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1
Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India /". Delhi [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 1998. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0606/98903531-d.html.
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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29435/.
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This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.
3
El-Jamal, Basim. "Palestinian political prisoners and Israeli imprisonment policy". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403079.
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Gonzalez-Cruz, Michael. "Puerto Rican revolutionary nationalism (1956-2005) immigration, armed struggle, political prisoners & prisoners of war /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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5
Dwyer, Clare D. "sometimes i wish i was an ex-prisoner release & reintegration : The experience of politically motivated former prisoners in Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534746.
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Reeb, Gerda. "Imprisoned writing : testimonies of political incarceration /". view abstract or download file of text, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9978597.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2000.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-225). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
7
Mangels, Nancie J. Anderson James F. "Differences in the background characteristics of black and white male state prison inmates in Alabama and the influence of social, political, and economic factors". Diss., UMK access, 2005.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Sociology/Criminal Justice & Criminology. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2005."A dissertation in sociology and social science." Advisor: James F. Anderson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed June 26, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-208). Online version of the print edition.
8
OLIVEIRA, PRISCILA SOBRINHO DE. "IMPRISONMENT TRAJECTORIES IN THE MEMORIES OF POLITICAL PRISONERS IN BRAZIL (1930-1940)". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=34707@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
A presente dissertação analisa as trajetórias prisionais de cinco militantes comunistas que, por conta das suas práticas políticas, sofreram perseguição e prisão durante o primeiro governo de Getúlio Vargas (1930-1945). Para tanto, são privilegiadas como fontes principais deste trabalho as obras autobiográficas escritas por estes homens. Buscamos entender as obras dentro dos seus contextos de escrita e publicação, mas também o que elas nos dão a ver sobre a experiência de estar preso nas Casas de Detenção e prisões insulares de Fernando de Noronha e Ilha Grande, assim como o deslocamento marítimo feito enquanto preso, durante aquelas décadas, ao que chamamos de cárcere em movimento. O objetivo é compreender como estes sujeitos, ao narrar as experiências de prisão, construíram a identidade de preso político e, de forma dialética, construíram também uma imagem do chamado preso comum como o seu outro, oposto, negativo e estigmatizado. Assim, a pretensão deste trabalho é contribuir para um entendimento mais complexo da experiência de prisão política vivida pelos autores nas décadas de 1930 e 1940, posteriormente narradas e tomadas como categoria pouco questionada pela historiografia.
The present thesis analyses the trajectory of five left-wing activists that, due to their political activities, were persecuted and arrested during the first government of Getúlio Vargas (1930 -1945). We focus on the autobiographies and memoirs written by these men, a collection of works that make a corpus of documentary. We aim to understand their works within the contexts such texts were written and published. It is also our intent to acquire from them a vision about the experience of being a convict in the Casas de Detenção and insular prisons of Fernando de Noronha and Ilha Grande, as well as the transportation by the sea done as a prisoner, throughout those decades, that we denominate itinerant jail. The objective of the analytic outline is to understand how these subjects, when describing their convict experiences, built an identity of political prisoner and, in a dialectical form, also built the image of the so-called common prisoner as their other, opposite, negative and stigmatized. In this sense, the objective of this work is to contribute to a more complex understanding of the political prison lived by the authors in the decades of 1930 and 1940, later narrated and not very questioned by the historiography.
9
Brewer, Michael Meyer. "Varlam Šalamov's Kolymskie rasskazy the problem of ordering /". Tucson, Ariz. : University of Arizona, 1995. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu_etd_mr0033_1_m.pdf&type=application/pdf.
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10
Mitchell, Vanessa Jacqueline. "Political prisoner education through sport on Robben Island: 1960-1990". University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6508.
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Magister Educationis - MEdThis research was motivated by my interest in the sport and the systems of provision of the education on Robben Island. The problem that gave rise to the study was to determine how political prisoners were able to organise prisoner education (political education and non-formal education) and participate in prison-sponsored education (formal education) and to find answers to the question of what impact education had on the sport that they agitated for.
11
Murphy, Kathleen. "Critical Consciousness, Community Resistance & Resilience| Narratives of Irish Republican Women Political Prisoners". Thesis, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3683725.
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Colonial legacies affect neocolonial experiences of conflict in the 20th and 21st centuries. A critical and comprehensive appreciation of the global "war on terror" reveals terrorism "from above'" (state-sponsored terrorism) as a growing issue in the international community. Further, women's varied experiences within communities of resistance are often undermined, ignored, or maligned within formal research on conflict and peace. Liberation psychologists are called to align with oppressed, marginalized, and suffering communities. To this end, this work explores the experience of women political prisoners of the Irish conflict for independence from Great Britain. A qualitative critical psychosocial analysis was used to understand the phenomenology of women's political imprisonment through the firsthand narratives of Republican women imprisoned during the "Troubles" of Northern Ireland. The intention of this study was to 1) provide an analysis of power and its connection to social conditions, 2) to provide a psychological analysis of how oppression may breed resistance in communities struggling for liberation, and 3) to explore the gendered experience of Irish women political prisoners. The results indicated that political imprisonment may be understood as a microcosm of oppression and liberation, and the subjective experience of political prisoners may glean insights into how communities develop critical consciousness, organize politically, resist oppression, and meaningfully participate in recognizing their human rights. Additionally, this research challenged the exclusion of women's voices as members of resistance movements and active agents in both conflict and peace building and challenged the failure to investigate state-sponsored terrorism, or terrorism from above.
12
Mothamaha, Ezekiel Mafoka. "Ministry to political prisoners on Robben Island (1960 - 1990) : a Church History approach". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/61192.
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I have read many articles and seen many stories about Robben Island. What I find
lacking in these articles and stories is the role played by the church in relation to ministry
to political prisoners.
Given my own experience as a political prisoner on Robben Island, I am of the view that
this subject should be explored and told.
As implied in the title, this study will focus on the period covering three decades (1960-
1970, 1971-1980 and 1981-1990). These periods will be considered separately and
collectively.
Background
A brief background information about Robben Island as a maximum security prison will
be provided here. Furthermore, the categories and affiliations of political prisoners are
explained. Lastly, detail relating to existence of different religions is discussed.
Problem Statement
The role played by the church in ministry to political prisoners on Robben Island between
1960 and 1990.
Methodology
This study makes use of oral history by way of interviews and other sources such as
questionnaires, records, etc. to generate data from, among, others:
1. Political prisoners incarcerated during the period stated above.
2. Chaplain(s) who served during this period.
3. Prison Official(s) who served during this period Archived material relating to ministry to political prisoners covering this period will be
inspected.
Findings
In the introduction of his book The Changing Shape of Church History, Justo L. González
(2002:1) starts by asking the question: "where is the cutting edge of church history?" My
expectation is that the findings of this study, as they are stated here, would illustrate the
cutting edge of the church history on Robben Island.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Church History and Church Policy
MA
Unrestricted
13
Brown-Dean, Khalilah L. "One lens, multiple views felon disenfranchisement laws and American political inequality /". Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054744924.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Document formatted into pages; contains 264 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2005 June 4.
14
Rodgers, Karen. "The political discourse on women prisoners and the issue of co-corrections in Canada". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7456.
