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1

Edelman, Murray. "Political Language and Political Reality." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021247.

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The most incisive twentieth century students of language converge from different premises on the conclusion that language is the key creator of the social worlds people experience, and they agree as well that language cannot usefully be understood as a tool for describing an objective reality. For the later Wittgenstein there are no essences, only language games. Chomsky analyzes the sense in which grammar is generative. For Derrida all language is performative, a form of action that undermines its own presuppositions. Foucault sees language as antedating and constructing subjectivity. The “li
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2

Safran, William. "The contributions of Jean A. Laponce to political science." International Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (2018): 690–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118805358.

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Jean A. Laponce contributed significantly to the study of political science, particularly in the fields of French and comparative politics, pluralism, the meaning of right and left, and the politics of ethnicity and language. His most influential writings focused on the politics of multilingual societies. He examined the place of language from three perspectives: the territorial imperative—a bounded formal space providing safety and dominance for a single language; the problems of nonterritorially based linguistic minorities; and the rivalries and conflicts between languages in contact. Finall
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3

Morris, Michael A. "Teaching Political Science in a Foreign Language." PS: Political Science and Politics 26, no. 1 (1993): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419510.

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4

Morris, Michael A. "Teaching Political Science in a Foreign Language." PS: Political Science & Politics 26, no. 01 (1993): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500037367.

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5

Aroshidze, Marine, and Nino Aroshidze. "Language of Science – Language of Translation." Balkanistic Forum 29, no. 3 (2020): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i3.15.

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Modern civilisation processes, which are closely interrelated with cultural and linguistic globalisation, have entered the era of the noosphere; humanity is encountering these problems at present, the solution to which requires joint efforts and a high level of knowledge about globalisation. However, for a constructive dialogue amongst all nationalities within the framework of the world community and the achievement of a "knowledge society", it is necessary to understand the functioning of a world language, the peculiarities of intercultural communication, the originality of national ideas of
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6

CERVONE, DANIEL, and DYLAN T. LOTT. "Language and the Languages of Personality." European Review 15, no. 4 (2007): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798707000427.

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Although inquiry in philosophy and some social sciences has attended closely to the question of how investigators use language to describe and explain phenomena of interest, less attention has been devoted to questions of language use in psychological science. This essay explores language use in a major subfield of psychology, the psychology of personality. We identify three descriptive and explanatory languages in the field and critique them from the perspective of scholarship outside of psychology that has explored language use. We conclude with a call for greater exchange between investigat
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7

Astakhova, E. V., and E. V. Kriukova. "ABC of Political Science in Spanish: training course on Spanish for Political Science and International Relations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2015-2-108-112.

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The article presents a new book on the language profession, prepared at the Department of Spanish language of the MGIMO: «ABC of Political Science in Spanish. Training course on the language profession for political scientists and international relations «(B2-C1) prepared by Phd. Elena Astakhova y Phd. Elena Krukova. The course presents the main political categories based on professionally oriented texts, comments and numerous lexical and speech exercises.
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8

Weidmann, Nils B., Sabine Otto, and Lukas Kawerau. "The Use of Positive Words in Political Science Language." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (2018): 625–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000124.

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ABSTRACTPolitical science takes pride in objective and methodologically rigorous research. This should be reflected in a clear and concise writing style that convinces readers by the content of the research, not by the language used to report about it. This article demonstrates that this is true but only to a limited extent. It shows that—similar to recent findings from natural-sciences research—the frequency of positive words that political scientists use to describe their research has increased markedly in recent decades. At the same time, however, the magnitude of this increase is much less
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9

Vititnev, S. F., and A. V. Shmeleva. "The Language of Political Science in Ancient Greece." Язык и текст 6, no. 4 (2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2019060402.

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The article examines the main concepts and categories as a tool for scientific analysis of political processes and phenomena, state institutions in the works of Plato and Aristotle. The authors consider the theoretical and methodological approaches of ancient Greek philosophers to the study of a number of state and political phenomena.
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10

Ajsic, Adnan. "Political loanwords." Journal of Language and Politics 13, no. 1 (2014): 21–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.1.02ajs.

