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1
Judt, Matthias. "Häftlinge für Bananen? Der Freikauf politischer Gefangener aus der DDR und das „Honecker-Konto“". Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 94, n.º 4 (2007): 417–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/vswg-2007-0020.
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Geiß, Robin. "Name, rank, date of birth, serial number and the right to remain silent". International Review of the Red Cross 87, n.º 860 (1 de diciembre de 2005): 721–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s181638310018453x.
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AbstractThis article analyses recurring misconceptions about the questioning of prisoners of war. The author takes a two fold approach, first considering matters relating to the identification of prisoners of war, namely contemporary issues such as the use of modern identification techniques, and then discussing interrogation procedures that go beyond the establishment of a prisoner's identity. In this context particular attention is given to the question whether and, if so, at which point in time a prisoner of war starts to benefit from fair trial rights, namely the right to remain silent, the right not to incriminate oneself and the corresponding right to be informed about these fair trial protections.
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Altınay, Rüstem Ertuğ. "“A Clean Conscience behind the Dark Bars”". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302835.
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Abstract The iconification of political prisoners enhances their visibility, credibility, and power. Nevertheless, iconification may also reduce, reimagine, or otherwise distort the biographies and experiences of political prisoners. Moreover, iconicity’s blurring of prisoners’ views and activities may result in the recirculation of their stories in the service of political projects that do not fully align with their own. The incarceration of the Islamist icon Şule Yüksel Şenler (1938–2019) in 1971 presents an excellent vantage point from which to analyze these dynamics and how gender informs them in fundamental ways. The diverse media representations of Şule Yüksel Şenler demonstrate how historical tropes became entangled with critical references to the law, religion, and the discourses of freedom and democracy in the iconification of an Islamist political prisoner in Cold War Turkey. Şenler’s legacy and the recent references to her story show how the tendency of iconification to occlude or distort prisoners’ ideological investments and activities may in fact enhance their ability to integrate into new political projects. This case study of a right-wing political prisoner exposes how the histories of political incarceration, combined with the discourses of injustice and victimization, may also be used to legitimize authoritarian political regimes and new incarcerations.
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Kenney, Padraic. "“I felt a kind of pleasure in seeing them treat us brutally.” The Emergence of the Political Prisoner, 1865–1910". Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, n.º 4 (20 de septiembre de 2012): 863–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000448.
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AbstractThe political prisoner is a figure taken for granted in historical discourse, with the term being used broadly to describe any individual held in captivity for oppositional activities. This article argues for understanding the political prisoner, for whom prison becomes a vehicle of politics, as the product of modern states and political movements. The earlier practices of the “imprisoned political,” for whom prison was primarily an obstacle to politics, gave way to prisoners who used the category creatively against the regimes that imprisoned them. Using the cases of Polish socialists in the Russian Empire, Fenians in Ireland, suffragettes in Britain, andsatyagrahiin British South Africa, this article explains how both regimes and their prisoners developed common practices and discourses around political incarceration in the years 1865–1910.
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Rosa Pérez, Luis. "Luis Rosa Pérez". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302891.
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Abstract Luis Rosa explains why he considers himself a political prisoner; what it means to be a political prisoner; how the state, guards, and other prisoners treated him; life in prison; and the importance of solidarity. He also explains how growing up Puerto Rican in Chicago affected his decision to support Puerto Rican independence.
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Patra, Haldi, Anatona Anatona y Yenny Narny. "Pengawasan Orde Baru Terhadap Eks-Tahanan Politik PKI Di Sumatera Barat". Criksetra: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah 11, n.º 1 (26 de febrero de 2022): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36706/jc.v11i1.14724.
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Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang pengawasan Pemerintah Orde Baru Indonesia terhadap eks-tahanan politik PKI di Provinsi Sumatera Barat. Para eks-tapol itu ditangkap setelah peristiwa G30S dan dilepaskan pada secara bertahap pada 1970-an. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan mengapa Orde Baru mengawasi mereka dan bagaimana pola pengawasan pemerintah Orde Baru terhadap para eks-tahanan politik itu di Provinsi ini. Artikel ini menggunakan metode sejarah, yaitu; heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa terdapat lebih dari 40.000 orang tahanan politik di provinsi ini. Pengawasan terhadap mereka dilaksanakan oleh berbagai instansi pemerintahan dan dilakukan secara terstruktur dan sistematis. Otoritas memegang semua data eks-tapol tersebut agar memudahkan proses pemantauan mereka. Dengan begitu, Orde Baru dapat mencegah kebangkitan kembali PKI dan komunisme di Indonesia. Sebagai rezim yang berkuasa, Orde Baru dapat menjalankan program karena ia memiliki otoritas. Namun pengawasan ini juga memberikan dampak bagi kehidupan eks-tahanan politik itu karena membatasi ruang gerak mereka.Kata Kunci: PKI, eks-Tahanan, Politik, Sumatera, Barat, Orde, Baru. Abstract: This article examines the New Order's supervision of ex-PKI political prisoners in West Sumatra. They were arrested after the G30S incident and were released in the 1970s. The purpose of this paper is to explain why the New Order supervised them and how the New Order government's supervision patterns of the ex-political prisoners in West Sumatra Province. This paper historical method. There are four steps in this method; heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research shows that there are more than 40,000 political prisoners in this province. This Surveillance had carried out by various government agencies and carried out in a structured and systematic manner. The authorities held all the data of the ex-political prisoners. Thus it made it easier for the process to monitor them. The New Order could prevent the revival of the PKI and communism in Indonesia. As the governing regime, the New Order had the authority to run its programs. However, this policy affected the ex-political prisoner's lives because it the limitation that resulted from that policy. Keywords: PKI, ex-Political, Prisoner, West, Sumatera, Orde, Baru.
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Thorne, Jessica. "Anarchist Prisoner Networks in Franco’s Spain and the Forging of the New Left in Europe". European History Quarterly 54, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2023): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231214933.