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This study explores the political discourse on women in prison and the issue of co-corrections in Canada. Tentative propositions were generated regarding the nature of the official rhetoric, feminist position and female inmates' perspective on the treatment of Canadian female prisoners and the issue of shared services. First, provisional generalizations were developed through a review of the American literature dealing with female imprisonment and co-corrections in the United States. Subsequently, through an analysis of the major Canadian penitentiary reports, official female offender reports, relevant parliamentary debates, and an interview with a group of women in P4W, the generalizations were tested against the Canadian context. An effort has been made to develop a substantive theory of the political discourse on women in prison and the issue of co-corrections in Canada. Generally, the tentative framework generated through the analysis of the American literature and the debates on co-corrections in the United States was validated. Some peculiar Canadian features, however, did prompt a revision of the original 'model'. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
15
Gandsman, Ari. "The spoils of war : accounting for the missing children of Argentina's "Dirty War"". Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32911.
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During the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976--1983), 30,000 civilians disappeared. Most of these people were taken by the military to clandestine prisons where they were tortured and killed. The children of these victims were also seized, and pregnant women were kept alive long enough to give birth. An estimated five hundred infants and young children of the disappeared were given for adoption to highly connected families. This thesis consists of a historical background of these events and then offers a series of explanations as to why the military did this.
16
Fisher, Ruth. "Resistance and survival : deconstructing the narratives of women political prisoners after the Spanish Civil War". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22106/.
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This thesis offers a comparative reading of life writing by female political prisoners who were imprisoned after the Spanish Civil War, studying six texts in particular: the two volumes of Cárcel de mujeres by Tomasa Cuevas; Desde la noche y la niebla by Juana Doña; Réquiem por la libertad by Ángeles García Madrid; Abajo las dictaduras by Josefa García Segret; and Aquello sucedió así by Ángeles Malonda. The representation of women’s imprisonment in Spain has been dominated by Communist narratives, while texts by non-Communist women have largely been ignored. Situating these life writing accounts during the Transition when they were published allows us to analyse them as responses to the process of democratisation and as constructions, rather than as simple factual representations of life under the dictatorship. A comparative reading of Communist texts demonstrates the high degree of similarity between them, highlighting that they offer ideologically-driven depictions of imprisonment as a collective experience. Reading them alongside non-Communist life writing shows that the Communist narrative foregrounds resistance at the expense of exploring the individual, emotional, and intellectual struggle for survival that many women faced as political prisoners in the aftermath of the Spanish Civil War.
17
Danylyszyn, John William. "'Prisoners of peace' : British policy towards displaced persons and political refugees within occupied Germany 1945-1951". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394842.
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Prisoners of Peace provides an analysis of British responses to the post-war European refugee problem. The study commences by examining the British Government's agreement to the compulsory repatriation of Soviet citizens in 1945. In this way it is established at the outset that political calculations provided the fundamental determinant of British refugee policy. And this focus is offered in deliberate contrast to the cosily restricted 'humanitarian' interpretations which have characterised much prior writing on refugee problems. The present study is not concerned with everyday reality of refugee life. Instead it seeks both to interpret refugee responses by reference to the changing pattern of international relations at this time and to examine the impact which the refugee problem exerted upon wider British policy concerns. Hence, the second chapter incorporates an assessment of the continuous influx of German 'expellees' into the British zone of Germany between 1945 and 1947. These 'expellees' greatly complicated the British occupation by perpetually intensifying the strain upon decimated housing stocks and scarce supplies of food. At the same time the British were obliged to maintain substantial popUlations of Eastern European refugees who stubbornly refused to be pressured into repatriation. These groupings were segregated from the expanding German population in order to reduce the likelihood of ethnic-nationalistic friction. It was quickly discovered that British concerns in these matters could not be made compatible with those of the Soviets. Similarly, British prescriptions in regard to Jewish refugees conflicted with those advanced by the United States. This conflict is the subject of the third chapter. Chapter four describes how the Attlee Government came to perceive able-bodied refugees as a labour resource and how the United States also elected to champion this perspective during discussions which ultimately led to the creation of the International Refugee Organization in 1947-48. The final chapter examines the various political motivations which determined the character of UNHCR and also focuses upon the problems which were engendered for the emergent West German state by the residue populations of 'UN refugees' and the vast numbers of expelled 'Germans from the East' .
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Dearey, Melissa Jane. "Life in the pen : subject representation in political prisoner auto/biography, 1963-1983". Thesis, University of York, 2005. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14067/.
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Lucko, Paul Michael. "Prison farms, walls, and society : punishment and politics in Texas, 1848-1910 /". Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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McFarlane, Helen. "Political discourses of idealised masculinity : the risk management of male prisoners through work, education and family transitions". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/554.
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This thesis focuses upon the new rehabilitation of male prisoners within the context of idealised masculinity. Through the discourse analysis of written policy documents, this work addresses two fundamental questions: How is idealised masculinity constituted within political discourse and how does idealised masculinity influence the formulation of prison rehabilitation programmes? Idealised masculinity is defined as the heterosexual breadwinning role attributed to men as workers and providers for the family. It is this that is articulated within political discourses as a technique of government by which to reduce re-offending amongst the male prisoner population. Within the Foucauldian analysis of governmentality and Neo-Marxist theorising around Post-Fordism, idealised masculinity represent a form of governance that the state employs to inform its programme of managing the risks posed by offenders. This is evident through two particular pathways to reduce re-offending. Namely Pathway Two Education, Training and Employment and Pathway Six Children and Families. The argument presented is that current forms of punishment and imprisonment are characterised and defined within gender specific practices underpinned by the constitution of masculinity. The purpose of which is to reconstruct male prisoner’s attitudes and behaviour from that of deviant to non-deviant behaviour, from anti-social to pro-social values and through their moral and responsible reconstruction towards active, self-governing subjects. Thus the importance of maintaining family ties and the re-skilling and training of male prisoners to be able to compete within the labour market and obtain legitimate employment underpins political discourses surrounding penal concerns of the new rehabilitation. However governing at a distance and the state being unable or unwilling to place the children and family of offender’s on a formal footing and to effectively intervene to stimulate job creation activities within the labour market could mean that male prisoners are merely set up to fail.
21
Richmond, Kim Treharne. "Re-capturing the self : narratives of self and captivity by women political prisoners in Germany 1915-1991". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5493.
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This project represents one of the few major pieces of research into women’s narratives of political incarceration and is an examination of first person accounts written against a backdrop of significant historical events in twentieth-century Germany. I explore the ways in which the writers use their published accounts as an attempt to come to terms with their incarceration (either during or after their imprisonment). Such an undertaking involves examining how the writer ‘performs’ femininity within the de-feminising context of prison, as well as how she negotiates her self-representation as a ‘good’ woman. The role of language as a means of empowerment within the disempowering environment of incarceration is central to this investigation. Rosa Luxemburg’s prison letters are the starting point for the project. Luxemburg was a key female political figure in twentieth-century Germany and her letters encapsulate prevalent notions about womanhood, prison, and political engagement that are perceptible in the subsequent texts of the thesis. Luise Rinser’s and Lore Wolf’s diaries from National Socialist prisons show, in their different ways, how the writer uses language to ‘survive’ prison and to constitute herself as a subject and woman in response to the loss of self experienced in incarceration. Margret Bechler’s and Elisabeth Graul’s retrospective accounts of GDR incarceration give insight into the elastic concept of both the political prisoner and the ‘good’ woman. They demonstrate their authors’ endeavours to achieve a sense of autonomy and reclaim the experience of prison using narrative. All of the narratives are examples of the role of language in resisting an imposed identity as ‘prisoner’, ‘criminal’ and object of the prison system.