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Similar to many modern languages Bosnian continues to borrow lexical material from English. Although this is by no means a new trend, the linguo-political situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina has dramatically changed in the past twenty years and with it the dynamics and patterns of lexical borrowing. Based on a special synchronic corpus compiled from opinion pieces and editorials from the contemporary Bosnian press, this study analyzes the collocational patterns of the most frequently occurring English loanwords and compares them to their original collocational patterns extracted from a comparable
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11

blais, andré. "the language of political science: should it be english?" European Political Science 17, no. 3 (2018): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2016.5.

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12

Smith, Sophie. "The Language of "Political Science" in Early Modern Europe." Journal of the History of Ideas 80, no. 2 (2019): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2019.0012.

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13

Sharifian, Farzad. "Figurative language in international political discourse." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (2009): 416–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.04sha.

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Figurative language is used in all domains of communication, including political discourse. And since figurative language is largely socio-culturally constructed it presents a significant locus for misinterpretation or even manipulation when it collides with the realm of international politics. This paper presents an analysis of several cases of the use of figurative language in Iranian political discourse. For example, it shows how transposing a Persian metaphor onto an English metaphor has led to a conceptual shift. Given the potential risks involved in misconstruing political discourse inte
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14

Habashi, Janette. "Language of political socialization: language of resistance." Children's Geographies 6, no. 3 (2008): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14733280802183999.

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15

Campbell, John C., and Bernard Lewis. "The Political Language of Islam." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 1 (1988): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043750.

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16

MECKSTROTH, CHRISTOPHER. "Socratic Method and Political Science." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (2012): 644–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000263.

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This article advances a novel theoretical account of what a “method” is and what makes one “rigorous,” and shows how it could advance contemporary debates in political theory and empirical methodology. Plato's Socrates invented the notion of method, and his characteristic practice of immanent refutation through questioning escapes key problems in more familiar views. Socratic method is (1) antifoundational, (2) non-algorithmic, and (3) indirect and relative to competing hypotheses, and it (4) develops its own standards of objectivity from the logic of asking questions. The article reconstructs
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17

Sabri, Dr Ghada Tariq. "Features of political discourse In Russian language." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 219, no. 1 (2016): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v219i1.504.

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Political discourse is a complex object of studying, "it is the intersection of different fields like: political science, social psychology, linguistics. It has the analysis of form, objectives and content of used in certain (" political ") situations." According to researchers AN Baranov and EG Kazakevich, political discourse forms a "total speeches, acts used in political discussions, as well as rules of public policy expertise." The public purpose of political discourse - to convince recipients with a "political corrects" political evaluations.
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18

Sabri, Dr Ghada Tariq. "Features of political discourse In Russian language." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 215, no. 1 (2018): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v0i215.603.

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Political discourse is a complex object of studying, "it is the intersection of different fields like: political science, social psychology, linguistics. It has the analysis of form, objectives and content of used in certain (" political ") situations." According to researchers AN Baranov and EG Kazakevich, political discourse forms a "total speeches, acts used in political discussions, as well as rules of public policy expertise." The public purpose of political discourse - to convince recipients with a "political corrects" political evaluations.
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19

Kovalevska, Anastasia. "Language Milton-model Analysis in Political Discourse." Fìlologìčnì traktati 12, no. 2 (2020): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/ftrk.2020.12(2)-4.

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The article is dedicated to the analysis of the verbal influence (also known as suggestion) realization phenomenon in political discourse, which is usually understood as a holistic combined image of the text (be it an advertisement slogan, a political program, a speech, or an interview) itself and the emotions of its recipient and addressee. and is aimed at a a political subject’s (politics, political force, power) influencing a political object (audience, electorate, voter). The political discourse is studied from the standpoint of Psychology, Communicative Linguistics, Sociolinguistics, Spee
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20

Cerić, Haris, and Ešref Kenan Rešidagić. "Strip i karikatura u nastavi politilogije." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education, no. 2 2019 (2020): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2019.19.2.39.

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The intention of the authors is to demonstrate the utilisation of comictrips and caricature in political science teaching at university level. The kinship of comics and caricatures is reflected in the fact that they, as visual and verbal - visual media, form their own ''visual language''. In teaching in general, including higher education, comic strips and caricatures have a provoking value(scandalon), hence they represent an excellent motivational tool for learning. Certanly, the selection of appropriate comics and caricatures in crucial, therefore the paper provides examples of some comics a
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21

Gruber, Helmut, and Florian Menz. "Introduction: Language and political change." Journal of Language and Politics 3, no. 2 (2004): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.3.2.02gru.

