Tesis: "Presidential candidates"

1

Padgett, Jeremy Brunner Brigitta R. "Topics of New York Times coverage of the 2004 and 2008 presidential campaigns". Auburn, Ala., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1995.

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2

Hermawan, Ary. "Framing the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Candidates in Newspapers and on Twitter". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613420.

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The 2014 Indonesian presidential election was the first election in the world's largest Muslim democracy where social media played an important role. Social media outlets, such as Facebook and Twitter, became a public forum where Indonesians debated about and framed the presidential candidates - Prabowo Subianto and Joko Widodo - in what was said to be the closest and most polarizing election in the nation's history. A content analysis of two partisan newspapers, two independent newspapers, and tweets showed that both legacy media and social media focused on the personality frame when describing the candidates. In legacy media the second most prevalent frame was experience, while on Twitter it was integrity. Religion remained an important factor in the election, as reflected in both media platforms, while ethnicity was considered less important. Social media became an integral part of Indonesia's nascent democracy, with the public examining the candidates' leadership qualities and integrity on Twitter. The independent newspapers were not neutral in covering the candidates, thus making social media even more relevant as a relatively free and impartial marketplace of ideas during the election. This study discusses how legacy media - both partisan and independent - and social media portrayed the candidates, where and why these platforms differed, and what it means for the future of journalism in Indonesia.

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3

Pike, Gary Robert. "Voters' images of the candidates in the 1984 Ohio presidential primary /". The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487264603218331.

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4

Rhea, David Michael. "Seriously funny a look at humor in televised presidential debates /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4784.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on March 12, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.

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5

Burgess, Madyson. "Local newspapers and their relationship with presidential candidates a content analysis of the 2004 presidential campaign in Ohio /". Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32198.

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6

Marks, Aubrey. "Debating Their Beliefs to Victory: How the Beliefs of Presidential Candidates Transform the Rhetoric Used in Presidential Debates". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1615.

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As presidential candidates rhetorically articulate their beliefs during presidential debates, they reveal a lot about their underlying ideological beliefs. These beliefs were examined through the lens of an established methodology called the Operational Code, which uses a program to decipher a candidate's beliefs through what they say in debate transcripts. In this study, the belief trends of the Operational Codes of all presidential candidates from 1976-2012 were examined through a rhetorical lens, and it was found that rhetoric was indeed the driving force for the apparent changes in Operational Code beliefs. These changes were examined on a greater level of detail through four case studies, which illustrated the changes in Operational Code beliefs and rhetoric of Ronald Reagan, the incumbent presidential candidates, the 2004 election, and lastly, with the independent presidential candidates.
B.A.
Bachelors
Political Science
Sciences

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7

Marsden, Benjamin. "Winning the Electoral College how presidential candidates optimally allocate resources across states /". Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1452.

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8

Nwokora, Zim G. "Do the candidates matter? : a theory of agency in American Presidential nominations". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2271ba3b-447f-4b1e-bfe2-ec473c87189b.

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This thesis develops a candidate-centred conception of American presidential nominations. Candidates' choices in nomination politics remain under-theorised. The literature on nominations has tended either to downplay the role of candidates' independent influence or to suggest that the impact of their choices is too idiosyncratic to theorize about. I reject both of these positions; and instead develop the basic elements of a theory in which candidates are the principal agents of change in nomination contests. I argue that candidates make distinct identity, tactical, and management choices, and I show that this simple frame can be used to connect aspirants' varying goals to their choices and actions. In my theory, candidates' prospects remain relatively stable unless a shift occurs in their competitive setting in response to an unexpected event - for instance, a surprising election result. These shifts, or critical junctures, define a candidate's path to his party's presidential nomination. I argue that the rival candidates' choices dominate the development of these critical junctures and, therefore, that candidates' choices are crucial to nomination outcomes. Structural factors, the actions of non-candidates and the effects of exogenous events, account for a minority of critical junctures. In the empirical chapters of this study, I examine the Democratic and Republican nomination contests in selected years before the McGovern-Fraser reforms (1912, 1924, 1932) and in post-reform cases (1972, 1976, 1980) to demonstrate the pervasive influence of candidates' choices in contrasting institutional settings. These cases confirm my basic claim about the centrality of candidates' choices and also suggest significant ways in which candidates' choices have changed between 1912 and 1980.

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9

Pirch, Kevin Andrew. "The others : third party presidential candidates and the elite print media, 1968-2000 /". view abstract or download file of text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3136439.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2004.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-212). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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10

Yang, Karen J. "Media coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates in Argentina's 2003 presidential election". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1142292637.

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11

Nichols, Stephen Martin. "The decline of attitudinal barriers to the success of contemporary independent presidential candidates /". The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487864485230584.

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12

Powell, Thomas James. "The effect of the urban/rural divide on attitudes toward U.S. presidential candidates". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20572.