22
Corcoran, Mary Siobhán. "'Doing your time right' : the punishment and resistance of women political prisoners in Northern Ireland, 1972-1995". Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2003. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/5637/.
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The thesis is a case study in prison resistance. It examines the imprisonment and penal treatment of women who were confined for politically motivated offences in Northern Ireland between 1972 and 1995. It comprises an historical account of the main events in the women's prisons during the period, and establishes links between successive phases in the administration of political imprisonment and qualitative shifts in the character of prison regimes. The account also links the various punitive, administrative and gendered regulatory responses by the prison authorities to different strategies of collective organisation and resistance by women political prisoners. In modelling the cycle of punishment and resistance in terms of a dialectic of prison conflict, the thesis also argues that this relationship was grounded in prison regimes that combined both politicised and gendered correctional influences. The theoretical basis of the thesis comes from the Foucauldian formulation that structures of power or authority produce the conditions by which they are resisted. However, the thesis also engages feminist analyses in order to explain how `general' penal procedures take on different forms and meanings according to the disciplinary population upon whom they are practiced. This supports the argument that, just as prison punishment acquires specific forms when applied to different prisoner populations, punishment also forms the context in which prison resistance materialises. The practical and empirical basis of the thesis is grounded in the oral narratives of women former political prisoners, staff, and other relevant participants and observers.
23
Handy, Kristina. "Tacit Cooperation Between Enemies: Two Case Studies". BYU ScholarsArchive, 1994. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4749.
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This research details a point of reference to understand two case studies of cooperation that developed among lower-level, or non policy-making bureaucrats during times of conflict or war. Using components of game theory, I propose that when an international conflictual relationship occurs that resembles an iterated Prisoners' Dilemma, and that meets certain conditions, tacit cooperation can emerge. Tacit cooperation consists of illicit or implied cooperation that is not sanctioned at the national policy level.In this research I develop a framework of tacit cooperation, relying heavily upon Robert Axelrod's theory of evolutionary cooperation. With the framework in place, I then explicate two international case studies, World War I trench warfare cooperation and the INF "walk in the woods" between Kvitsinsky and Nitze, to show how the theory can be used to describe ways that cooperation can occur in a hostile or conflictual environment.
24
Saleh, Samah. "The politics of 'sumud' : former Palestinian women prisoners' experience of incarceration under Israeli occupation". Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2016. http://research.gold.ac.uk/19422/.
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This thesis examines former Palestinian women prisoners’ experiences of imprisonment in Israeli colonial prisons. It traces their life experiences before, during and after prison, examining the boundaries imposed around them by Palestinian culture, which treats women’s bodies and sexuality as the representation of family honour and reputation. Another important layer of restriction is imposed by the Israeli occupation, which targets Palestinian women in their everyday lives, using various tactics to expose Palestinian private space to the public as a means of exercising power. As part of these practices, the occupation uses women’s bodies as an object of threat to control the Palestinian community, which in turn becomes more conservative in issues relating to women. I argue through the thesis that different boundaries are multilayered and far from fixed. Furthermore, the politics of social relations and interaction that take place within them are varied and affect women in different ways. It is in this context that I suggest that women create a space of negotiation according to their awareness of the nature of a space, and their boundaries within it, to exercise their political subjecthood and agency. I discuss how former Palestinian women prisoners’ political subjecthood and their political performance shift between visibility – as community workers, mothers of political prisoners, participants in funerals, marches, or protests, and even as housewives – to invisibility when they take roles in the military resistance groups and employ different tactics to hide their activities from their families and communities. Hence, women are in a continuous process of spatial negotiation, demanding constant understanding and awareness of their boundaries and limitations. Sumud (steadfastness) is an important element for Palestinian women in their encounter with the Israeli occupation, and also in constructing their space of negotiation. Their practices of sumud are shaped and reshaped according to the politics of the space of negotiation these women create. Before their imprisonment, Palestinian women perform their sumud by bearing the Israeli occupation’s efforts to control Palestinian homes. After imprisonment, this sumud is reconstructed as resistance against collaboration with the Israeli prison authority, and determination to challenge the limitations of prison by centering their daily lives on politics and preparation for life after their release. In this thesis, drawing on feminist standpoint theories, I facilitate voicing the former Palestinian women prisoners’ silenced experiences and shed light on their often-unrecognized roles in resisting the Israeli occupation.
25
Mallory, Jason Leonard. "Prisoner oppression, democratic crises, abolitionist visions towaqrds a social and political philosophy of mass incarceration /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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Young, Sandra Michele. "Negotiating truth, freedom and self : the prison narratives of some South African women". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18833.
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The autobiographical prison writings of four South African women - Ruth First, Caesarina Kana Makhoere, Emma Mashinini and Maggie Resha - form the focus of this study. South African autobiography is burdened with the task of producing history in the light of the silences enforced by apartheid security legislation and the dominance of representations of white histories. Autobiography with its promise of 'truth' provides the structure within which to establish a credible subject position. In chapter one I discuss the use of authenticating devices, such as documentary-like prose, and the inclusion in numerous texts of the stories of others. Asserting oneself as a (publicly acknowledged) subject in writing is particularly difficult for women who historically have been denied access to authority: while Maggie Resha's explicit task is to highlight the role women have played in the struggle, her narrative must also be broadly representative, her authority communal. As I discuss in chapter two, prison writing breaks the legal and psychological silences imposed by a hostile penal system. In a context of political repression the notion of the truth becomes complicated, because while it is important to be believed, it is also important, as with Ruth First, not to betray her comrades and values. The writer must therefore negotiate with the (imagined) audience if her signature is to be accepted and her subjectivity affirmed. The struggle to represent oneself in the inimical environment of prison and the redemptive value in doing so are considered in chapter three. The institution of imprisonment as a means of silencing political dissidence targets the body, according to Michel Foucault's theories of discipline and control explored in chapter four. Using the work of Lois McNay and Elizabeth Grosz I argue in chapter five that it is necessary also to pay attention to the specificities of female bodies which are positioned and controlled in particular ways. I argue, too, using N. Chabani Manganyi, that while anatomical differences provide the rationale for racism and sexism, the body is also an instrument for resisting negative cultural significations. For instance, Caesarina Kana Makhoere represents her body as a weapon in her political battle, inside and outside prison. The prison cell itself is formative of subjectivity as it returns an image of criminality and powerlessness to the prisoner. Following the work of human geographers in chapter six I argue that space and subjectivity are mutually constitutive, as shown by the way spatial metaphors operate in prison texts. The subject can redesign hostile space in order to represent herself. As these texts show, relations of viewing are crucial to self-identification: surveillance disempowers the prisoner and produces her as a victim, but prisoners have recourse to alternative ways of (visually) interacting in order to position the dominators as objects of their gaze, through speaking and then also through writing. Elaine Scarry's insights into torture are extended in chapter seven to encompass psychological torture and sexual harassment: inflicting bodily humiliation, as well as pain, on the body, brings it sharply into focus, making speech impossible. By writing testimony and by generating other scenes of dialogue through which subjectivity can be constructed (through being looked at and looking, through having the message of self affirmed in the other's hearing) it is possible to contain, in some way, the horror of detention and to assert a measure of control in authoring oneself. For Mashinini this healing dialogue must take place within an emotionally and ideologically sympathetic context. v For those historical subjects who have found themselves without a legally valued identity and a platform from which to articulate the challenge of their experience, writing a personal narrative may offer an invaluable chance to assert a truth, to reclaim a self and a credibility and in that way to create a kind of freedom. Bibliography: pages 173-182.