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22

Pelinka, Anton. "Language as a political category." Journal of Language and Politics 6, no. 1 (2007): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.6.1.09pel.

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The article is based on an understanding that everything in society — including language — is political, at least potentially. For that reason, language must be seen (and analyzed) as a political phenomenon. Language is one of the decisive ‘nation building’ factors among others — sometimes cross-cutting other potentially defining factors. In its identity-building capacity, language is inclusive and exclusive at the very same time. Language has to be seen as one of the most important social (and: therefore political) cleavages. As more and more societies are confronted with ‘multiculturalism’ e
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23

Cottam, Richard W., and Bernard Lewis. "The Political Language of Islam." Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (1989): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791654.

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24

Dahal, Ram Kumar. "Language Politics in Nepal." Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (1998): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v1i1.1685.

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25

Fossen, Thomas. "Language and legitimacy: Is pragmatist political theory fallacious?" European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 2 (2017): 293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885117699977.

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Eva Erman and Niklas Möller have recently criticised a range of political theorists for committing a pragmatistic fallacy, illicitly drawing normative conclusions from politically neutral ideas about language. This paper examines their critique with respect to one of their primary targets: the pragmatist approach to political legitimacy that I proposed in earlier work, which draws on Robert Brandom’s theory of language. I argue that the charge relies on a misrepresentation of the role of pragmatist ideas about language in my analysis of legitimacy. Pragmatism’s significance for thinking about
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26

Wray, Alison. "The Language of Dementia Science and the Science of Dementia Language." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 36, no. 1 (2016): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x16663591.

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Language is a balance of precision and flexibility, and scientific dialogue across disciplines faces challenges in how terms are used and how phenomena, including language itself, are described and explained. Taking dementia as its focus, this article offers linguistic perspectives on causes of inherent difficulty with terminological exactness. Attention is paid to the interface between the positivist imperatives of clinical evaluation and the relativist interpretations that help make sense of uses of terms across contexts. Two types of reason are examined for why the language produced by peop
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27

Cunningham, Michael. "The political language of John Hume." Irish Political Studies 12, no. 1 (1997): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189708406571.

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28

Hall, Peter M., and Fred R. Dallmayr. "Language and Politics: What Does Language Matter to Political Philosophy?" Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 2 (1985): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070152.

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29

Vestergaard, Gunver Lystbaek, and Kristian Hvidtfelt Nielsen. "Science news in a closed and an open media market: A comparative content analysis of print and online science news in Denmark and the United Kingdom." European Journal of Communication 31, no. 6 (2016): 661–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323116674110.

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Most content analyses of science news are conducted in large Anglo-American media markets. However, we speculate that the intimacy between sources and journalists in small media markets can influence science coverage. Here, we present a comparative analysis of Danish and British newspaper science news in 2012. We find that in both countries science news amounts to about 4% of the total news flow. We also observe that Danish science news more often than British science news is triggered by political events, gives priority to national stories and includes more coverage of humanities and social s
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30

Pool, Jonathan. "The Official Language Problem." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (1991): 495–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963171.

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Polities and organizations use and require particular languages for official business. The choice of official languages is a vexing issue. Theorists, convinced that a fair language policy cannot be efficient, have despaired of an elegant solution. To investigate this apparent dilemma, I mathematically model the problem of choosing an efficient and fair language policy for a plurilingual polity. The policy designates official languages and taxes the language groups to pay for translation among the official languages. Contrary to prevailing wisdom, this model implies that a fair language policy
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31

Matsumoto, David, Hyisung C. Hwang, and Mark G. Frank. "Emotional Language and Political Aggression." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 32, no. 4 (2013): 452–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x12474654.

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32

Courtney, John C., Karman B. Kawchuk, and Duff Spafford. "Life in Print: Citation of Articles Published in Volumes 1–10 of the Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 3 (1987): 625–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900049957.