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This article explores the little-known but formative networks developing across the 1960s between anarchist political prisoners in Franco's Spain and emerging activists of the European New Left. As social change accelerated, these prisoners broke with the out-of-touch anarchist leadership-in-exile to connect with a new generation of activists inside and outside Spain. The article uses prisoner correspondence and prisoner-aid bulletins to reconstruct these informational networks, and argues they were an important element in the ‘global rupture of 1968’. It posits that anarchist prisoners’ input was a formative influence on how New Left activists came to see post-war Europe as a whole: both looked beneath Francoism's consumerist surface (habitually foregrounded in discussions of it as a Western client regime), to its reconfigured repressive core. The article discusses key discursive shifts by the anarchist prisoners as they sought international support in a new era of decolonization, ‘national liberation’ and the ramping up of the Cold War. In a landscape shaped by Castro's success in Cuba, war in Algeria and the birth of ETA inside Spain, anarchist prisoners and New Left activists alike defined Franco's political prisoners as victims not only of a national dictatorship but also of the Western Cold-War order.
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Goulding, Marc, Teresa Meade y Margaret Power. "Editors’ Introduction". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302793.
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Abstract This essay explores several key themes regarding political imprisonment and confinement. Neither governments nor activists agree on who is and who is not a political prisoner. Governments routinely deny they imprison people for political reasons. Instead, they consistently seek to criminalize those they detain as part of their effort to maintain the legitimacy of their rule and delegitimize those who act against it. A common definition of who is and who is not a political prisoner does not exist among prisoners, activists, or supporters. No international organizations or national bodies have developed a shared description of what constitutes a political prisoner. Instead, as this essay and the articles that follow illustrate, the subject is a matter of debate and discussion.
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Phillips, Coretta. "‘It ain’t nothing like America with the Bloods and the Crips’: Gang narratives inside two English prisons". Punishment & Society 14, n.º 1 (enero de 2012): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474511424683.
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This article explores recent concerns about the emergence of gangs in prisons in England and Wales. Using narrative interviews with male prisoners as part of an ethnographic study of ethnicity and social relations, the social meaning of ‘the gang’ inside prison is interrogated. A formally organized gang presence was categorically denied by prisoners. However, the term ‘gang’ was sometimes elided with loose collectives of prisoners who find mutual support in prison based on a neighbourhood territorial identification. Gangs were also discussed as racialized groups, most often symbolized in the motif of the ‘Muslim gang’. This racializing discourse hinted at an envy of prisoner solidarity and cohesion which upsets the idea of a universal prisoner identity. The broader conceptual, empirical and political implications of these findings are considered.
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Brosens, Dorien. "Prisoners’ participation and involvement in prison life: Examining the possibilities and boundaries". European Journal of Criminology 16, n.º 4 (14 de mayo de 2018): 466–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370818773616.
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Prisoners’ participation and involvement in prison life are becoming important topics featuring on European political agendas. To investigate the different types of prisoner participation and involvement in one prison in Belgium, the experiences of prisoners and professionals, and the processes that enhance or limit prisoners’ participation, 11 focus groups have been conducted with prisoners ( N = 36) and professionals ( N = 42). A thematic analysis of this data identifies that various formal and informal participation initiatives exist, but several barriers between prisoners, prison staff and prison management impede (structural) participation. Implementing and increasing the participation and involvement of prisoners requires organizational and cultural changes. The article concludes by discussing practical issues raised by the study, as well as some limitations.
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Alexopoulos, Golfo. "Amnesty 1945: The Revolving Door of Stalin's Gulag". Slavic Review 64, n.º 2 (2005): 274–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3649985.
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Memoir literature suggests that Iosif Stalin's gulag was largely populated by political prisoners and that release from detention was extremely rare. In this article, Golfo Alexopoulos notes that most gulag inmates represented criminal offenders who cycled through Stalin's labor camps and colonies in vast numbers. She argues that the gulag formed a dynamic system in which the majority of prisoners came and went and uses Stalin's largest single release of gulag prisoners to expose the movement and tension of this revolving door. Surprisingly, Stalin's amnesty occurred over the objections of the NKVD leadership and despite great cost to the gulag system; the law was not designed to address postwar labor shortages, relieve overcrowded facilities, or remove less productive prisoners. Rather, the postwar prisoner exodus constituted a political act, and one consistent with Stalinist penal practice in which most prisoners cycled through the camps, connecting the world of the gulag with the larger society.
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Kung, Lap Yan. "Ontological (In-) Security and the Dark Night of the Soul". Asia Journal Theology 37, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2023): 94–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.54424/ajt.v37i1.104.
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This study reflects on how Christian political prisoners in Hong Kong utilize their Christian resources to articulate and live with the ontological insecurity caused by incarceration. Hong Kongers consider political prisoners to be sufferers for Hong Kong rather than criminals, an interpretation that corresponds to the Christian notion of redemptive suffering. The Christian political prisoners interviewed in this study see their days in prison as the dark night of the soul in which a generative sense-making has emerged. The days in the dark night are painful, but ironically, their spirituality in the dark night exposes the injustice of rule by law, disempowers the threat of demoralization, changes the game theory from prisoner’s dilemma to warden’s dilemma, and illustrates that imprisonment can be turned to an unexpected platform for personal growth. This sense-breaking, despite as yet being weak, gives birth to a social narrative characterized by suffering in solidarity in contrast to the official narrative,“from chaos to order, from order to prosperity.”
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Felber, Garrett y Stephen Ward. "“This Argument Is Far from Over”". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302863.
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Abstract This article explores the implications of a 1974 political debate between the radical priest Daniel Berrigan and the revolutionary theorists James Boggs and Grace Lee Boggs regarding support for the political prisoner Martin Sostre, as well as the meaning of the designation political prisoner itself. To begin, the article outlines and contextualizes their opposing positions—Berrigan’s view, common among radicals at the time, that all imprisonment is political, and the Boggses’ fear that lumping together political and nonpolitical prisoners would result in theoretical and political miscalculations, such as mistaking the rebellion of the most oppressed for fundamental revolutionary change. Such analysis highlights the stakes of these characterizations for revolutionary struggle. In particular, the dialogue between Berrigan and the Boggses reveals the limits of static definitions of political subjecthood and shows how studying and learning from these historical debates can help to create more nuanced, flexible, and capacious political visions and practices.