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Traynor, Kristen A. "Capturing Influence: Elite and Media Framing of Prisoner Treatment at Guantanamo Bay". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1523626059041191.
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Hopkins, Marcus. "Reflexive learning : interactions with politically inspired ex-prisoners, community educators, and victims & survivors of paramilitary violence". Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.436474.
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Learning for this thesis comes from an ethnographic process of engaging at an intimate level over a three year period with victims of paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland as well as with former paramilitary prisoners; the intention at the back of my mind being to glean an understanding of how successes and failures of community education programmes in a post-conflict Northern Ireland could be transferred for effective use in discouraging a tiny minority of British Muslims from engaging in acts of terror, and for providing a proactive community education framework aimed at reducing distrust between white British and British Muslims, a distrust now more apparent than ever post the London bombings of 2005 and constant warnings from the British government that terror attacks from al Qaeda related groups and individuals is more a probability than possibility. Ethnographic and auto-ethnographic engagement was done by attending several hundred community education workshops funded by the European Union through the Special EU Programmes Body, a UK - Irish cross-border body based in Belfast and set up as part of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. Personal friendships were built up with around thirty people, enabling deep level discussions and deep levels of trust to be created; the two together creating a knowledge that transformed my own ability to engage in peace building educational workshops with a wide variety of groups and individuals, some former bombers, others bereaved or injured; some former IRA members, some Loyalists. Some were former Police, some former British army. Some widows, children or parents of security force personnel, others victims of being in the wrong place at the wrong time. Some English, some Irish, some Northern Irish; the hurt was all the same. Much of the data collected has had to excluded from the thesis for reasons of confidentiality, and even personal security, yet now the thesis has been completed, this `hidden data', and the continuing relationships with some of my research `interactants' will hopefully be published in some other form, a transferable form that together with the data in the thesis, could act as a conduit of learning, transferring what works and what fails from transformative peace building education programmes in a hopefully post-conflict Northern Ireland to a Britain that at the time of writing, is fearing it own home grown terror problem.
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Smith, Juliana Jamel. "The cultural dynamic of the prison industrial complex a critique of political rhetoric and popular film during the 1980's /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1450190.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 7, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-129).
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Berschinski, Sarah. "Cutting Costs and Paying the Price: The Threat to Prisoners' Health and Well-Being Under Government Negligence". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/939.
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This Thesis argues that the state by contracting out prison food services to private companies and then failing to enforce basic standards has abdicated their responsibility to ensure and protect the physical and mental health of prisoners. Michigan as a case studies reveals the negligence of government to hold Aramark responsible to basic standards of feeding. As a result, leading to a wide-spread case of food-borne illness. The governments unwillingness to protect the basic human rights of prisoners under the control of privately operated prison food services has negatively impacted the health and well-being of prisoners.
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Briney, Carol E. "My Journey with Prisoners: Perceptions, Observations and Opinions". Kent State University Liberal Studies Essays / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1373151648.
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GonÃalves, Danyelle Nilin. "O PreÃo do Passado: Anistia e ReparaÃÃo de Perseguidos PolÃticos no Brasil". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=10812.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorNos Ãltimos anos foram aprovadas no Brasil leis que continuaram e ampliaram um processo que comeÃou em 1979 com a promulgaÃÃo da Anistia. Denominado genericamente de âreparaÃÃoâ, esse processo vai alÃm do estabelecido pelas Leis. IndenizaÃÃes sÃo concedidas Ãqueles que sofreram perseguiÃÃo polÃtica, casas legislativas restituem o decoro parlamentar Ãqueles que exerciam essas funÃÃes e foram cassados por motivaÃÃo polÃtica durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985), instituiÃÃes homenageiam figuras ilustres que se destacaram na luta contra o regime e reintegram simbolicamente pessoas a cargos. Esses atos trazem à tona distintos significados de ordem moral, polÃtica, jurÃdica, material e simbÃlica, envolvendo diferentes instÃncias para alÃm dos diretamente atingidos. Assim, as famÃlias, os media, entidades da sociedade civil, os poderes pÃblicos e jurÃdicos entram no jogo das disputas e construÃÃes de versÃes sobre o passado. A presente tese busca compreender como esses valores, disputas e representaÃÃes articulam-se em torno desses movimentos reparatÃrios, entendendo-os como espaÃos de luta, acionados nos diferentes eventos criados por ocasiÃo dos atos de reparaÃÃo, nas contendas criadas nos media e nas narrativas dos atingidos.
In the past few years, laws have been passed in Brazil directed towards maintaining and amplifying a process that was started in 1979 with promulgation of the Amnesty. The process named generically of âreparationâ goes beyond what is established by the laws. Compensations in money are paid to those who suffered political persecution, present legislatures have restored to a previous effective state the honorability for representatives who were serving during the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and lost their mandate by arbitrary annulment, institutions pay homage to illustrious citizens who became known for their struggle against the regime, and symbolically reinstated them to their former positions. Those acts bring up distinct meanings of a moral, political, juridical, material and symbolic nature involving several levels beyond which stand those who were directly hit. Thus, families, newsmen, private organizations and public juridical institutions join the dispute in order to advance their own versions of the past. This thesis aims at understanding how those values, disputes and representations fit themselves around those amending movements that are seen as public arenas spurred by different events found in the time of reparation, in the struggles created in the media and in the stories told by the victims..
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Al-Faris, Khamael Hasan Naji. "Immigration policy and the role of political discourses in the relationship between foreign nationals and crime in England and Wales". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/4576.
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Significant criminological attention has been given to the relationship between immigration and crime. However, this relationship has not been researched in the UK to any great extent, and consequently the information on the UK context is limited. This research investigates how the criminality of foreign nationals have been constructed by examining the nature of immigration policy, foreign criminality discourses, and the media in the UK to understand how crime in particular has been used to define, refine, and inform control of immigrants. This study refers to the legislative, policy, and political factors that underpin this process, and particularly explains how immigration policy and political debates have emphasised the criminality of foreign nationals in the UK. In order to achieve these goals, this research reviews a brief history of British immigration policy and legislation and outlines the connections made between foreign nationals and non-immigration criminal offences. In addition, secondary data from different British institutions and data collected via the Freedom of Information Act 2000 have been used to illustrate the level of foreigners’ criminality as well as the type of crimes compared to the British representation. Finally, Parliamentary debates and related political discourses have been used to examine the role of politics has in reinforcing the relationship between foreign nationals and crime and elevating negative public sentiment and the relationship with media reports. This research highlights the limitations of existing data relating to the criminality of foreign nationals in offending records in England and Wales, partly due to the disorganised recording of offender nationality. This study reveals that nationality is the new racism; whilst immigration has become a central focus in political and public discourses on crime they as a group in statistical terms exhibit low levels of offending but are more likely to be imprisoned for less serious crimes. The relationship between foreign nationals and crimes is thus a political issue rather than a legal one. As such, foreign nationals supposed criminality has been used to control immigration, avoid the blame of failing policies, gain electoral votes, and facilitate changes in immigration and crime policies.
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Ochs, Eva. ""Heute kann ich das ja sagen" : Lagererfahrungen von Insassen sowjetischer Speziallager in der SBZ/DDR /". Köln [u.a.] : Böhlau, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007385880.html.
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Pinheiro, Carlos Eduardo. "Memória dos presos políticos no periodo ditatorial brasileiro". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2535.
