focus groups took place across three neighborhoods experiencing encroachment from hospitals and universities. Data analysis was guided by standpoint theory, which focuses on amplifying the voices of groups traditionally disenfranchised from planning processes. The findings suggest that the shortcomings of public input identified by Arnstein a half century ago remain problematic. Residents continue to perceive limited access to urban planning processes and believe outcomes do not prioritize their interests. This is particularly problematic in minority, working-class neighborhoods when institutionally driven development occurs. Recommendations emphasize enhancing planners’ fidelity to strategies that expand citizen control.
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36

Hiskey, Jonathan T. y Gary L. Goodman. "The Participation Paradox of Indigenous Autonomy in Mexico". Latin American Politics and Society 53, n.º 2 (2011): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00117.x.

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AbstractAs indigenous movements around the world seek to strengthen their collective voice in their respective political systems, efforts continue to design political institutions that offer both sufficient local autonomy and incentives to participate in the broader political system. The state of Oaxaca, Mexico, offers a test case of one such effort at indigenous-based institutional design. This article argues that such reforms often fail to confront the tension between local autonomy and citizen engagement in politics outside the borders of the community. Testing this theory through a comparative analysis of voter turnout rates in municipalities across the state of Oaxaca and the neighboring state of Guerrero, this study finds that the adoption of indigenous institutions at the local level is associated with significantly lower voter turnout rates for national elections.
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37

Seifert, Jeffrey y R. Eric Petersen. "The Promise of All Things E? Expectations and Challenges of Emergent Electronic Government". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 1, n.º 2 (2002): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915002100419808.

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AbstractThe ambiguous nature of electronic government (e-government) has resulted in hype and confusion, with little systematic consideration of the expectations and limitations of taking government online. This paper seeks to examine the role of e-government in the United States as an evolving process that manifests itself in three distinct sectors: government-to-government, government-to-business, and government-to-citizen. Using this typology as an organizing principle, we show how information technology has the potential to enhance government accessibility and citizen participation. We also show how the move toward a market-focused conceptualization of government information and service delivery raises the potential for blurring citizen and consumer roles, possibly at the cost of a robust, informed, and engaged citizenry.
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38

Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, n.º 1-2 (14 de enero de 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.

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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.
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39

Alshaikh, Ala’a Bakur. "CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN SAUDI ARABIA: A STUDY OF THE MINISTRY OF LABOUR". Asian Affairs 50, n.º 1 (enero de 2019): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1567105.

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40

Kostelka, Filip. "The State of Political Participation in Post-Communist Democracies: Low but Surprisingly Little Biased Citizen Engagement". Europe-Asia Studies 66, n.º 6 (23 de mayo de 2014): 945–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.905386.

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41

Pincetl, S. "Challenges to Citizenship: Latino Immigrants and Political Organizing in the Los Angeles Area". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, n.º 6 (junio de 1994): 895–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a260895.

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Los Angeles County is home to over 700000 undocumented residents, largely from Mexico and Central America. They are largely poor and live in segregated neighborhoods. As they have entered the country illegally they have no citizenship rights. Yet the political system in the United States rests on the assumptions of democratic consent and citizen participation. When there is an increasing divergence between the population as a whole and an increasingly unrepresented politically active subgroup, the legitimacy of the political system itself is in jeopardy. In this paper, the political and economic organizing among undocumented Latino residents is examined, and questions are raised about the reformulation of the notion of citizenship.
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42

Cavalho Rigitano, Maria Helena y Ademir Paceli Barbassa. "Participation in Bauru master plans, Brazil: analysis of the historical evolution of the consultation process". Environnement Urbain 4 (8 de noviembre de 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044882ar.

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In Brazil, a policy on citizen participation and consultation in urban intervention programs, in particular in the development of master plans, was first introduced into the Federal Constitution in 1988. This article presents an historical reconstitution of Master Plans in Bauru – State of São Paulo – Brazil. The 1968, 1988 and 2005/2006 consultation methods are analyzed using established criteria. The degree of community participation in the processes is estimated by drawing on a typology based on the level of involvement by residents. The effects of participation caused by changes in political regime, technical planning vision, legal support to consultation, recognition of community importance and knowledge acquired during the process are highlighted and discussed.
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43

Kleinschmit, Stephen. "Addressing procedural bias in municipal planning governance: A case for incorporating citizen participation within technical advisory committees". International Journal of Organization Theory & Behavior 18, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijotb-18-01-2015-b001.