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Karniel, Yuval, Amit Lavie-Dinur y Tal Samuel Azran. "Professional or personal framing? International media coverage of the Israel–Hamas prisoner exchange deal". Media, War & Conflict 10, n.º 1 (27 de febrero de 2017): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635216658717.
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This article explores whether national political agendas influenced the content of domestic and foreign television news media coverage of the 2011 Israel–Hamas Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. The deal, which released Israeli soldier Shalit in exchange for 1,027 prisoners, is the largest prisoner exchange agreement in Israeli history for a single live soldier, but the third largest prisoner exchange agreement as a whole. A quantitative content analysis was conducted on 2,162 news reports from five international and national news networks – BBC, CNN, Fox and Israel’s Channels 1 and 2. The findings suggest important differences in the way foreign and national news networks cover controversial political events. Findings reveal that Israeli networks strongly aligned themselves with the government’s position, while the BBC provided the most balanced coverage. Prominent differences were found between the two US channels – CNN and Fox News. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political events.
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Timofeev, Lev. "Interview". Index on Censorship 17, n.º 5 (mayo de 1988): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534407.
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The editor of the independent journal Referendum explains the role of his publication, and why the authorities are softer on him than they were. ‘On the one hand there are still several hundred political prisoners. On the other hand those of us who have been released are at present able to operate relatively freely.’ In February 1987 Lev Timofeev was prematurely released from camp as a result of a government decree, under which a large number of political prisoners were amnestied. Together with Sergei Grigoryants, another ex-political prisoner, he set up the unofficial bulletin Glasnost last summer. Grigoryants now edits Glasnost, while Timofeev has started his own journal, Referendum. He also leads the independent ‘Press Club Glasnost’, which organised an unofficial conference on human rights in December 1987. The Press Club is planning to set up a form of open university, using a number of highly-qualified ex-political prisoners as teachers. I interviewed Lev Timofeev in Moscow in January. As we talked in his study, a neat portable computer - which had come from abroad but quickly learned to speak fluent Russian - was printing out the fourth issue of Referendum. S.L.
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Kim, Won Han. "“One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” : Gulag and Survival". Institute for Russian and Altaic Studies Chungbuk University 26 (28 de febrero de 2023): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24958/rh.2023.26.85.
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The main character of the novel, Ivan Denisovich Shukhov, an ordinary farmer in the Soviet Union, was conscripted during the World WarⅡ and sentenced to 10 years in Gulag for treason while serving in the army. He has spent 8 years in a Soviet concentration camp(Gulag) and is currently in his 9th year. Shukhov is having a hard time fulfilling the given amount of work every day in the harsh cold weather and harsh environment. Most of the prisoners in the camp were classified as political prisoners, but in fact they were innocent people. Shukhov was also accused of treason and classified as a political criminal, but he too was only a victim of Stalin's violent policies. What is the strength that keeps Shukhov enduring life in the camp despite the harsh environment? In this article, we analyzed the theme of ‘Gulag and survival’. First, we looked at the Gulag in the Soviet Union. And we analyzed the prisoner characters including Shukhov held there. The Soviet Gulag originated from the Siberian exile in the 16th centry, and most of the prisoners in the 19th centry were ordinary criminals. Even in Soviet concentration camps(Gulag), political prisoners accounted for only 20% of all prisoners. However, most of the prisoners in the novel “One Day in the life of Ivan Denisovich” were set as political prisoners. This seems to be Solzhenitsyn's intentional character setting. It was a way to emphasize the misguided policy of the Soviet Union. Shukhov and Baptist Alyoshka have a conversation about the Russian church and faith at the end of the novel, and here we learn that Shukhov's will to survive in the Gulag was very strong. That is, he has a clear purpose for survival. Also, although his faith was weak, it was confirmed that he had faith as a Russian Orthodox Christian.
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Salman, Hamza A. K., Shahrul Mizan Ismail y Rohaida Nordin. "PRISONERS OF WAR: CLASSIFICATION AND LEGAL PROTECTION UNDER INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW". UUM Journal of Legal Studies 14, n.º 2 (31 de julio de 2023): 677–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/uumjls2023.14.2.11.
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The International humanitarian law, through a set of international conventions, protects prisoners of war from any violation orinfringement of human rights during their captivity. The status of prisoners of war is only applicable in international armed conflicts.After The Hague Convention had failed to identify the categories of fighters who would benefit from their privileges as prisoners of war in World War II, the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions and their protocols were established to justify the inclusion of broader categories of combatants. Descriptive and analytical approaches are used in the study reported in this article to identify the category of people regarded as prisoners of war. by examining international treaties and agreements in relation to the definition of a prisoner of war before characterising the individuals who fulfil the criteria of “prisoner of war” under these treaties. Moreover, it explains the legal mechanisms necessary to ensure that the parties involved in international conflicts comply with the international conventions on prisoners of war. This article concludes that the prisoners of war are often members of the military forces of one of the belligerents who fall into the hands of the opposing party and other types of people who possess the right to the status of prisoners of war or can be treated as prisoners of war following the Third Geneva Convention of 1949. In contrast, traitors, deserters and mercenaries are not considered the prisoners of war. If they commit a war crime, they can be prosecuted by the internal law of the Detaining Power. On the other hand, the overlapping definitions of the prisoners of war can create confusion in combatant interactions during the armed conflict, hence increases violations. Consequently, states must take practical steps to prevent any expected violations against the prisoners of war, for instance enacting national laws to ensure international treaties compliance and raise the awareness of international law among leaders and officials during armed conflicts to limit the violence against combatants.
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Iurlov, Aleksandr R. "Social and demographic structure of the Talerhof internment camp (1914–1917)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n.º 2 (2022): 574–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-2-574-584.