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Previous issue date: 2015-04-10This work aims to discuss the memory of former political prisoners and tortured. In the analysis of authors like Michael Pollak and Maurice Halbwachs is notorius agree that the memory is a construction made in this livings from the past, and therefore a reconstruction of the past and not a faithful and reporting of the facts. Looking systematize the memory of former political prisoners, with emphasis on the practice of torture during the dictatorial repression in Brazil. After the effective date of Law 11,255 / 95 created a place of memory for this group register its history and thus promote a confrontation with the official version. The analysis of documents collected by the Special Committee on Compensation implanted under the Law reveals the data obtained by the bureaucracy that determined the surveillance, information collection, arrest, and had as instrumental institutionalization of torture committed by its agents in public buildings. In this scenario, it brings to light the facts and characters in a battle that happened in Brazil and its consequences. It was also possible to establish from the documents, a brief profile of political activists persecuted by repression, public buildings where the military regime undertook its logic, the torture techniques and who were responsible for the implementation of the National Security Policy. Finally, we come across another discourse of national memory, where the former political prisoners overcome the stigma of 'enemies of the fatherland' foisted by the official version and now considered to be 'heroes of the democratic resistance'
Este Trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a memória dos ex-presos políticos e torturados. Na análise de autores como Michel Pollak e Maurice Halbwachs é notória a concordância de que a memória é uma construção feita no presente a partir das vivências do passado, sendo, portanto, uma reconstrução do passado e não um relato fiel dos fatos ocorridos. Procurando sistematizar a memória dos ex-presos políticos, com ênfase na prática da tortura durante a repressão ditatorial no Brasil. A partir da vigência da Lei 11.255/95 criou-se um lugar de memória para que este grupo registrasse a sua história e assim promovesse uma confrontação com a versão oficial. A análise dos documentos reunidos pela Comissão Especial de Indenização implantada por força da Lei revela os dados obtidos pela burocracia que determinava a vigilância, a coleta de informações, a prisão, e que tinha como instrumental a institucionalização da tortura praticada por seus agentes em prédios públicos. Neste cenário, se traz à luz os fatos e personagens de uma batalha que se travou no Brasil e seus desdobramentos. Foi possível ainda estabelecer, a partir dos documentos, um breve perfil dos militantes políticos perseguidos pela repressão, os prédios públicos onde o Regime Militar empreendeu sua lógica, as técnicas de tortura e quem eram os responsáveis pela implantação da política de Segurança Nacional. Por fim, nos deparamos com outro discurso da memória nacional, onde os ex-presos políticos superam o estigma de 'inimigos da pátria' impingido pela versão oficial e passam a ser considerados 'heróis da resistência democrática'
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Filippi, N. F. "Deviances and the construction of a 'healthy nation' in South Africa : a study of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital, c. 1964-1994". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:730c12b2-2e52-4290-b5f9-5a5e557f8b45.
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This thesis is a microhistorical investigation of the dynamics of control and resistance in Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital’s Maximum Security section from 1964 to 1994 in South Africa. It examines the evolution of daily life inside these institutions, both situated in the Western Cape, and the extent to which these institutions were part of the security apparatus developed by the apartheid state. The permeability of Pollsmoor and Valkenberg shed light on the connections between repression, resistance, collaboration and survival inside and outside closed institutions. The division of incarcerated populations according to race, gender, age and behaviour reflected wider logics of governance of the South African society. Similarly, the modalities of resistance and collaboration adopted by ‘political’, ‘common law’ and ‘insane’ prisoners on the inside echoed the processes of popular mobilisation on the outside. The construction of a ‘healthy nation’ through the production and control of deviances was hence far from being a smooth process. The thesis is divided into three parts, each composed of three chapters. The first part analyses the way a system of law and order, based on delineation, the bestowal of privileges and violent repression, was imposed in prisons and psychiatric hospitals’ Maximum Security sections and how this evolved according to the changing social and political imperatives of the apartheid state. The second part shifts the gaze to the level of the courts, where psychiatric and criminological discourses became increasingly entangled throughout the period. The operating modalities of the judicial system reflected the fears and expectatives of the white minority, while providing a racialised image of black populations as both dangerous and childlike. Finally, the third part analyses the links between outside and inside resistances and adaptations to the regime of apartheid. It focuses on the 1994 prison revolts as prisms to understand the processes of subjectivation and politicisation which had emerged in closed institutions during apartheid.
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Silva, José Rodrigo de Araújo. "Colônia de férias de Olinda: presos políticos e aparelhos de repressão em Pernambuco (1964)". Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2013. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/6001.
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Previous issue date: 2013-08-14Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This work aims to study the structure of political repression in the state of Pernambuco in 1964. In order to do this, we take as a documental case study, a detention unit with the specific purpose of housing political prisoners, called "Colônia de Férias de Olinda" (Olinda Summer Camp). We seek to understand - using the methods of documentary research and oral history how was the articulation of this unit with the other organs of that state security in the complex network of information in that military government established in the country. We also propose to study administrative inner workings of the Summer Camp, to reveal the strategies and mechanisms used by the agents of repression at the time of arrests, to describe the profile of individuals who passed through the unit, and to find evidences of traumatic memory in the testimony of those who directly or indirectly have had contact with the Olinda Summer Camp.
Este trabalho visa estudar a estrutura da repressão no estado de Pernambuco no ano de 1964. Para isto, tomaremos como estudo de caso o acervo documental de uma unidade de detenção com a finalidade específica de abrigar presos políticos, denominada pelos militares Colônia de Férias de Olinda . Buscaremos entender - utilizando-se dos métodos da pesquisa documental e da história oral - de que forma se deu a articulação desta unidade com os demais órgãos de segurança do Estado através de uma complexa rede de informações que se estabeleceu no país. Propomos ainda analisar como se deu o funcionamento interno da Colônia de Férias do ponto de vista administrativo, quais as estratégias e os mecanismos utilizados pelos agentes da repressão no ato das prisões, o perfil dos indivíduos que passaram pela unidade, e perceber traços de memória traumática no depoimento daqueles que direta ou indiretamente tiveram contato com a Colônia de Férias de Olinda.
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Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.
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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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GONÇALVES, Danielly Nilin. "O preço do passado: anistia e reparação de perseguidos políticos no Brasil". www.teses.ufc.br, 2006. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/7173.
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GONÇALVES, Danielly Nilin. O preço do passado: anistia e reparação de perseguidos políticos no Brasil. 2006. 253f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2006.Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-22T12:38:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006-TESE-DNGONCALVES.pdf: 2429418 bytes, checksum: e313d2b2e1f9a34546a1bec7aa6fd622 (MD5)
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In the past few years, laws have been passed in Brazil directed towards maintaining and amplifying a process that was started in 1979 with promulgation of the Amnesty. The process named generically of “reparation” goes beyond what is established by the laws. Compensations in money are paid to those who suffered political persecution, present legislatures have restored to a previous effective state the honorability for representatives who were serving during the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and lost their mandate by arbitrary annulment, institutions pay homage to illustrious citizens who became known for their struggle against the regime, and symbolically reinstated them to their former positions. Those acts bring up distinct meanings of a moral, political, juridical, material and symbolic nature involving several levels beyond which stand those who were directly hit. Thus, families, newsmen, private organizations and public juridical institutions join the dispute in order to advance their own versions of the past. This thesis aims at understanding how those values, disputes and representations fit themselves around those amending movements that are seen as public arenas spurred by different events found in the time of reparation, in the struggles created in the media and in the stories told by the victims.