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AbstractThe Social Sciences Citation Index was canvassed for citations of all articles, notes, review articles, comments and replies published in volumes 1–10 of the Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique. The data show that nearly three-quarters of the 335 items published between 1968 and 1977 were cited at least once, with a greater likelihood of the citation appearing in non-Canadian than in Canadian publications. English-language items were cited four times as frequently as French-language ones, on the average, and those with at least some Canadian cont
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33

Wedeen, Lisa. "Conceptualizing Culture: Possibilities for Political Science." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (2002): 713–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402000400.

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This essay makes a case for an anthropological conceptualization of culture as “semiotic practices” and demonstrates how it adds value to political analyses. “Semiotic practices” refers to the processes of meaning-making in which agents' practices (e.g., their work habits, self-policing strategies, and leisure patterns) interact with their language and other symbolic systems. This version of culture can be employed on two levels. First, it refers to what symbols do—how symbols are inscribed in practices that operate to produce observable political effects. Second, “culture” is an abstract theo
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34

Krieger, Janice L., and Cindy Gallois. "Translating Science." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 36, no. 1 (2016): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x16663256.

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The articles in this special issue highlight the ways in which science communication, and in particular translational communication, implicates the nuances of language. This issue is the report of the Task Force on STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) language set up by the International Association of Language and Social Psychology. The articles raise issues about the multiple stakeholders in science and their characteristic language and concepts, in contexts as diverse as health, energy production, forensic science, and science education. They point to the consequences of get
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35

Butterfuss, Reese, Joseph Aubele, and Panayiota Kendeou. "Hedged Language and Partisan Media Influence Belief in Science Claims." Science Communication 42, no. 2 (2020): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547020908598.

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Sources of scientific information vary in partisanship and epistemic stance toward science. The current study examined how hedged language (certain vs. tentative) and partisanship of sources (liberal vs. conservative vs. scientific sources) interacted with participants’ epistemic beliefs and political ideology to influence belief in science-related claims and trust in sources. Findings showed that “hedged” language influenced belief in information for individuals with certain epistemic profiles. Participants with higher faith in intuition demonstrated lower belief in claims from scientific sou
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36

Maxwell, Alexander. "Why the Slovak Language Has Three Dialects: A Case Study in Historical Perceptual Dialectology." Austrian History Yearbook 37 (January 2006): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016817.

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Linguists have long been aware that the ubiquitous distinction between “languages” and “dialects” has more to do with political and social forces, typically nationalism, than with objective linguistic distance.1 This article, an exercise in the history of (linguistic) science, examines political and social factors operating on other levels of linguistic classification than the “language-dialect” dichotomy. Nationalism and linguistic thought are mutually interactive throughout a linguistic classification system: political and social history not only affects a list of “languages,” but also a lis
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37

daalder, hans, and richard rose. "Historical Reflections on the Language of Political Science in America and Europe." European Political Science 13, no. 1 (2013): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2013.40.

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38

SAFRAN, WILLIAM. "INTRODUCTION: THE POLITICAL ASPECTS OF LANGUAGE." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 10, no. 1 (2004): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110490450746.

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39

Peled, Yael. "Language, rights and the language of language rights." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 3 (2011): 436–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.3.07pel.

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It is only in recent years, after a surprising long period of neglect, that political theorists began to engage with the evident normative dimension of policymaking on language. Within the body of literature that has emerged in this process, the conceptual framework of language rights maintains a central position. The article examines this emerging debate on language rights, and identifies both advantages and drawbacks of committing the debate on normative language policy primarily to the language of rights. While recognising the valuable contribution of the refined analytical tools of politic
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40

Xenos, Nicholas. "Political Theory & the Language of Politics." Polity 21, no. 2 (1988): 419–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234814.

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41

Graham, Keith. "Regulative Political Theory: Language, Norms and Ideology." Political Studies 33, no. 1 (1985): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1985.tb01559.x.

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42

Campbell, John Creighton, and David Williams. "Japan and the Enemies of Open Political Science." Journal of Japanese Studies 24, no. 1 (1998): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132954.

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43

Surman, Jan. "Science and Terminology in-between Empires: Ukrainian Science in a Search for its Language in the nineteenth century." History of Science 57, no. 2 (2018): 260–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275318800637.