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The Talerhof internment camp became the place of imprisonment of many thousands of representatives of the Ruthenian people of Austria-Hungary in 1914–1917, however, there is still no historical portrait of the prisoner of the camp. The creation of a database containing information about the prisoners of Talerhof made it possible to recreate the socio-demographic structure of the camp. As a result of the study, it was found that only every tenth prisoner of the camp was a Russophile. The research made it possible to compile a portrait of an average prisoner and, in some cases, to recreate their path to Talerhof, and to identify the key causes of deaths in the camp. The assumptions of V.R. Vavrik about the violent death of over 3,000 prisoners in the Talerhof camp were called into question. The study fills a number of significant gaps in the historiography of the Russophile movement during the First World War. For instance, in Russian and foreign historiography there is still no consensus on the institutional status of the Talerhof camp. The restoration of its social and demographic structure, as well as the historical portrait of the camp’s prisoner, allows us to make a reasonable conclusion that the camp was not a concentration camp, and Thalerhof’s victims were people who were not involved in Russophile political crimes against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy during the First World War. The results make it possible to intensify scientific discussions about the historical status of the Russophile issue in the structure of Russian-Ukrainian relations and its significance for current political events.
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Iakemenko, Boris G. "Assigning Numbers in Nazi Concentration Camps as a Factor of Dehumanization: As Remembered by Soviet Rrisoners". RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, n.º 3 (31 de agosto de 2022): 432–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-3-432-438.
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The author considers the semantic and semiotic meaning of assigning numbers to prisoners of the concentration camps of Nazi Germany. These concentration camps were formally designed to exterminate the enemies of the state, but in fact, in addition, they defined the limits of the possibilities of turning a person into a part of the total state. Assigning a number to a prisoner in a camp was the key factor in annihilating a person, transforming him into a sign, depriving a person of the most important anthropological properties, which ultimately facilitated the elimination of a prisoner. As a result of assigning a number to a prisoner, while staying in a camp, it became increasingly difficult for a prisoner to remember his own name; his inner essence "merged" with the number; his real name was forgotten. The reduction of a person to a number entrenched the deprivation of a prisoner of human status; it became the highest degree of degradation; it turned a prisoner from a person into a typical specimen with the sign of a person whose number correlated and entrenched the symbolic authenticity of the object into which a prisoner was turned. The assignment of a number took all the actions of the SS men regarding prisoners beyond any moral and ethical assessments. A person without a name, deprived of realizing his personal uniqueness and image - the necessary conditions for self-perception as a thinking, living being, merged with similar people; he was doomed to silence; he was turned into an object of influence.
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Susskind, Yifat. "Palestinian Political Prisoners". Middle East Report, n.º 201 (octubre de 1996): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012761.
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Yakovleva, Margarita y Elena Zorina. "Paths to personality transformation of a prisoner of war towards resocialization under conditions of a special military operation". Russian Journal of Deviant Behavior 3, n.º 2 (21 de julio de 2023): 232–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2713-0622-2023-2-232-243.
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Introduction. The article considers the directions of prisoner of war personality transformation for resocialization, necessary under conditions of a special military operation. In the historical context, these problems are relevant during any military operations, which is confirmed by the materials of the Great Patriotic War: the resocialization of foreign prisoners of war was accompanied by these persons’ worldview and political attitudes formation affected the public opinion of other citizens. Due to the importance for the prisoner of war’s personality and taking into account modern realities, it is advisable to use this positive experience in the resocialization of Ukrainian prisoners of war in the conditions of the ongoing special military operation.
The purpose of the article is to outline the directions of the prisoner of war personality transformation in the field of resocialization, necessary for the formation of a positive worldview in the conditions of a special military operation.
Methodology, methods and techniques. Scientific tools of the research include a set of general and private scientific methods applied comprehensively: dialectical method, historical, comparative-legal, deductive and inductive, analysis, other methods of scientific knowledge.
Results. The article substantiates the need to improve the paths to transformation of the prisoner of war personality towards resocialization in the conditions of a special military operation by means of 1) creating new psychological methods of influencing the prisoner of war personality, allowing to form a positive worldview, to rethink the necessity of participation in a special military operation; 2) introducing a new position of the Presidential Commissioner for Human Rights on Military Issues with a set of powers related to the resocialization of prisoners of war; 3) recruiting military psychologists with skills for applying these techniques in the department of the Deputy Presidential Commissioner for Human Rights on Military Issues; 4) improving penal enforcement legislation in the area of preventing deviant behavior of prisoners of war, taking into account the individual characteristics of the prisoner of war personality.
Scientific novelty of the article is to form the author’s vision of specific directions of transformation of the prisoner of war personality towards resocialization.
Practical significance. The proposed directions of personality transformation of the prisoner of war towards resocialization will allow to form a positive worldview and to return the person to peaceful life.
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Schoot Uiterkamp, Annet. "'Voorlopig in alle stilte' terwerkstelling van politieke gevangenen in de mijn Willem-Sophia te Spekholzerheide (1945-1946)". Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 62 (12 de enero de 2023): 166–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v62i12369.
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'For the time being keep it silent'. Employment of political prisoners at the mine Willem-Sophia in Spekholzerheide (1945-1946)'. This article investigates the beginnings of the employment of collaborationist prisoners in Dutch coal mines after the Second World War, especially in the mine Willem-Sophia in Spekholzerheide (1945-1946). Such employment, made urgent by shortage of fuel as well as of labour, was debated in the early months of 1945. Initially the military commander in charge (‘Militair Gezag’) forbade employment of prisoners unless no regular unemployed were available. Mine directors insisted, particularly because in the months following the liberation of the southern part of Limburg, political prisoner camps housed numerous skilled miners. In collective memory their employment is supposed to have generated much resistance among miners and their unions, as it was supposed to be a degradation of their profession. But research in the archives does not produce much evidence to corroborate this as far as the Willem-Sophia is concerned: the first Dutch coal mine to employ these ‘infected’ miners.
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Rasul, Rasul Mohammed. "The situation of Kurdish political prisoners in Iraq from the period of Haras Qawmi 8-2-1963 to 18-11-1963". Twejer 4, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2021): 509–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2142.11.