Nos últimos anos foram aprovadas no Brasil leis que continuaram e ampliaram um processo que começou em 1979 com a promulgação da Anistia. Denominado genericamente de “reparação”, esse processo vai além do estabelecido pelas Leis. Indenizações são concedidas àqueles que sofreram perseguição política, casas legislativas restituem o decoro parlamentar àqueles que exerciam essas funções e foram cassados por motivação política durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985), instituições homenageiam figuras ilustres que se destacaram na luta contra o regime e reintegram simbolicamente pessoas a cargos. Esses atos trazem à tona distintos significados de ordem moral, política, jurídica, material e simbólica, envolvendo diferentes instâncias para além dos diretamente atingidos. Assim, as famílias, os media, entidades da sociedade civil, os poderes públicos e jurídicos entram no jogo das disputas e construções de versões sobre o passado. A presente tese busca compreender como esses valores, disputas e representações articulam-se em torno desses movimentos reparatórios, entendendo-os como espaços de luta, acionados nos diferentes eventos criados por ocasião dos atos de reparação, nas contendas criadas nos media e nas narrativas dos atingidos.
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Delisle, Claire E. "Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein". Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22905.
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The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. It is the contention here, that various prisoner resistance tactics enabled a wide-ranging group of captives to develop the skill set necessary to persuade their community to back the peace initiative, engage in electoral politics, mobilize their supporters to invest in attaining a united Ireland by peaceful negotiations, and put down their arms in a permanent and unequivocal manner. In this dissertation, the work of Paulo Freire is explored in order to capture the processes inherent the resistance-leadership continuum.
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Ribeiro, Flávia Maria Franchini. "A subida do monte purgatório: estudo da experiência dos presos políticos da Penitenciária Regional de Linhares". Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2007. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4358.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O enfoque desta pesquisa é a experiência dos presos políticos da ditadura militar, na Penitenciária Regional José Edson Cavalieri, conhecida como Penitenciária de Linhares, localizada em Juiz de Fora (MG), entre os anos de 1969 e 1972. Embora o local tenha funcionado como presídio político desde 1967 até 1980, o recorte temporal deve-se à proposta de se analisar o comportamento desses presidiários, a maioria com um perfil específico, e oriundos do período de embates mais violentos com a repressão, em que alguns adotaram técnicas de guerrilha urbana, e muitos foram expostos a métodos de tortura nos interrogatórios, desenvolvidos durante o regime. A ênfase na Penitenciária de Linhares advém da leitura da memorialística publicada por presos políticos, em que esta instituição é citada enquanto uma instituição de reclusão, distinta daquelas de interrogatório onde eram praticadas sevícias. O objetivo dessa dissertação visa à compreensão das características que apontam o presídio de Juiz de Fora enquanto uma instituição de reclusão e, no caso dessa hipótese ser confirmada, visa ao conhecimento do tipo de comportamento que os presos políticos adotaram naquele local. A organização dos presos dentro dessa instituição é analisada com ênfase nas ações políticas, que visavam se sobrepor à disciplina carcerária daquela instituição, abordando-se o debate político, os ritos, e a sobrevivência da militância na prisão. É também objeto do estudo a mobilização de alguns presos políticos, na confecção de documentos denunciando a opressão do regime militar, elementos que contribuíram para uma nova versão da memória coletiva sobre os personagens históricos que se enfrentaram na Ditadura, elaborada posteriormente, e que condena as ações militares.
The focus of this research is on the political prisoners’ experience of the military dictatorship, at Regional Penitentiary José Edson Cavalieri, known as Penitenciária de Linhares, located in Juiz de Fora (MG), during the years of 1969 and 1972. Although the place had functioned as a political prison since 1967 up to 1980, the temporal outline is due to the proposal of analysing those prisoners’ behavior, most of them with a specific profile, and preceeding from the repression, when some of them adopted urban guerilla techniques, and many of them were exposed to torture’s methods during the regime. The emphasis on Linhares Pententiary comes from the reading of memories, published by political prisoners, where this institute is mentioned as a reclusion institute, distinct of those ones of interrogatory, where tortures were practiced. The purpose then, was to understand the characteristics which point out the penitentiary of Juiz de Fora as a reclusion institute, and in case this hypotheses was confirmed, it was necessary to try to visualize the kind of behavior the political prisoners adopted in that place. The prisoners’ organization inside that institute was analised, with an emphasis on the political actions, which aimed to overlap the prison’s discipline, having as approach the political debate, the rituals, and the survival of the militia in prison. It was also object of study the mobilization of some political prisoners in the making of documents accusing the military regime’s oppression, which seems to have contributed for a new version of the collective memory, later made, about the historical characters who faced each other during the Dictatorship, and which blames the military actions.
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Rozeboom, Judith. "Merdeka Down Under? Indonesian Civilians and Military Personnel in Australia (1942–1949)". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29853.
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This thesis examines the lives and treatment of the Netherlands East Indies (NEI) people who resided in Australia during WWII and their return to their home country after the war. It compares the lives before, during and after the war of European Indonesians and indigenous Indonesians. It assesses their lives to that of other newcomers to Australia. My research connects underused Dutch archival material, only recently released to researchers, with sources in Australian archives to provide a fresh insight into the history of indigenous Indonesians in the Commonwealth from the start of the Pacific War to the official Indonesian independence in December 1949.
The work can be divided into three main parts. The first part examines the histories of the KNIL, Koninklijk Nederlands-Indisch Leger (Royal Dutch East Indies Army) and the KPM, Koninklijke Paketvaart Maatschappij (Royal Dutch Shipping Company or Royal Packet Navigation Company) before the outbreak of the Second World War and the transition of both organisations into wartime conditions. With a component of transnational history, this military history focuses on the Indies army’s composition and development mainly in the pre-war period, continuing with the conversion into a refugee army on Australian soil.
The second part recreates the KNIL, KPM and Indonesian civilian histories in Australia until the war’s ending. A critical focus in this part of the thesis is on the legal aspects of the stay of all different groups from the NEI in their temporary homeland: the registration of aliens, the other status of newcomers to Australia, and the exact legal status of the NEI military, semi-military personnel, and civilians in the Commonwealth. I focus on the legal positions of KPM seamen and negotiated special rights, extra-territorial rights, for the KNIL.
The third and final part closely examines the post-war period in which many indigenous Indonesians ended up behind barbwire and the negotiations between the Australians and the NEI ‘Government-in-Exile’, as well as the military high command. The internment camps on Australian soil were occupied by the Netherlands East Indies’ people after WWII. I analyse why these NEI soldiers, semi-military personnel and even a few civilians were locked up in camps and not repatriated back to their towns and villages in the Indies. The research emphasises how the Indonesians returned to their home country, when and how they could leave the Commonwealth, and how they were received and perceived by their fellow countrymen and women.
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Cohen, Jared. "The Ethical Application of Force-Feeding: a Closer Look at Medical Policy Involving the Treatment of Hunger-Striking POWs and Detainees". Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/379427.
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Urban BioethicsM.A.