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This research seeks to understand the urban/rural political divide in the United States. The main focus is the extent this divide is manifested in attitudes toward presidential candidates. Are rural Americans, for example, more likely to vote for a ‘rural’ candidate over an ‘urban’ candidate? The main hypothesis was that there would be a positive relationship between voters’ geography and their attitudes toward candidates who had a similar geographic background. The urban/rural divide in the U.S. has a long history and is particularly expressed in politics. More recently, this divide has been exacerbated by growing political polarisation, which is felt in numerous ways, including geography. This geographic polarisation has been the subject of intense research, especially investigating the phenomenon of geographic ‘sorting’. Recent debate on the above issues has increased due to the 2016 presidential election. This election further highlighted the growing urban/rural political divide that exists, with rural and urban Americans moving in opposite directions politically. This research is conducted during the post-election period and start of Donald Trump’s presidency and takes the form of an experimental survey research design. To explore this topic, surveys were distributed via Amazon Mechanical Turk, an online crowdsourcing marketplace, and hosted externally on Qualtrics, a survey design tool. Participants were asked to state how likely they were to vote for one of three hypothetical presidential candidates and to give personal demographic information. Through the statistical analysis of results based on a hybrid multilevel model for analysing geographic responses, the tendency for Americans to prefer candidates from equivalent geographic areas to themselves was investigated. It was found that, on average, the rural candidate was received more positively, but there was a statistically insignificant difference in responses between rural and urban people.

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13

Hansen, Glenn J. "The informational function of communicative sources in presidential campaigns : effects on issue knowledge and character evaluation /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3137706.

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14

Wang, Jiayan. "A study of speech acts in U.S. presidential candidate". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1367.

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15

Woellert, Allyson K. "Exploring Politicians’ Archetypes: A Deep Dive into the 2020 Democratic and Republican Presidential Candidates". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1619006644787486.

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16

Broussard, James Allen. "A champion for the disaffected: Ross Perot's 1992 presidential crusade". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187056.

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In 1992, Ross Perot, billionaire entrepreneur from Texas, headed the most powerful independent presidential candidacy of the twentieth century, garnering nearly 19 percent of the popular vote. Perot's rhetoric demanded fundamental reform through a seemingly contradictory message calling for both individual responsibility and collective patriotism and sacrifice: corporate populism, a traditional, albeit profoundly paradoxical ideological appeal. Perot spoke of rekindling the "American Dream" for the next generation, whose prospects appeared bleak because of a post-Cold War credit crisis and withering of the United States' industrial base. He saw linkages between this crisis and a host of social problems, and advocated controversial solutions that made coalition-building difficult. Perot looked to his followers to develop consensuses on many issues of the day. Heading a "grassroots" movement organized from the top down, with disciples from all points on the ideological compass, however, Perot found consensus a rare commodity. As a result, his campaign lacked cohesion. Perot's methods, personality, and wealth raised disturbing questions about the future of representative democracy, but his unfolding campaign also highlighted shortcomings in American electoral institutions and processes. Perot's treatment by the press, for example, provides a case study of the mass-production of political portraits and the impact of those images. That so many citizens voted for a man often portrayed as a suspicious, morally rigid, unscrupulous, vengeful demagogue indicates how widely disaffection with American political institutions had spread. Tapping this discontent, Perot created the potential for a new kind of politics in the United States. He catalyzed discourse on policy issues like foreign trade, welfare reform, military policy, and Executive branch responsibility. He focused attention on chronic problems like the national debt, the annual budget deficit, and the insolvency of "entitlement" programs like Social Security and Medicare. His presence seems to have provoked an unusually high turnout on election day. He helped pioneer a new era of direct dialog between candidates and citizens through the use of interactive and electronic media. Finally, Perot's candidacy symbolizes the emergence of a new centrist political movement--a force which in 1994 began to dramatically reshape the American political landscape.

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17

Crawford, Jordan. "The ideological gap behavioral trends of the politically active, 1976-2004 /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5669.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 11, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.

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18

Cho, Sungdai. "Third party candidates and sophisticated voters : spatial competition and strategic voting in multicandiate American presidential elections /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9962511.

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19

SÁNCHEZ, FRANCISCO. "Political communication and virality in the US presidential campaign : A CDA analysis of the 2016 US presidential candidates’ discourses and performances in late night shows". Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-36460.

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The current study set out to shed light on the performances that 2016 US presidential candidates used during their interventions on the late-night comedy shows. Following the methodologies ofCritical Discourse Analysis, the aim of the thesis was to uncover and, therefore, analyze, the type of discourses that candidates used in the shows and how they combined them. There was establisheda special focus on the rhetorical styles used by each candidate, as well as the emotional content ofthe discourses, unexpected situations and comedy performances, with the aim to find the elements which lead to virality. This study reveals the rhetorical strategies used by politicians through ananalysis of the political and personal discourses they used in late-nigh comedy shows. According tothe results, the political discourse is most prevalent during the interview than the personal, which isused to start conversations and evoke personalized emotions. The study provides insights upon the elements found in politicians’ discourses on the late-night circuit that lead to achieve virality on social media.