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Abstract The situation of Kurdish prisoners in Iraqi prisoners from 8-2-1963 to 18-11-1963 In the contemporary history of Iraq, the first period of Baa’th party’s era which very significant in the history of the country. After the coup of 8th February 1963, which Iraqi National Guard (Baa’si) obtained power. As a result, Abdul Karem Qasm the first President of the Iraqi Republic (1958-1963), many Iraqi people Kurds were not exempted and who were captured from different cities and rural areas in the whole Iraq, and they were taken to prisons like Arabs or other ethnic and religion groups and Kurdish soldiers (Peshmarga’s) captives from fronts particularly, from 09-06-1963 to 18-11-1963. Those prisoners were accused of being members of Iraqi Communist Party or Kurdistan Democratic Party which were considered as the opposition party of the government. Otherwise, they probably almost did not commit any crime against law and civilians. Therefore, it could be named them political prisoner in the mentioned period. While the Kurdish political prisoners were in Iraqi prisons. Particularly, after 9th Jun, 1963 till 18th November, they were brutally tortured by members of Iraqi militia “National Gourds”, who belonged to Baath’s party. Their brutal actions against Kurdish prisoners such as hitting, boxing, burning, withdrawing nails, and so on. These crimes are unforgettable in the contemporary history of Iraqi Kurdistan.
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Kotova, Anna. "‘Time … lost time’: Exploring how partners of long-term prisoners experience the temporal pains of imprisonment". Time & Society 28, n.º 2 (23 de marzo de 2018): 478–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x18763688.
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This article identifies and examines the temporal pains of imprisonment as experienced by female partners of male long-term prisoners in the UK. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 33 women, it discusses how long sentences interrupted the women’s normative life courses, shaped their daily lives, and resulted in them having to negotiate living within both prison time and outside time. It also highlights the need to go beyond the focus on concentrated family time and consider the extent to which prisoners and their families are deprived of mundane but meaningful family moments. In exploring these temporal pains of imprisonment, it is argued that time is not just a critical aspect of a long-term prisoner’s sentence, but also of his partner’s experiences. Finally, this article seeks to take the scholarship beyond the assumption that a long-term prisoner’s partner exists in a temporal limbo, and discusses the processes of change and adaptation the women interviewed used to cope with their partners’ long sentences.
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Bazhan, Oleh. "Ukrainian dissidents in the Soviet criminal-executive system". NaUKMA Research Papers. History 5 (28 de diciembre de 2022): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-3417.2022.5.37-46.
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While struggling with captivity, and partial or complete blocking of individual rights and freedoms, the main task for Ukrainian political prisoners was to develop a behavioural strategy to cope with the demands of camp life. In places of detention, there was an inconspicuous consolidation of prisoners along ethnic lines and the type of crime committed. Communities organized based on affinity and similarity of political views often built their own networks of survival and a peculiar ethic of care within the framework of an informal group. The prisoners’ adaptation to the appropriate environment greatly depended on their ability to get accustomed to the prison norms, which contradicted existing norms and regulations, and their attempts to master everyday life through the reproduction of the basic elements of “normal life”. Representatives of the scientific and creative intelligentsia perceived the corrective labour camp as a place to work in extreme conditions. One of the Ukrainian dissidents’ most common creative practices in captivity was literary translations of the world’s classic works of art. The publishing and distribution of camp samizdat were among the most common methods for political prisoners to struggle with the regime. An exhausting daily uncompromising struggle for the status of a political prisoner took an important place in the resistance movement in the camps.Isolated in strict and particularly strict regime camps, psychiatric hospitals, and prisons, members of the Resistance movement developed effective ways of adapting and counteracting the destructive influence of the Soviet penitentiary system. The prisoners managed to preserve the stability of the spirit, the system of values established in freedom, and their own national identity, creating an environment focused on resisting the camp administration through self-education, drafting petitions, statements, protests, hunger strikes, group boycotts, etc.
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Krystian Bedyński. "Prison governors of Rawicz and Wronki prisons". Archives of Criminology, n.º XXXI (1 de enero de 2009): 345–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7420/ak2009m.
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The prison system being organised since August 1944, became a part of the Ministry of Public Security. Such a solution, dictated by political considerations, copied the Soviet model, which treated the prison guard as a part of the armed organ of the government. Identification of prison staff with the Ministry of Safety was expressed in the wording of official vows made by the guards which started: "I, a public safety officer". This unity was stressed for decades in prison staff politics, in employee certificates, and in the assessment of the implementation of tasks assigned to prison guards. The primary task put in words on the 4th of October 1944 by Boleslaw Bierut was "to render harmless those who oppose the program of PKWN [the communist Committee of National Liberation]." This directive and the subsequent resolutions and decisions of the party (PPR, PZPR) and ministries (MBP, MSW) requiring repressive treatment of political prisoners was noted in the subordinate units as a political and official license for brutality and sadism towards such prisoners. Since the beginning of the postwar system of prison system detention centres, prison and labor camps were places of repression and extermination of the citizens who were considered political opponents. Apart from the repressive measures the prison system also performed an oppressive function towards society, which was to serve the pacification pro-independence feelings. Since November 1944, the prisoners started to be classified into one of the following groups: common criminals, Volksdeutsches, persons cooperating with Germans, anti-state. Since February 1945, the term "anti-state prisoner" started to define an accused (convicted) associated with the AK and NSZ [anti-communist military organizations], war criminals and collaborators. Putting the former soldiers of the AK, NSZ, and BCH with the rest of prisoners stigmatised them, and was a part of an affliction and persecution. In practice, their status was lower (worse) than the status of other prisoners, particularly Germans. In the fifties, the rules for classification of the convicted changed twice, each time worsening the situation of political prisoners. Based on the principle of so-called unity of jurisdiction and performance required tougher sentences along with accordingly tougher prison treatment. Types of prisons corresponded to prisoners’ classification. In April 1945, eight major prisons were singled out, where the political prisoners were consigned after judgment. In January 1946, two large prison units were given the status of the central prisons, namely the facilities in Rawicz and Wronki. They retained the status of objects for political prisoners until 1956. The essential precondition for the problem and repressive and exterminative nature of these prisons was appointment of the positions of a chief, his deputy, and heads of special (operational) and political-educational departments.