Hunger strikes are used as a method of protest to call attention to grievances or political positions and galvanize support for a cause. Historical examples from pre-Christian Europe through Guantanamo Bay have demonstrated various motives, interventions, and outcomes to this unique form of protest. Starvation causes life-threatening damage to the body, and to intervene on an unwilling subject involves invasive medical procedures. As scholars have debated how to approach this medical-ethical dilemma, a tug-of-war exists between autonomy, beneficence, and social justice with regard to the rights of prisoners of war (POWs) and detainees. International documents, legislation, and case law demonstrate vast support for and place precedence on the prisoners right to make their own autonomous, informed medical decisions, and many in the international community lean towards abstaining from intervention on hunger strikes on the basis of patient autonomy. However, there are notable arguments both for and against force-feeding that have been well documented. Despite the vast international dialogue, there is a key component that seems to have been forgotten—the environment within which the prisoner or detainee resides is immersed with coercive and manipulative activity and interrogation on a regular basis. This environment may impede the ability for the POW or detainee to make an autonomous decision and then leads to the refusal of life-saving, medical intervention on the basis of a decision that is markedly coerced or manipulated. It is therefore noted that a different lens must be used to analyze hunger strike situations for this specific population.
Temple University--Theses
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BRITO, Tásso Araújo de. "A toga e a espada: Mércia Albuquerque e Gregório Bezerra na Justiça Militar (1964-1969)". Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17245.
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CNPq
Esta dissertação tem como tema central a trajetória de vida da advogada Mércia Albuquerque e de seu cliente Gregório Bezerra durante o processo que este respondeu na Justiça Militar. Gregório Bezerra foi julgado na 7ª auditoria militar, com sede no estado de Pernambuco. Através destas trajetórias, buscamos entender o funcionamento da justiça de exceção durante os primeiros anos de vigência da ditadura militar-civil. Também investigamos as implicações de um advogado defender presos políticos. Os riscos de torturas, prisões e por vezes mortes eram constantes na vida desses profissionais. Esta dissertação, também, investiga as possibilidades jurídicas de ação destes profissionais, enfrentando muitas vezes situações adversas. Ao mesmo tempo analisamos a Lei de Segurança Nacional (LSN), lei que serviu de base para a acusação contra os réus no processo 88/64, no qual Gregório Bezerra e mais 39 cidadãos brasileiros são indiciados por subversão da ordem com auxilio de países estrangeiros. Averiguamos funcionamento da justiça militar em várias etapas, o inquérito policial militar, a acusação, a defesa e a sentença. Percebendo como ao longo do processo Mércia Albuquerque e Gregório Bezerra contribuíram para que aqueles presos, acusados pela LSN, passassem a ser tratados como presos políticos na Casa de Detenção do Recife.
This dissertation is focused on the life story of the lawyer Mércia Albuquerque and his client Gregório Bezerra during the process that he answered in the military justice. Gregory Bezerra was tried in the 7th audit military, headquarted in the state of Pernambuco. Through these trajectories, we tried to understand the functioning of the justice of exception during the first years of the military-civilian dictatorship. We also investigated the implications of a lawyer on defending political prisoners. The risks of torture, imprisonment and sometimes death were constant in the lives of these professionals. This study also investigates the legal scope of action of these professionals, often facing adverse situations. At the same time, we analyzed the National Security Law (LSN), a law that was the basis for the charge against the defendants in the Process 88/64, in which Gregório Bezerra and others 39 Brazilian citizens were charged with subversion of the order with the help of foreign countries . We verified the operation of military courts in several stages, the military police investigation, the prosecution, the defense and the sentence. We analized the way that Mercia Albuquerque, during Gregory Bezerra's process, contributed to many arrested accused by LSN started to be treated as political prisoners at Detention House in Recife.
45
Everly, Macklin Keith. "Multicultural Public Policy and Homegrown Terrorism in the European Union". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1409088787.
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Saral, Ali Seyhun. "Three Essays on Cooperation and Reciprocity". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/242869.
Texto completoResumen
This dissertation aims to contribute to the literature of cooperation and social preferences. We use experimental and computational methods to understand the role and extent of reciprocity on cooperation.
The first paper is a methodological contribution to the large literature on conditional preferences of cooperation. Cooperation generated by this type of preferences is notoriously unstable, as individuals reduce their contributions to the public good in reaction to other subjects' free-riding. This has led to the widely-shared conclusion that cooperation observed in experiments (and its collapse) is mostly driven by imperfect reciprocity. In this study, we explore the possibility that reciprocally cooperative preferences may themselves be unstable. We do so by observing the evolution of subjects' preferences in an anonymously repeated social dilemma. Our unsettling result is that, in the course of the experiment, a significant fraction of reciprocally cooperative subjects become egoistic, while the reverse is rarely observed. The non-selfish preferences that appear to be more stable are those most easily attributed to confusion. We are thus driven to the conclusion that egoism is more resistant to exposure to social dilemmas than reciprocity.
The second paper the evolutionary success of conditional preferences by using simulations. We use an agent-based model in which agents play a variation of the iterated Prisoner's Dilemma game. We estimate the likelihood of cooperation levels as well as the likelihood of the existence of conditional types for different continuation probabilities. We show that an all-or-none type of conditional cooperation strategy together with the perfect conditional cooperation strategy are most likely to emerge when the continuation probability is sufficiently high. Our most surprising finding is related to the so-called hump-shaped strategy, a conditional type that is commonly observed in experiments. Our simulations show that those types are likely to thrive for intermediate levels of the continuation probability due to their relative advantage when probability of interaction is not enough to sustain a full-cooperation, but instead merely sustains mid-level cooperation.
The third paper aims to understand the underlying reciprocal motives in altruistic behavior. We argue that the altruism that is revealed in dictator games can be explained by what we call presumptive reciprocity. Subjects may display non-selfish preferences because they presume that the other subjects would have revealed similar, non-selfish preferences if the roles had been reversed. This kind of intuitive reasoning, although partially captured by indirect reciprocity, is overlooked in the literature on social preferences, especially when it comes to explaining the behavior that appears to be purely altruistic. The experimental evidence we provide shows that people's choices reveal mostly presumptive reciprocity, while purely altruistic preferences play a much smaller role.
47
Saral, Ali Seyhun. "Three Essays on Cooperation and Reciprocity". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/242869.
Texto completoResumen
This dissertation aims to contribute to the literature of cooperation and social preferences. We use experimental and computational methods to understand the role and extent of reciprocity on cooperation.
The first paper is a methodological contribution to the large literature on conditional preferences of cooperation. Cooperation generated by this type of preferences is notoriously unstable, as individuals reduce their contributions to the public good in reaction to other subjects' free-riding. This has led to the widely-shared conclusion that cooperation observed in experiments (and its collapse) is mostly driven by imperfect reciprocity. In this study, we explore the possibility that reciprocally cooperative preferences may themselves be unstable. We do so by observing the evolution of subjects' preferences in an anonymously repeated social dilemma. Our unsettling result is that, in the course of the experiment, a significant fraction of reciprocally cooperative subjects become egoistic, while the reverse is rarely observed. The non-selfish preferences that appear to be more stable are those most easily attributed to confusion. We are thus driven to the conclusion that egoism is more resistant to exposure to social dilemmas than reciprocity.
The second paper the evolutionary success of conditional preferences by using simulations. We use an agent-based model in which agents play a variation of the iterated Prisoner's Dilemma game. We estimate the likelihood of cooperation levels as well as the likelihood of the existence of conditional types for different continuation probabilities. We show that an all-or-none type of conditional cooperation strategy together with the perfect conditional cooperation strategy are most likely to emerge when the continuation probability is sufficiently high. Our most surprising finding is related to the so-called hump-shaped strategy, a conditional type that is commonly observed in experiments. Our simulations show that those types are likely to thrive for intermediate levels of the continuation probability due to their relative advantage when probability of interaction is not enough to sustain a full-cooperation, but instead merely sustains mid-level cooperation.