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20

Flores, Daniel. "Shaping ethos a perspective of the Hillary Rodham Clinton presidential campaign's online rhetorical strategies, January-December 2007 /". To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2007. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.

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21

Kurz, Kathleen Ann. "A content analysis of the democratic race for 1984 presidential nomination in nine selected Indiana newspapers". Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/421947.

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This thesis is a content analysis designed to determine whether Democratic presidential candidates Gary Hart, Walter Mondale, and Jesse Jackson received equal coverage in nine selected Indiana newspapers during the month prior to the state primary in 1984. The researcher expected the candidates would receive equal coverage in Democratic, Republican, and Independent newspapers based on the findings of previous similar studies. The study was conducted using three content analysis techniques--space measurement, headline value classification, and evaluative assertion analysis. Nine papers, three from each political group, were selected at random for the study. The data collected was comprised only of news stories. In assessing whether the three candidates received equal coverage, each story relating to one or more of these men was measured using a basic space unit measurement. The amount of space received by the individual candidates in each newspaper group was converted to percentages and chi-square goodness of fit and contingency table tests were applied. Separate totals were maintained throughout for stories about individual candidates and summary stories that were about all three. Headlines concerning each candidate were accorded points based on size and placement. The resulting totals also were subjected to chi-square analysis.The evaluative assertion analysis was. conducted only on news stories that were locally generated. Two sets of coders transcribed assertions and analyzed each for the following: attitude expressed (positive or negative); strength of verbs; and associative or disassociative nature of verbs.The study showed that while the candidates were treated highly similarly by newspapers in the three groups--Hart received the highest percentage of coverage and Jackson the lowest in each case--they were not treated equally. In the individual news stories, Jackson was given significantly less coverage than the others, except in the case of Republican papers in which there was no difference. The headlines followed the same pattern. In the summary stories, there was no significant difference in the coverage received by the three, but for the headlines, Jackson again received significantly less exposure. This was most evident in the Democratic papers. These findings strongly indicate that there was bias in the nine papers in favor of Hart and Mondale and against Jackson.In the evaluative assertion analysis, the coded results all fell into a single category--most of the verbs used were strong and associative and most of the attitudes expressed were positive. This may be more indicative of the writing styles of reporters than of an editorial preference being evidenced by the newspapers.

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22

Riley, Justin A. "Rethinking Candidate Character Trait Evaluations: Polynomial Curvature Modeling and Variation Over Time". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619032105711706.

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23

Aylor, Brooks 1970. "Importance and determinants of trait use in evaluations of candidates in the 1996 United States presidential election". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282760.

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For more than forty years, communication and political science researchers have examined how receivers evaluate sources. Valuable attention to source credibility in the communication literature has yielded numerous categorizations of the dimensions receivers use to evaluate sources. Little recent work in communication, however, has focused on source evaluations, and much of the previous work has been criticized for not recognizing the context-specific nature of source credibility. Important work in political science has focused on receiver evaluations of political officials. This literature, however, has not produced consistent results as to the importance of individual trait types in the evaluation of presidential candidates. Most of this work did not examine determinants of trait use in the evaluation of presidential candidates, including receiver demographics, media use, and political disaffection. Neither communication nor political science researchers have adequately recognized the commonalities which exist in their separate examinations of source evaluations. The current study draws upon communication and political science research to examine respondents' use of candidate traits in a specific and important context, the evaluation of presidential candidates. The study explores the importance of competence, character, empathy, and leadership traits in evaluations of presidential candidates during a time of increasingly negative media coverage of presidential candidates and high levels of political disaffection among citizens. Another important contribution of the study to the literature on trait evaluations is its examination of determinants of trait use in evaluations of presidential candidates. The 1996 American National Election Studies pre- and post-election interviews were used to answer the questions posed in the study. Results suggest that empathy and leadership were more important than character or competence in respondents' evaluations of Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Ross Perot in 1996. Economic conditions and party identification were also strong predictors of the vote in 1996. The results provide strong evidence that empathy and leadership were more important in 1996 than in presidential elections of the last three decades. The study suggests important sex differences in trait use, as well as significant relationships between media use, political knowledge, and political disaffection and use of traits to evaluate candidates.

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24

Katz, Jackson Tambor. "The Presidency as pedagogy a cultural studies analysis of violence, media and the construction of presidential masculinities /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1930276351&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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25

Cramer, Gail Houston. "Ethos and electronics: A rhetorical study of televised presidential debates". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1015.

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26

Faykosh, Joseph. "The front porch of the American people James Cox and the presidential election of 1920 /". Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1256750068.

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27

Collins, Connie L. "Framing the Great Divide: How the Candidates and Media Framed Class and Inequality During the 2012 Presidential Debates". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1384638521.