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Wilson, Stevie. "Political Prisoner or Politicized Prisoner". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302877.
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Abstract Calling some prisoners political prisoners and others social prisoners classifies the former as worthy of support and the latter undeserving of it. Instead of labeling prisoners this way, it is important to recognize the political nature of incarceration and that all prisoners deserve people’s solidarity.
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Finikovskyi, Yurii. "PARTICIPATION OF DANYLO SHUMUK IN THE NORILSK UPRISING". Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, n.º 30 (30 de noviembre de 2020): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-30-98-104.
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The Norilsk uprising was a major strike by Gulag inmates in Gorlag, a special camp mostly for political prisoners, in the summer of 1953, shortly after Joseph Stalin’s death. About 70% of inmates were Ukrainians, many of whom had been sentenced for 25 years to the so-called «Bandera Standard». It was the first major revolt within the Gulag system in 1953-1954. Between May 26 and August 4, 1953, the inmates of the Gorlag-Main camp went on strike, which lasted 69 days. This was the longest uprising in the history of the Gulag. The preconditions for the uprising can be seen as the following: the arrival of waves of prisoners to the Gorlag, who had participated in the uprisings of 1952, the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953 and the fact that the amnesty that followed his death only applied to (non-political) criminals and convicts with short prison terms, the percentage of which was very low in Gorlag. All categories of inmates took part in the uprising, with the leading roles played by former military men and participants of national liberation movements of western Ukraine, Georgia and the Baltics. Norilsk uprising combined various forms of protest – hunger strike, resignation, riot, armed uprising. One of the leaders of the uprising was Danylo Shumuk, a former employee of one of the UPA’s political divisions. The article describes the participation of a Ukrainian political prisoner, a participant in the national liberation movement in Volyn during World War II, Danylo Shumuk in the organization of the Norilsk Uprising of Political Prisoners (June-August 1953). The process of creating a conspiratorial formation by an activist – a «Selfhelp organization», the goals, composition, methods of activity of its members, the relationship between them are shown. On the basis of domestic and foreign sources, the forms of protest of prisoners and their demands were analyzed. The main results of the struggle of political prisoners and their future fate are highlighted. It is evidence-based the Ukrainian central role in Norilsk uprising, which was one of the strongest in the history of the Gulag, and resulted its reformation.
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Han, Sora Y. "The purloined prisoner". Theoretical Criminology 16, n.º 2 (mayo de 2012): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480612442107.
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This article argues, in the form of demonstration, for the necessity of disciplinary openness in punishment and society scholarship. Theories about the political culture of punishment and sentimental accounts of the toll mass incarceration takes on the personal lives of millions are insufficient for developing a critical knowledge of the relationship between race, law and gender. Approaching the object of the letter unfettered by traditional disciplinary methods, the article traces the centrality of the prisoner’s letter in the lifeworld of punishment. The letter is analyzed as both itself a paper-trail, and the subject of various other forms of paper-trails, including prisoners’ First Amendment rights jurisprudence, official political rhetoric, and cinematic production.
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Belej, Cecilia. "Just before Freedom". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302933.
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Abstract This Curated Spaces features a visual essay of photographs made by Alicia Sanguinetti, an Argentinean political prisoner of Alejandro Lanusse’s military government, on the last day of her captivity in Villa Devoto prison in Buenos Aires. Sanguinetti and her fellow political prisoners of the 1966–73 dictatorship were released by the democratic president Héctor Cámpora on the day he took office. This event, which occurred on May 25, 1973, is known as the Devotazo. Sanguinetti took these photographs—a roll of thirty-six black-and-white images—with a camera that her brother smuggled into the prison. The text includes comments by Alicia Sanguinetti from her interview with the author.
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Minogue, Craig W. J. "Political Prisoners in Australia?" Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 17, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2008): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v17i2.5248.
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Susler, Jan. "Puerto Rican Political Prisoners". Radical Philosophy Review 3, n.º 1 (2000): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2000314.
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Allbrook, David B. "Political prisoners in Pakistan". Medical Journal of Australia 144, n.º 2 (enero de 1986): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1986.tb113680.x.
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Singh, Lata. "Political Prisoners in India". Indian Historical Review 27, n.º 1 (enero de 2000): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360002700122.
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McKay, Carolyn. "Video Links from Prison: Permeability and the Carceral World". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2016): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i1.283.
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As audio visual communication technologies are installed in prisons, these spaces of incarceration are networked with courtrooms and other non-contiguous spaces, potentially facilitating a process of permeability. Jurisdictions around the world are embracing video conferencing and the technology is becoming a major interface for prisoners’ interactions with courts and legal advisers. In this paper, I draw on fieldwork interviews with prisoners from two correction centres in New South Wales, Australia, to understand their subjective and sensorial experiences of using video links as a portal to the outside world. These interviews raised many issues including audio permeability: a soundtrack of incarceration sometimes infiltrates into the prison video studio and then the remote courtroom, framing the prisoner in the context of their detention, intruding on legal process, and affecting prisoners’ comprehension and participation.
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Symkovych, Anton. "Negative visibility and ‘the defences of the weak’: The interplay of a managerial culture and prisoner resistance". Theoretical Criminology 24, n.º 2 (22 de junio de 2018): 202–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480618779404.
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While being structurally subordinate, prisoners are neither powerless nor mute. Drawing on semi-ethnographic research in a Ukrainian medium-security prison for men, in this article, I advance the concept of ‘negative visibility’—that is, an administration’s fear of external attention and intervention, and make a case for the interplay of prisoner resistance with a managerial culture. Using Soviet penal and managerial legacies as an example, I argue that structure can be both constraining and enabling even within the milieu of the gross power imbalance of which prison is an archetype, thereby attesting to the coherence of agency and structure and the contingency of power. Furthermore, by highlighting that prisoners may undermine officer power for all sorts of reasons, including opportunistic and selfish ones, this study cautions against romanticizing the ‘defences of the weak’ and a priori politicization of prisoner resistance.