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Ukrainian science and its terminology in the nineteenth century experienced a number of twists and turns. Divided between two empires, it lacked institutions, scholars pursuing it, and a unified literary language. One could even say that until the late nineteenth century there was a possibility for two communities with two literary languages to emerge – Ruthenian (Habsburg Empire) and Ukrainian (Russian Empire). Eventually, both communities and languages merged. This article tracks the meanderings of this process, arguing that scholarly publications played a crucial role in shaping the standar
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44

Rowe, Pia, and David Marsh. "Between the Social and the Political." Democratic Theory 5, no. 2 (2018): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050207.

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While Wood and Flinders’ work to broaden the scope of what counts as “politics” in political science is a needed adjustment to conventional theory, it skirts an important relationship between society, the protopolitical sphere, and arena politics. We contend, in particular, that the language of everyday people articulates tensions in society, that such tensions are particularly observable online, and that this language can constitute the beginning of political action. Language can be protopolitical and should, therefore, be included in the authors’ revised theory of what counts as political pa
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45

Bernhardt, Nicole S., and Laura G. Pin. "Engaging with Identity Politics in Canadian Political Science." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 4 (2018): 771–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000318.

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AbstractThis paper critiques the deployment of the term “identity politics” in Canadian political science. Through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of research articles in leading English language academic journals in the Canadian social sciences, we examine whose politics are labelled identity politics and what intellectual work transpires through this label. Identity politics tends to be applied to scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, but with a lack of analytical rigour, indicating a degree of conceptual looseness. Moreover, the designation identity politi
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46

Lyttelton, Adrian. "Political language in Italy and Great Britain." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 1 (2009): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710802647775.

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47

Rousseau, Stéphanie, and Eduardo Dargent. "The Construction of Indigenous Language Rights in Peru: A Language Regime Approach." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 2 (2019): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19866527.

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From the 1990s onwards, many Latin American states have adopted constitutional reforms that recognise indigenous peoples’ rights. In this article, we address a much less studied aspect, the emergence of new language rights. Based on field research and process tracing, we study the case of Peru where indigenous language rights were created in the absence of ethnic parties and with a relatively weak indigenous movement. We argue that the country moved slowly away from a monolingual language regime towards the recognition of indigenous languages as official languages and the creation of language
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48

Kvašytė, Regina, Džiuljeta Maskuliūnienė, and Kazimieras Romualdas Župerka. "The manifestations of political correctness in the Lithuanian and Latvian languages." Lietuvių kalba, no. 13 (December 20, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2019.22480.

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The article discusses the manifestations of the ideology of political correctness in the current Lithuanian and Latvian languages. It features a more detailed analysis of the usage of words referring to persons by health, race and nationality (invalidas – neįgalusis, invalīds – nespējnieks [invalid – disabled]; negras – juodaodis, nēģeris – melnais [negro – black]; čigonas – romas, čigāns – roms [gipsy – Romany], etc.). At first glance, the intentions of the supporters of that ideology seem honorable: their substitution for ordinary words can be seen as a euphemism of a language, which is prom
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49

Hanafi, Sari, and Rigas Arvanitis. "The marginalization of the Arab language in social science: Structural constraints and dependency by choice." Current Sociology 62, no. 5 (2014): 723–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392114531504.

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This article aims at questioning the relationship between Arab social research and language by arguing that many factors including the political economy of publication, globalization, internationalization and commodification of higher education have marginalized peripheral languages such as Arabic. The authors demonstrate, on the one hand, that this marginalization is not necessarily structurally inevitable but indicates dependency by choice, and, on the other hand, how globalization has reinforced the English language hegemony. This article uses the results of a questionnaire survey about the
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Kic-Drgas, Joanna, and Małgorzata Sikora-Gaca. "Foreign language portfolio and EU funded foreign language courses in Poland." Lingua Posnaniensis 60, no. 1 (2018): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2018-0005.

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Abstract Due to globalization processes, the importance of the knowledge of foreign languages in almost every field of professional and private life is constantly growing. This has had an impact on the policy of many international institutions, including those in the European Union. Supporting language pluralism has been an explicit aim of the European strategy for multilingualism since 2008. The following paper presents the results of an interdisciplinary research study initiated by representatives of two different fields of science: linguistics and political science. Among the generation of
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