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28

Osborn, Barbara. "A big wet kiss?, A barrel of laughs? the 2000 presidential election TV talk show interviews with the candidates /". Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3213854.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 27, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 347-379).

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29

Roivainen, J. (Jenni). "“I will bring back jobs. You can’t bring back jobs.”:polarizing strategies used by the presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump in the United States presidential debates of 2016". Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2017. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201709142900.

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This study examines the polarization strategies used in the United States presidential debates of 2016. The data consists of the presidential candidates Hillary Clinton, the nominee of the Democratic Party, and Donald Trump, the nominee of the Republican Party, and the three presidential debates between Clinton and Trump. The televised debates took place in September and October 2016. The debates are analyzed using the theoretical framework of political discourse analysis and ideological discourse analysis. The candidates display polarization by varying the use of pronouns; the first-person singular pronoun I is used when the candidates emphasize their own role in taking care of the country, as well as polarizing themselves with the other candidate, whereas the first-person plural pronoun we is used in order to appeal to the American people and to show that the candidates are part of the same ideological group as the Americans are. Furthermore, as the candidates are part of different political parties, they have different ideological views, which they also acknowledge during the debates. Both Clinton and Trump also attack the other’s suggestions and in turn defend their own ideas. Moreover, the candidates position each other by their experience and past; Clinton has decades of experience in politics, which she uses as her advantage, whereas Trump’s history is in business, which he in turn uses as his strength. However, Trump uses Clinton’s experience against her and claims that she has been an ineffective politician, and Clinton in turn uses Trump’s history against him. Furthermore, when constructing a negative representation of other, the candidates emphasize the other’s negative aspects and their own positive features, as well as de-emphasizing the other’s positive aspects and their own negative features. Moreover, rhetorical devices, such as repetition, metaphors, personification, hyperbole and number game, are used in order to emphasize the polarization between the candidates. Even though the outcome of the elections was not the main focus of this study, it can be argued that Trump offered people a fresh approach to presidency, which was in fact emphasized by using the studied polarization strategies
Tämä tutkimus tarkastelee polarisaation strategioita, joita käytettiin Yhdysvaltojen presidentinvaaleissa vuonna 2016. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu demokraattisen puolueen presidenttiehdokkaasta Hillary Clintonista ja republikaanisen puolueen presidenttiehdokkaasta Donald Trumpista, ja heidän välisistä kolmesta presidenttiväittelyistään. Televisioväittelyt järjestettiin syyskuussa ja lokakuussa vuonna 2016. Väittelyt analysoidaan käyttäen poliittista diskurssianalyysia ja ideologista diskurssianalyysia. Ehdokkaat korostavat heidän välistä vastakkainasetteluaan vaihtamalla käyttämiään pronomineja; yksikön ensimmäistä persoonaa, minä, käytetään, kun ehdokkaat korostavat omaa rooliaan maansa huolehtimisesta ja asettaessaan itsensä vastakkain toisen ehdokkaan kanssa. Monikon ensimmäistä persoonaa, me, käytetään, kun ehdokkaat vetoavat Amerikan kansalaisiin, ja kun ehdokkaat näyttävät, että ovat osa samaa ideologista ryhmää kuin amerikkalaiset ovat. Lisäksi, koska ehdokkaat ovat osana eri poliittisia puolueita, heillä on myös erilaiset ideologiset näkemykset, minkä he myös tuovat esille ja myöntävät väittelyiden aikana. Sekä Clinton että Trump myös hyökkäävät toisen ehdotuksia vastaan ja vuorostaan puolustavat omia ideoitaan. Ehdokkaat lisäksi arvioivat toisiaan kokemuksen ja historian mukaan; Clintonilla on vuosikymmenten kokemus politiikassa, mitä hän käyttää vahvuutenaan, kun taas Trumpin kokemus ja historia on liike-elämässä, mitä hän taas käyttää etunaan. Trump kuitenkin käyttää Clintonin kokemusta tätä vastaan ja väittää, että Clinton on ollut tehoton poliitikko, ja Clinton vuorostaan käyttää Trumpin historiaa tätä vastaan. Kun ehdokkaat rakentavat negatiivista kuvaa toisesta, he korostavat toisen negatiivisia puolia ja omia positiivia piirteitään samaan aikaan kun vähättelevät, tai eivät kiinnitä huomiota, toisen positiivisiin puoliin ja omiin negatiivisiin piirteisiin. Väittelyissä käytetään lisäksi retorisia keinoja, kuten toistoa, metaforia, personifikaatiota, liioittelua ja numeropeliä korostamaan ehdokkaiden vastakkainasettelua. Vaikka vaalien tulos ei ollut tämän tutkimuksen keskeisin asia, voidaan väittää, että Trump tarjosi kansalle raikkaan lähestymistavan presidenttiyteen, mikä myös korostui tutkituissa polarisaation strategioissa

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30

Gonchar, Jessica. "Clinton Connected: A Qualitative Analysis of the Portrayals of Hillary Clinton on Online News Blogs during the 2008 Presidential Primaries". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/404.