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LeGette, Casie. "The Lyric Speaker Goes to Gaol: British Poetry and Radical Prisoners, 1820–1845". Nineteenth-Century Literature 67, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2012): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2012.67.1.1.
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This essay considers a collection of poems written by nineteenth-century political prisoners and published in the radical press. I situate these poems in the context of debates that raged at the time over whether or not political prisoners should have access to reading and writing materials. Thanks both to the sheer number of these prisoners and to their determination to remain politically active, the prison became a primary site of nineteenth-century radical print culture. Although radical prisoners wrote in a variety of genres, the short lyric poem offered a particularly apt form for expression. The familiar tropes of the Romantic lyric are regularly deployed in these poems, but, given the material conditions of imprisonment, these tropes can start to look quite different. Here, I consider the implications of this particular cultural moment, when metaphors of imprisonment and solitude butted up against the lived experience of prison. I examine the ways in which radical prisoners made the Romantic lyric their own, but also the ways in which imprisonment conditioned Romanticism itself.
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Bruce-Lockhart, Katherine. "Prisoner releases in postcolonial Uganda: Power, politics, and the public". Incarceration 3, n.º 1 (6 de enero de 2022): 263266632110597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26326663211059777.
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This article examines prisoner releases in postcolonial Uganda, focusing on the period between independence in 1962 and the inauguration of Yoweri Museveni in 1986. During these decades, Uganda's government enacted over 30 large scale releases of prisoners and detainees, affecting approximately 20,000 individuals. These acts of clemency were highly politicized and frequently occurred during times of political transition or tension. While framed by Uganda's leaders and the official media as gestures of goodwill and symbols of progress, these releases ultimately reinforced executive power and the centrality of incarceration in state repression.
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Jhody, Puguh Setyawan Setyawan. "The Discourse of Granting The Rights of Prisoners in Indonesia: The Legal Political Issue and Future Challenges". Journal of Law and Legal Reform 3, n.º 3 (31 de julio de 2022): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v3i3.55979.
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Sentencing is a process of the criminal justice system which is seen as giving punishment to those who commit crimes or criminal acts. A convict who is serving a sentence in a prison is called a prisoner who must be given his rights in the context of the development process according to the correctional system. These rights are regulated by Law number 12 of 1995 concerning Corrections which has been delegated through government regulation number 99 of 2012. Until now, the regulation still invites controversy because its content is related to the rules for remission and parole for special prisoners. The author will examine the purpose of making regulation number 99 of 2012, where the study of legal politics. This study uses a qualitative legal research approach with sociological juridical research. The results of this study are when viewed from three legal politics criteria, namely: first, related to state policies regarding the application of law as a way to achieve state goals, namely protecting the entire Indonesian nation and all Indonesian bloodshed, as well as the goals of the correctional system. Second, related to the background of law enforcement because the granting of rights to prisoners of extraordinary crimes needs to be tightened to fulfill the community's sense of justice. Third, related to law enforcement that has been carried out has been going well because the tightening of the granting of these rights resulted in not all prisoners getting remission and parole.
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Scraton, Phil. "Bearing Witness to the ‘Pain of Others’: Researching Power, Violence and Resistance in a Women’s Prison". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2016): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i1.288.
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Addressing the dynamics of interpersonal violence, institutionalised abuses and prisoner isolation, this article consolidates critical analyses as challenges to the essentially liberal constructions and interpretations of prisoner agency and penal reformism. Grounded in long-term research with women in prison in the North of Ireland, it connects embedded, punitive responses that undermine women prisoners’ self-esteem and mental health to the brutalising manifestations of formal and informal punishments, including lockdowns and isolation. It argues that critical social research into penal policy and prison regimes has a moral duty, an ethical obligation and a political responsibility to investigate abuses of power, seek out the ‘view from below’. Challenging the revisionism implicit within the ‘healthy prison’ discourse, it argues for alternatives to prison as the foundation of decarceration and abolition.
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., Wiyatmi. "Conquest and Care for the Preservation of Nature and Environment in the Novel Amba by Laksmi Pamuntjak: Study Ecocriticism". Jurnal Humaniora 28, n.º 3 (25 de febrero de 2017): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v28i3.22285.
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This study aims to analyse (1) how the characters in the novel Amba by Laksmi Pamuntjak conquest and care for the preservation of nature and environment, and (2) the depiction of nature and the environment in relation to the overall story of Amba using ecocriticism perspective. The results are as follows. First, the nature and the environment of Buru are described as an arena to be conquered by the main character (Bhishma), who was a political prisoner in the New Order era. In addition, the preservation of nature and environment of Buru Island also should be protected from exploitation, especially by outsiders who came to the island of Buru. Second, the depiction of nature and the environment in Amba is related to the creation of the setting of story (place and time), i.e. Buru Island as political prisoners’ detention place in the New Order era, between 1969–2006. From the perspective of ecocriticism these findings demonstrate how an island that was secluded so used to dispose of political prisoners have experienced the dynamics of an arena which was originally a natural and fierce, eventually turned into an island that invites entrants to explore and exploit natural wealth, so must be preserved.
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Bin Jasni, Mohd Alif, Siti Hajar Abu Bakar Ah y Norruzeyati Che Mohd Nasir. "Three Major Interrelated Factors Contributing to Homelessness Issue among Former Prisoners in Malaysia". International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 9 (5 de abril de 2022): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2020.09.40.