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This essay presents models of multiparty negotiation as a means to compare the conventional public meetings format of planning to a preliminary process, the technical advisory committee. A metric of market concentration, the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, is used to quantify the structural advantages in each, and presented within the context of municipal planning processes. In doing so, this work advances several propositions: First, open meetings expand power differentials between parties, which lead to outcomes that reflect the political efficacy of participants over the regulatory purpose of government. Second, such meetings create substantial transaction costs for the public, creating a barrier to the expression of community values. Finally, preliminary processes constitute a more effective forum for citizen participation than open meetings.
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44

Ek, Richard. "Creating the Creative Post-political Citizen?: The Showroom as an Arena for Creativity". Culture Unbound 3, n.º 2 (14 de junio de 2011): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.113167.

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The aim of this article is to give a tentative illustration of how a creative, postpolitical citizen is imagined and encouraged to unfold within the frame of a city renewal project. As a starting point, the article outlines an exploratory framework structured through the analytical concept of postpolis. Postpolis is a term that offers an illustration of the distinguishing qualities of contemporary urbanity in a principal and schematic way. Postpolis here has three cornerstones: the idea of post-politics (the thesis that today politics is out-defined and replaced by governmental practices that leave little space for public influence and participation), the notion of biopolitics and the claim that planning is a governmental practice that is substantially influenced by business management approaches. The illustrative section of the article gives an overview of the empirical illustration H+ and SHIP. H+ is an urban regeneration project in the city of Helsingborg, in southern Sweden. As the largest urban regeneration project in Sweden to date, it will run for 30 years and affect about a third of the total area of the city. The showroom SHIP, which has been constructed in connection with this urban project, presents both what can be done and what is encouraged in tandem with an investigation of the functions, tasks and design of this showroom. The article thus initiates an ethnographic study of the showroom as a planning servicescape, in which the future citizen of Helsingborg is superimposed on the bodies of the visitors.
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45

González, Yanilda María. "Participation as a Safety Valve: Police Reform Through Participatory Security in Latin America". Latin American Politics and Society 61, n.º 2 (14 de marzo de 2019): 68–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.78.

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ABSTRACTThe institutionalization of community participation in the context of policing has become increasingly common in Latin America as a means of addressing the seemingly intractable increase in crime and insecurity. The creation of formal spaces for community participation in security differs markedly from how police forces have historically operated. Moreover, opening spaces for citizen input and oversight could potentially limit an executive’s control over the police, an important political tool. Why, then, do politicians sometimes turn to “participatory security” when reforming the police? This article argues that politicians choose participation as a safety valve to disaggregate societal discontent, particularly when police-society relations are fractious and police capacity and resources are low. Drawing on qualitative evidence from Buenos Aires Province, São Paulo State, and Colombia, this study demonstrates that participation can serve a range of strategic purposes, which, in turn, shape the institutional design of the participatory mechanism.
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46

Herb, Michael. "A NATION OF BUREAUCRATS: POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION IN KUWAIT AND THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES". International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, n.º 3 (agosto de 2009): 395a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380909148x.

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In very rich rentier-states, such as Kuwait, citizens have a smaller immediate stake in the success of the nonoil economy than do citizens in nonrentier economies. This is because the nonoil sector does not pay much in the way of taxes, nor does it employ many citizens. For the most part, citizens work for the state or state-owned enterprises, and their paychecks are ultimately funded by oil revenues. Foreigners dominate private-sector employment. Kuwait's parliament—by far the strongest in the Gulf—reflects the interests of citizen employees of the state and is widely seen as an obstacle to private-sector growth. In the United Arab Emirates, by contrast, citizens have little political voice. Public policy instead reflects the interests of capitalists (especially ruling families) in the development of a diversified economy.
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47

Trebilcock, Maria Paz y Alejandra Luneke. "Crime Prevention and the Coproduction of Security: Outcomes of Citizen Participation at the Neighborhood Level in Neoliberal Chile". Latin American Perspectives 46, n.º 6 (10 de octubre de 2018): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18803681.