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Hillary Clinton faced gendered discrimination by news media sources during her presidential campaign in 2008. However, there is almost no research concerning the ways Clinton was portrayed on political blogs. Because blogs typically attract consumers who have similar ideologies, this paper explores if Clinton faced more gender bias on conservative blogs than liberal blogs, utilizing two well-established political blogs. Specifically it looks at three biases that exist in traditional sources of news media: appearance-based discrimination, an emphasis on domesticity, and analyses of femininity. This paper found that, in general, bloggers on a conservative website presented more instances of gender bias and bloggers on the liberal website presented fewer. The analysis indicates that while gendered stereotypes existed throughout the blogosphere during the Democratic Primaries, they were more pronounced on conservative websites.

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31

Lehojärvi, E. (Emilia). "“I will give it my all!”:personal pronouns in the announcement speeches of the United States Presidential candidates in 2016". Bachelor's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201602031105.

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This study investigates the roles of personal pronouns ’I’ and ’they’ in constructing ’self’ and ’others’ in presidential announcement speeches. It also tries to identify differences in personal pronoun usage between seasoned politicians and newcomers. The analysis is conducted using Norman Fairclough’s approaches to critical discourse analysis (CDA). The findings of this thesis show that the politicians in question use variant categories to show different sides of their personality and try to enhance their own positive image by making their opponents (the others) look less attractive. The analysis also suggests that there seems to be a difference between veteran politicians and novice politicians.

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32

Geidner, Nicholas W. "The influence of new media on the early stages of the 2008 presidential election : a critical analysis". Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1365513.

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The Internet is rapidly becoming an important part of a presidential candidate's media strategy. Specifically, a candidate's website has distinct implications and uses in the early stages of a presidential campaign. Using an eclectic approach, this research examines the campaign websites of the candidates for the U.S. Presidency in 2008. By examining the websites using content analysis, analog criticism, media criticism, and scenario analysis emerging trends become apparent and conclusions on their further implications can be drawn. This research presents two major conclusions on the affects of campaign websites on the early stages of a presidential campaign. First, the design structure and features available on the Internet could be used to give the user a feeling of direct connection with the campaign, which in turn could motivate political involvement. Second, a candidate's new media strategy and usage must match with the overarching rhetorical style of the rest of the campaign. These two major concepts serve as starting points for further academic research and a greater understanding of our changing democratic system.
Department of Telecommunications

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33

Miller, Paige Thomason. "Live From New York and Straight to Washington: an Explorative Study of Internet Audience Perceptions of the Portrayals and Appearances of Presidential Candidates on Saturday Night Live". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115121/.

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This thesis examines if and how the Internet viewers of Saturday Night Live skits were influenced by the video skits. the viewers’ online comments were read, categorized and analyzed for content to explore and discuss how the viewers “read” the text of the online video skits. Each video in which candidates John McCain, Sarah Palin, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama appeared is summarized and analyzed through viewers’ comments. a sample of skits including actors’ portrayals of McCain, Palin, Clinton, Obama and Joe Biden is also summarized and analyzed to find and discuss how the viewers’ perceptions were influenced by the portrayals.

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34

Liu, Yifei. "How was passion stirred through interactivity in Obama's blog?" Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1864.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on August 28, 2009). Department of Communication Studies, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kristina Sheeler. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-75).

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35

Chen, Huei-ling. "Agenda setting in Taiwan's first presidential election, 1996 : a comparison of coverage in three newspapers and public perceptions of issues and candidates". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30557.

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This study aimed to examine agenda-setting in the context of Taiwan's first presidential election held in 1996 by comparing newspaper coverage and data from extended focus groups. Three major Taiwanese newspapers, the United Daily News, the China Times, and the Liberty Times, were content-analysed to investigate the newspaper agendas on important issues, campaign issues and candidates' images; eight focus groups with a total of 92 voters from Taichung were conducted to learn the public agendas on key issues and image attributes linked to presidential candidates. The use of extended focus groups in this study proved to be innovative and useful. By providing opportunities for participants to clarify and justify their responses, this research method helped avoid some methodological criticism surrounding previous agenda-setting research and gain further insights into understanding what issues and candidates' images were most important in the public minds and why their perspectives were formed in this way.;The results showed that Taiwanese newspapers do, to a certain degree, influence the public agendas on key campaign issues and salient image attributes linked to candidates Chen Li-an and Peng Ming-min. Participants with different gender and educational backgrounds generally showed similarities in their issues, campaign, and image agendas despite certain variations in order of importance. However, the study showed that education had some influence on agenda-setting of the press. It was found that the views of lesser educated female (LEF) participants on the five key campaign issues were closer to the newspaper coverage of those issues. On the other hand, higher educated participants, especially females, were more easily influenced by the newspapers in their perceptions of the top five substantive attributes linked to candidates Chen Li-an, Lee Teng-hui, and Peng Ming-min.