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Homelessness issue among former prisoners in Malaysia upon their release is of great concern. Hence, this study aimed to identify the predominant factors influencing homelessness issue among former prisoners in Malaysia. Imprisonment is usually assumed to be a negative life event and can act as a hindrance for the former prisoner to successfully integrate after being freed from prison. Imprisonment and past criminal records are the biggest contributors to becoming homeless. This is a fact because imprisonment causes the former prisoners to lose his source of income, personal belongings, ability to seek shelter and personal relationships due to family rejection, addiction and unemployment. This study was based on the Ecological Model of Homeless by Nooe and Patterson. The selection of this model was considered appropriate and aligned with the objectives of the study which aimed to identify the factors that lead to the life of the homeless among former prisoners. In this study, nineteen former prisoners, regardless of the type of offence committed, were selected using the snowball sampling method and were interviewed. The findings revealed that family denial, unemployment, and drug addiction were the three major interrelated factors that contribute to the homelessness issue among the former prisoners during their reintegration process. Housing security is a risk factor of homelessness.
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Ranjan Prasad, Aditya. "Prisoners Rights in India". Law & Political Review 07 (2022): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.55662/lpr.2022.702.
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It has come under the limelight of the manner who have politically swore to provide the basic needs of roti, kapda makaan. However, the pertinent problem of human rights and treatment is confined to serving the interests of certain people in the divisive nature of us as political beings. There are various notices and proposals done by the quasi-governmental bodies like the NHRC, at the center and state level addressing these issues being extrapolated for the common people in not recognizing them sufficiently and shoving them as a state list subject and managed by the prison manuals having the state the responsibility to change the current prison laws rules and regulations as per the ministry of home affairs Govt of India.
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Alexander, Jocelyn. "Political Prisoners' Memoirs in Zimbabwe". Cultural and Social History 5, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2008): 395–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/147800408x341613.
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Matin-Asgari, Afshin. "Twentieth century Iran's political prisoners". Middle Eastern Studies 42, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2006): 689–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200600826323.
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Catherine Rose. "‘Free Her’: women political prisoners". Socialist Lawyer, n.º 73 (2016): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/socialistlawyer.73.0006.
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Pellow, David N. "Political Prisoners and Environmental Justice". Capitalism Nature Socialism 29, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2018.1530835.
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Butler, Tony, Gavin Andrews, Stephen Allnutt, Chika Sakashita, Nadine E. Smith y John Basson. "Mental Disorders in Australian Prisoners: a Comparison with a Community Sample". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 40, n.º 3 (marzo de 2006): 272–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/j.1440-1614.2006.01785.x.
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Background: The plight of those with mental health problems and the possible role of prisons in “warehousing” these individuals has received considerable media and political attention. Prisoners are generally excluded from community-based surveys and to date no studies have compared prisoners to the community. Objective: The objective was to examine whether excess psychiatric morbidity exists in prisoners compared to the general community after adjusting for demographics. Method: Prison data were obtained from a consecutive sample of reception prisoners admitted into the state's correctional system in 2001 (n=916). Community data were obtained from the 1997 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (n=8168). Mental health diagnoses were obtained using the Composite International Diagnostic Interview and a number of other screening measures. Weighting was used in calculating the 12-month prevalence estimates to control for demographic differences between the two samples. Logistic regression adjusting for age, sex and education was used to compare the prison and community samples. Results: The 12-month prevalence of any psychiatric illness in the last year was 80% in prisoners and 31% in the community. Substantially more psychiatric morbidity was detected among prisoners than in the community group after accounting for demographic differences, particularly symptoms of psychosis (OR=11.8, 95% CI 7.5–18.7), substance use disorders (OR=11.4, 95% CI 9.7–13.6) and personality disorders (OR=8.6, 95% CI 7.2–10.3). Mental functioning and disability score were worse for prisoners than the community except for physical health. Conclusions: This study found an overrepresentation of psychiatric morbidity in the prisoner population. Identifying the causes of this excess requires further investigation.
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Wall, Oisín. "‘Embarrassing the State’: The ‘Ordinary’ Prisoner Rights Movement in Ireland, 1972–6". Journal of Contemporary History 55, n.º 2 (28 de agosto de 2019): 388–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419863846.
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This article explores the early years of the campaign for ‘ordinary’, not politically-aligned, prisoners’ rights in Ireland. It argues that this campaign has often been overshadowed by the activities of ‘political prisoners’, who only constituted a small minority of prisoners in the period. The article follows the development and changing tactics of the ordinary prisoners’ movement, through the rise and fall of the Prisoners’ Union (PU) (1972–3) and into the early years of the Prisoners’ Rights Organisation (PRO) (1973–6), which would become the longest-lasting and most vocal penal reform organisation in Ireland, until the formation of the Irish Penal Reform Trust in 1994. It argues that the movement constantly adapted its tactics to address emerging issues and opportunities. Ultimately, it contends that by 1976 the PRO was an increasingly legitimate voice in Ireland’s public discourse on prisons. It shows that, although the campaign did not achieve any major penal reforms in this period, it had a significant impact on public debates about prisons, prisoners’ mental health, the failures of the penal system, and prisoners’ entitlement to human rights.
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Calavita, Kitty y Valerie Jenness. "RACE, GRIEVANCE SYSTEMS, AND PRISONERS’ PERCEPTIONS OF JUSTICE IN THREE CALIFORNIA PRISONS". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 15, n.º 1 (2018): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000200.
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AbstractA large body of social science consistently documents race differences in the U.S. criminal justice system and in related perceptions of justice. It is now beyond dispute that the criminal justice system is racialized in a plethora of ways that have consequences for how people perceive justice. Another vast body of literature documents the importance of perceptions of procedural justice in people’s satisfaction with dispute management and outcomes. Informed by these two well-established literatures, we draw on original quantitative and qualitative data, including a random sample of interviews with 120 men in three California prisons, to present an empirical analysis of prisoners’ experiences with the prisoner grievance system, their level of satisfaction with the process and outcomes of that system, and their perceptions of fairness. We find an absence of race effects regarding how fairly they say they have been treated in the past by the criminal justice system and in how they assess justice in the prisoner grievance system in particular. Specifically, we find that: 1) male prisoners’ perceptions of whether the overall criminal justice system has been fair to them in the past does not vary by race in statistically significant ways; and 2) the dominance of substantive grievance outcomes over procedural elements in prisoners’ satisfaction holds regardless of racial self-identification. We explain these findings by arguing that prison may perversely level the attitudinal gap among those who are subject to this profound experience of state power.