The third paper aims to understand the underlying reciprocal motives in altruistic behavior. We argue that the altruism that is revealed in dictator games can be explained by what we call presumptive reciprocity. Subjects may display non-selfish preferences because they presume that the other subjects would have revealed similar, non-selfish preferences if the roles had been reversed. This kind of intuitive reasoning, although partially captured by indirect reciprocity, is overlooked in the literature on social preferences, especially when it comes to explaining the behavior that appears to be purely altruistic. The experimental evidence we provide shows that people's choices reveal mostly presumptive reciprocity, while purely altruistic preferences play a much smaller role.
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Pappas, Caroline History Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Law and politics : Australia's war crimes trials in the Pacific, 1943-1961". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of History, 1998. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38701.
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This dissertation examines the trial of Japanese war crimes conducted by Australia between 1945 and 1951; although the study commences in 1943, when the Government first focussed on the issue, and ends in 1961, when the issue was closed. Beyond providing an overview of the trials the thesis addresses the major criticism of the trials by looking at whether the trails were fair and if they fulfilled Australian aims. This is addressed within the context of the two elements of international law, the political, and the legal, and examined in each of the three sections. The Policy section establishes the political context of the trials by examining the influence of the international community and the Australian Government. Both influenced structure and progress rather than the final application of the law. When Australian attitudes were incongruous with international views, a perception that Australia was harsh and repressive developed even though justice was an important part of the Government???s agenda. A study of legal aspects of the trials commences in the Procedures section. Australia???s legislation and regulations are explained with particular emphasis on the more controversial aspects, and a comparison is made with the war crimes instruments of other Allies trying the Japanese showing many similarities between the regulations used by other nations and Australia???s. Procedures also discusses the framework for the Australian trials, the procedures used to bring a case to trial, the process used in court, the review process and the carrying out of sentences. Such a thorough study of the procedural basis is necessary to evaluate the individual trials. Practical examples of some of the procedural problems are also discussed in the following section ??? Practice. This section reviews a number of trials and the various types of crimes and the claims made in defence to show how Australia applied and interpreted the law. The study finds many similarities between Australia???s application of the law and the practice of other nations, indicating that Australian courts were applying what was considered to be customary expectations of behaviour. Throughout the trials there was little evidence of vindictiveness or revenge, either by Government or in the courts. Both were faced with significant problems, which were not always dealt with well but overall the trials were fair and those involved were concerned that justice should not only be seen to be done, but actually be done.
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Wäckerle, Manuel, Bernhard Rengs y Wolfgang Radax. "An Agent-Based Model of Institutional Life-Cycles". MDPI, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/g5030160.
Texto completoResumen
We use an agent-based model to investigate the interdependent dynamics
between individual agency and emergent socioeconomic structure, leading to institutional
change in a generic way. Our model simulates the emergence and exit of institutional
units, understood as generic governed social structures. We show how endogenized trust
and exogenously given leader authority influences institutional change, i.e., diversity in
institutional life-cycles. It turns out that these governed institutions (de)structure in cyclical
patterns dependent on the overall evolution of trust in the artificial society, while at the same
time, influencing this evolution by supporting social learning. Simulation results indicate
three scenarios of institutional life-cycles. Institutions may, (1) build up very fast and
freeze the artificial society in a stable but fearful pattern (ordered system); (2) exist only for
a short time, leading to a very trusty society (highly fluctuating system); and (3) structure
in cyclical patterns over time and support social learning due to cumulative causation of
societal trust (complex system).
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Côrtes, Joana Santos Rolemberg. "Dossiê Itamaracá: cotidiano e resistência dos presos políticos da Penitenciária Barreto Campelo, na Ilha de Itamaracá-PE (1973-1979)". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2012. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12765.
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Previous issue date: 2012-10-15Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The core issue of this Master s dissertation is the resistance experience socialized in the daily life of the political prisoners at the Barreto Campelo prison on Itamaracá Island, in the state of Pernambuco, from 1973 to 1979, during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. By means of Oral History, the analysis of a rich document and photo archive belonging to the six former political prisoners interviewed for this research, as well as reports produced by DOPS (Political and Social Order Department Intelligence Department during Dictatorship) of the State of Pernambuco, the study analyses two key dimensions of this resistance movement born and developed in the Brazilian jail. The first of them concerns to the resistance struggle against various rights violations, to mechanisms imposed by the repressive apparatus of the State in prisons, and the creation of survival strategies, identity reorganization and rearticulation of collective political power of these individuals. The second dimension focuses on the articulation of these struggles with external social movements. It examines how, in defending without hesitation the recognition of the political prisoners conditions and denouncing the arbitrariness of the regime then in power, the mobilisation of the collective of Itamaracá goes well beyond the prison walls and establishes links with many political prisons of the country, strengthens the link with human rights groups and constitutes - along with Women's Movement and the Brazilian Amnesty Committees, MDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement party), OABs (Brazilian Bar Associations), exiled Brazilians, families of the dead and missing, students and workers organisations, as well as the Commission of Justice and Peace of Archdioceses in some states one of the main actors of the opposition forces against the Brazilian dictatorship for the democratisation of the country in the late 1970s. In a year that the Truth Commissions start to operate in the country, focusing on the experiences of the former political prisoners of Itamaracá, the research seeks to contribute in the extension of social memory on current issues of this historical process over the recent past but also PRESENT - of - political authoritarianism and human rights violations in the country
Esta dissertação tem como tema central as experiências de resistência socializadas no cotidiano dos presos políticos na Penitenciária Barreto Campelo, na ilha de Itamaracá, no estado de Pernambuco, entre 1973 a 1979, durante a ditadura civilmilitar no país. Através da História Oral, da análise de vasto acervo documental/fotográfico pertencente aos seis ex-presos políticos entrevistados para esta pesquisa, e de relatórios produzidos pelo DOPS de Pernambuco, analisa duas dimensões essenciais desse movimento de resistência gestado no cárcere brasileiro. A primeira diz respeito à luta de resistência aos diferentes mecanismos de violações de direitos, impostos pelo aparelho repressivo do Estado na prisão, e a invenção de estratégias de sobrevivência, de reorganização de identidades e de rearticulação da força política coletiva desses sujeitos. A segunda dimensão centra-se nas articulações dessas lutas aos movimentos sociais externos. Analisa como, ao defender incontestavelmente o reconhecimento da condição de presos políticos e denunciar as arbitrariedades do regime então vigente, as mobilizações do coletivo de Itamaracá extrapolam os muros da prisão e estabelecem vínculos com diversos presídios políticos do país, consolidam a ligação com as entidades de direitos humanos e se constituem ao lado dos Movimentos Femininos e Comitês Brasileiros de Anistia, do MDB, das OABs, dos exilados, dos familiares de mortos e desaparecidos, das organizações estudantis e operárias e das Comissões de Justiça e Paz das Arquidioceses em um dos principais protagonistas das forças de oposição contra a ditadura brasileira e pela redemocratização do país no final da década de 1970. No ano em que as Comissões da Verdade começam a ser instaladas no país, colocando em foco as experiências de ex-presos políticos de Itamaracá, a pesquisa busca contribuir para o alargamento da memória social sobre questões atuais desse processo histórico sobre o passado recente e PRESENTE - de autoritarismo político e violação dos direitos humanos no país