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36

Maschinez, Swetlana. "Ideological Representation of the U.S. Presidential Candidates in the Editorial Positions of the English Online Newspapers in Russia - A Critical Discourse Analysis". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515433218122878.

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37

Bergstrom, Angie. "Question of Bias: A Content Analysis of the Visual Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Campaign". BYU ScholarsArchive, 2005. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/714.

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This thesis focuses on the question of preferential treatment by U.S. national newsmagazines of presidential candidates in the 2004 election as evidenced by their visual coverage. Using content analysis, all the visual depictions of candidates George W. Bush and John Kerry were analyzed for 10 visual attributes to determine whether one had received better pictorial treatment. This study asked if the newsmagazines had printed greater amounts of visuals overall for one candidate and if one candidate's visuals were more or less positive than the other. The author concludes that more coverage was given to Bush over Kerry in a 60/40 ratio in all three magazines, and overall, the pictures published for each candidate were positive and neither candidate was given preferential treatment by any of the magazines. The newsmagazines were not deemed biased for publishing more visuals of Bush because, though more visuals were of the president during September, the newsmagazines published nearly equal numbers of visuals in October and November, often pairing them in layouts. The magazines were also not biased in their selection of visuals. All three tended to publish more positive or neutral visuals and rarely did any significantly differing patterns emerge to show that the editors favored one candidate over the other. Those attributes that did reach significance had weak associations. This study is a replication and a continuation of visual media content analyses of the 1984, 1988, and 1996 campaign coverage by Moriarty and Garramone (1986), Moriarty and Poppovich (1989), and Waldman and Devitt (1998) respectively. This research adds to the body of media bias and agenda-setting among newspapers and magazines and visual media.

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38

Rush, Kyle Alexander. "Influence of the Presidential Inaugural Address on Audience Perceptions of Candidate Image and the State of the Nation". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3806.

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This study asks whether and how the presidential inaugural address influences American audiences. The current study explores how the 2017 Presidential Inaugural Address of Donald Trump influences audiences. Two areas were studied: Candidate image and the state of the nation. I hypothesized that participants who watched the address would have different attitudes regarding candidate image and the state of the nation compared to non-viewers. I also hypothesized that viewers of the address who voted for Donald Trump would respond differently to candidate image and the state of the nation when compared with those who did not vote for Trump. With one exception, none of the findings was significant. That is, attitudes of inaugural address viewers and non-viewers were similar, and attitudes of those who voted for the president and those who did not vote for the president were also similar. The exception was noted between those who voted for the candidate and oppositional voters: Those who voted for Donald Trump reported the nation is headed "in the right direction" while dissenters disagreed.

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39

Martin, Marilyn Ann 1959. ""The Politics of Restoration": the Rhetorical Vision of Camelot and Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 Campaign". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500920/.

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This study critically analyzed four selected campaign speeches by Robert Kennedy from his 1968 campaign to determine his use of the Camelot myth and his success in portraying himself as the heir apparent to the Kennedy legend. Using procedures adapted from fantasy theme analysis, the rhetorical vision of Camelot was outlined, and the fantasy themes and fantasy types within it were determined. The public persona of Robert Kennedy was also evaluated. Throughout the speeches analyzed, Robert Kennedy invoked themes identified within the rhetorical vision of Camelot. In addition to his own themes of social justice and reconciliation, Kennedy promoted his brother's legend. Chaining evidence provided proof of the public's participation in the rhetorical vision demonstrating Kennedy's success with these themes.

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40

Kulbickas, Thomas Allen. "Voter Worldview and Presidential Candidate Choice". ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3352.

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Research has shown a relationship between having a strict father upbringing, defined by rules reinforcement and self-discipline beliefs, and the presence of high levels of social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). The relationship between these variables and issue choice has been established, but no study has explored the connection between parental upbringing and moral foundations. Furthermore, the connection to political candidate choice has not been shown. This study investigated the relationship between people's parental upbringing beliefs, their adult morality, and their rating of ideal presidential candidate characteristics. Based on the moral foundation theory, a mixed methods study was conducted to examine the relationship among upbringing, moral foundations, RWA, SDO, socioeconomic status (SES), and candidate selection by surveying 221 adult participants recruited online and in the community. Linear regression analysis was conducted to examine how levels of SDO, RWA, and the strict father variables predict the 5 five moral foundations. Qualitative analysis, through the use of open-ended questions, explored presidential candidate choice by rating people's preference of the 5 moral foundations, the strict father nurturing parent worldviews, SDO, RWA, and subjective SES, as expressed in their ideal president. Results indicated that upbringing is related to RWA for conservatives and inversely related to SDO for liberals. Also, participants exhibited a rules reinforcement versus self-discipline left-right political dichotomy. Participants favored a tough-minded president on foreign affairs. This study's results will enable voters to understand how their political attitudes may be formed and how they could be scrutinized and manipulated by those with an interest in doing so.