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A study of the implications of the coproduction-of-security policy implemented by Chile’s postdictatorship governments shows that the appeal for citizen participation in security provision has resulted in individual practices of home defense and protection rather than the development of the associative programs promoted by the state. This has come about in a context of extreme fear of crime and mistrust of the institutions in charge of security. The fact that the discourse of security coproduction is interwoven with the individuation and privatization that characterize Chilean society calls for a review of the agenda of citizen participation in security issues. Un estudio de las implicaciones de la política de coproducción de seguridad implementada por los gobiernos postdictadura de Chile muestra que el llamado a la participación ciudadana en provisión de seguridad ha resultado en prácticas individuales de defensa y protección del hogar más que en el desarrollo de programas asociativos promovidos por el estado. Esto ha ocurrido en un contexto de miedo extremo al crimen y desconfianza de las instituciones a cargo de la seguridad. El hecho de que el discurso de la coproducción de seguridad esté entrelazado con la individuación y la privatización que caracteriza a la sociedad chilena requiere una revisión de la agenda de participación ciudadana en temas de seguridad.
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48

Weymouth, Robert, Janette Hartz-Karp y Dora Marinova. "Repairing Political Trust for Practical Sustainability". Sustainability 12, n.º 17 (29 de agosto de 2020): 7055. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12177055.

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High levels of trust in government are important in addressing complex issues, including the realization of the mainstream sustainability agenda. However, trust in government has been declining for decades across the western world, undermining legitimacy and hampering policy implementation and planning for long-term sustainability. We hypothesize that an important factor in this decline is citizen disappointment with the current types of public participation in governance and that this could be reversed through a change from informing/consulting to a relationship of partnership. Using case studies from Western Australia, the paper investigates whether an intervention targeted at establishing a partnership relationship through mini-public, deliberative, participatory budgeting would improve trust and help the implementation of sustainability. These results show evidence of improvements in trust and provide conceptual and practical tools for government administrations wishing to close the detrimental trust gap that may hamper the implementation of a sustainability agenda.
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49

Axyonova, Vera y Fabienne Bossuyt. "Mapping the substance of the EU’s civil society support in Central Asia: From neo-liberal to state-led civil society". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, n.º 3 (4 de julio de 2016): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.005.

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Over the years, civil society empowerment has become an integral part of the European Union’s (EU) external and internal governance as a way to advance democracy and enhance citizen participation. While there has been increasing scholarly attention to the instruments and impact of the EU’s civil society support, so far there has been little research on the question what kind of civil society the EU actually promotes. This article intends to fill this gap by examining the substance of the EU’s civil society support in post- Soviet Central Asia, a region where various forms of civil society organizations (CSOs) exist. The findings reveal a differentiation between civil society types promoted in EU strategic documents and those that are supported in practice. While at the strategic planning level the EU seeks to strengthen civil society broadly construed, at the program implementation level the (neo-) liberal CSOs are the main beneficiaries. At the same time, the EU customizes its civil society assistance depending on the realities on the ground and at times finds itself empowering state-led civil society, while communal groups rarely benefit from the EU assistance schemes. This has severe implications for the advancement of citizen participation, considering that the actual grass-root initiatives are largely excluded from the EU assistance.
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50

Moghaieb, Heba Saleh. "Estimating local administrators’ participation in planning: case of “Egypt vision 2030”". Review of Economics and Political Science 4, n.º 3 (12 de julio de 2019): 197–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-11-2018-0016.

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Purpose This paper aims to address to what extent local administration is involved in national planning focusing on drafting and reviewing processes of “Egypt Vision 2030”. Design/methodology/approach The paper plan to use focus group discussions and descriptive-analytical approach with representatives of local administration in three governorates. Findings Importance of local participation is not any more a question; however, participation concept and methodology are what matters. Participatory approach is not complex-free. It is crucial to consider conflicts of interest groups, ideologies, and political trends, communities’ high expectations, particularly of those who were marginalized and deprived for long time. Definitions should not be unified on national, regional and local levels. Each community needs to agree on its own definitions, needs, dreams and paths toward development. Accordingly, the role of the planner is to expand choices and opportunities for each citizen. Participation in planning for the future must include the coming generation who are opting to live this tomorrow. That requires institutionalization of youth participation in the decision-making processes. Research limitations/implications It was difficult to ensure meeting adequate sample; however, the author does believe that the participated sample represents the case. Practical implications The impact of public participation in planning on enhancing the planning processes and strategic planning outcomes and implementation is not a matter of questioning anymore, although governments do not pay due attention. Social implications Public participation in planning processes named participative planning is crucial for achieving development, social justice, economic development and public trust in governments. Originality/value The paper depends on focus-group discussions that were conducted by the author. Analysis and discussions reflect the author’s academic and practical experiences.
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