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41

Westphal, Michael Gerhard. "Can the Media Make or Break a Presidential Candidate?" Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292158.

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42

Cowan, Mitchel Huang. "Perceptions of an Unpopular Political Figure: A Secular Presidential Candidate". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/144309.

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43

Sylvester, Shannon Palor y Shannon Palor Sylvester. "Candidate Tweet Usage by Journalists in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625187.

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This paper sets out to determine the impact that Twitter has in political journalistic reporting of television broadcasts. It specifically focuses on the 2016 U.S. presidential election from Labor Day (September 4, 2016) to Election Day (November 8, 2016). Transcripts from the following major news agencies were pulled to extract Twitter mentions within the story: CBS, CNN, FOX, MSNBC, and NBC. Pulling from 900 transcripts, about 40% (350 transcripts) of the transcripts used tweets from candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton as evidence in their stories. Of the transcripts that referenced tweets from the candidates directly, about 24% of them centered around Trump, whereas only 5% centered around Clinton. Not only did this research show that news agencies are comfortable incorporating Twitter as evidence for stories, but also that they are presenting tweets in an unfair fashion, favoring the tweets of one candidate (Trump) over the other (Clinton). The tweets that were used in stories about Trump specifically also placed Trump in a negative light, whereas the tweets about Clinton had a more positive nature. This study ultimately showed that when implementing Twitter into news stories, it took on more of an entertainment than political value.

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44

Saunders, Aaron. "The framing of a candidate newspapers, presidential hopefuls, and the imaginary primary /". CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2007. http://dspace.wrlc.org/handle/1961/4110.

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45

Fernandez, Júnior Fernando Ewerton. "Classificação política e discurso jornalístico: como agências de notícia transnacionais representam candidatos a presidente do Brasil nas eleições de 1989 e 2010". Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro / Instituto Brasileiro de Informação em Ciência e Tecnologia, 2013. http://ridi.ibict.br/handle/123456789/668.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-19T11:49:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandoewerton2013.pdf: 3792977 bytes, checksum: a33cf39614d549ab77426deef3c9a404 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-28
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Relevance; Classification; Journalism; Politics; New agency; Knowledge organization
O objetivo desta tese é identificar critérios de relevância aplicados por agências de notícia transnacionais na representação de candidatos a presidente do Brasil e traçar paralelos com critérios adotados por usuários de sistemas de informação ao inferir relevância em processos de busca. Partimos da premissa teórica de que relevância é mensurável e adotamos o princípio metodológico de que uma maior freqüência lexical encontra-se hipoteticamente associada a um maior peso relativo e relevância conceituais dentro de um conjunto de termos , aplicando-o na análise de conteúdo de 305 textos de quatro agências de notícia transnacionais a francesa France Presse (AFP), a americana Associated Press (AP), a espanhola EFE e a britânica/canadense Reuters em duas eleições presidenciais brasileiras. Neste corpus, coletado via telex, em 1989, e na internet, em 2010, identificamos os tipos de termo usados pelas quatro agências em função adjetiva antes, depois e em substituição ao nome dos quatro principais candidatos em cada eleição, mapeamos os esquemas de classificação política de cada uma e comparamos os critérios de relevância aplicados nos dois momentos, em busca de regularidades e discrepâncias que corroborassem, ou não, a hipótese de que agências de notícia transnacionais recorrem a esquemas de classificação próprios baseados numa tipologia comum de termos, cuja frequência no corpus revela os critérios de relevância de cada uma. Com base nos resultados, concluímos que os critérios de relevância das agências pesquisadas são semelhantes em diversos aspectos aos critérios adotados por usuários de sistemas de informação ao inferirem relevância em processos de busca

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46

Sutton, Matthew Luke. "A candidate's use of aggressive communication and the electorates' response predicting presidential election outcomes /". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=4053.

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47

Wendland, Jay L. "The Good-For-Nothing Campaign? The Importance of Campaign Visits in Presidential Nominating Contests". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/301537.

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The question of whether or not campaigns have an impact on vote choice and mobilization has been debated by a number of scholars. In this dissertation, I explore this question using data from presidential nomination elections, as I argue this setting allows us to better understand campaign effects than the general election. Due to the intra-party nature of nomination contests, voters are not able to rely on partisanship in making their decision among candidates. Instead voters need to use some other source of information in making their decisions about 1) whether or not to vote and 2) which candidate to vote for. I explore these two decisions in depth in my dissertation, focusing mainly on the effect visits have on both. I have compiled data on both the timing and location of all of the candidate visits throughout the presidential nominating contests of 2008, across both the invisible primary and election year campaigns. Using this unique dataset, I explore the different ways in which state visits affect presidential nomination outcomes. Specifically, I investigate the strategy behind the visits, whether or not visits increase turnout, and how visits affect vote choice. By examining these different aspects of nominating campaigns, I am able to address a number of different literatures and theories, including those focused on candidate strategy, presidential nominations, political communication, and whether or not campaigns matter.

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48

Johansson, Simon. "May I Interest You in a Freshly Brewed Presidential Candidate? : An Analysis of Presidential Campaign Television Advertisements in the United States, 1952-2016". Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-36220.

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This study aims to shed light on the relationship between the commercial advertising model AIDA (Awareness/Attention, Interest, Desire, Action) and political television advertising, with a historical perspective being of extra interest. In order to do so, the study made use of theories concerning the AIDA-model, representation, rhetoric (with focus on ethos, pathos, and logos), and the professionalisation of political communication. The methodology involved qualitative analyses of 18 official political campaign advertisements from nine United States presidential elections between the years 1952-2016. One issue-ad from each candidate (Republicans and Democrats only) from every other election was strategically chosen for examination. Each advertisement was then analysed both as it relates to its rhetorical content as well as its structure with the defined four stages of the AIDA-model in mind, with any potential patterns between the rhetoric and the structure being taken into account. The results of the study suggest that while the AIDA-model can be recognised in political television advertisements in the United States since the inception in the 1950s, the advertisements from the post-modern phase of the professionalisation of political communication (1985-) seem to place more emphasis, compared to the modern phase (1950s-1985), on the desire stage of the AIDA-model. Furthermore, no distinct differences could be found between the parties from a pure rhetorical and structural standpoint, and both appear to be on practically identical evolutionary paths. An explanation to this could be the escalating reliance on hiring independent experts and specialist to manage the various areas involved with running a political campaign, which is a characteristic of the ever-increasingly professional environment of political communication.

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49

Castanheira, Mónica Sofia Lee. "O papel do marketing na atividade política : factores críticos numa campanha". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12954.

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Mestrado em Marketing
O presente estudo tem como propósito perceber qual é o papel do marketing na actividade política. Isto porque o marketing é, normalmente, uma área voltada para as empresas de grande consumo, que pretendem vender os seus produtos ou serviços aos seus consumidores e clientes, e muitas vezes é esquecido (ou não é tão visível) o papel do marketing nas instituições cujos alvos não são os consumidores. Neste caso em específico, são os eleitores. Esta investigação analisou os factores críticos de sucesso que optimizam a vitória de um candidato político, tendo por base uma abordagem qualitativa, pois permite a exploração mais profunda dos pensamentos e escolhas dos eleitores. Os resultados indicam que factores como a imagem, o discurso, a proximidade aos cidadãos, e as convicções políticas e partidárias que os candidatos apoiam são factores que influenciam a decisão de voto dos eleitores. Para o efeito, o candidato deverá ser alguém que adapte a sua aparência ao cargo que representa, deve ser coerente, credível, adoptar uma linguagem acessível a todos sem se tornar populista, deve ser alguém disponível para lidar de perto com os problemas e as angústias dos cidadãos, e deve ter a capacidade de conseguir a aceitação e a unanimidade da população em geral.
This study main goal is to understand what is the role of marketing in politics. This is because marketing is usually an area used by companies to target a big consumer, who wish to sell their products or services to their customers and clients and is often unnoticed and forgotten the role of marketing in institutions whose targets are not consumers. In this particular case, they are the electorate. This investigation analysed the key factors for success that increase the chance of victory for the political candidate, using a qualititative approach, which allows a deeper exploration of thoughts and choices by the electorate. The results show that factors such as image, speech, proximity to citizens, and the political beliefs of the candidate party are important factors to the voters decision. As a matter of fact, the candidate should be someone that adapts his appearence according to the role he represents, might be coherent, reliable, adopt an accessible language for everyone without becoming populist, should be someone available to deal with the main concerns of the citizens and be able to get accepted unanimously by the overall population.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

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50

Rachim, Marpaung Malik Siti A. "The Construction of Candidate’s Political Image on Social Media: A Thematic Analysis of Facebook Comments in the 2014 Presidential Election in Indonesia". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/444.

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This study explores the construction of the Indonesian Presidential candidates’ image during the 2014 presidential election from the perspective of Facebook users. I analyzed Facebook users’ comments derived from one of the candidate’s Facebook pages, Prabowo Subianto, by employing a thematic analysis to examine an official posting’s comments on June 19, 2014 where a group of celebrities supported Prabawo Subianto. Comments were extracted from June 20, 2014 to July 8, 2014, which was 20 days before election day. Results indicated that the construction of a candidate’s image involved the relationship between the perceived attributes of the candidate and national identity; the relationship between the candidate and his supporters; the perceived personality traits of the candidate, and the ability of supporters to identify with the candidates on a personal level. Moreover, there were also inferences related to political scandals, their treatment by other politicians, spiritual values, and the future state of the country. The study also showed how users tried to make sense of their political world by simplifying the complexity of a candidate through the use of particular themes.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Presidential candidates"

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