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Dodds, Peter Sheridan y Christopher M. Danforth. "Measuring the Happiness of Large-Scale Written Expression: Songs, Blogs, and Presidents". Journal of Happiness Studies 11, n.º 4 (17 de julio de 2009): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10902-009-9150-9.
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Karpovich, O. y G. Troyanskiy. "Features of the use of digital diplomacy by foreign policy agencies and international organizations". Diplomatic Service, n.º 4 (1 de agosto de 2020): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2004-11.
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Along with traditional methods of providing information through mass media (periodicals, television and radio), digital sources are also widely used in the modern world, which, although not officially registered mass media, play no less a role in shaping public opinion. The emergence of personal blogs, «live magazines», Internet sites and social networks opened a new platform and provided new opportunities. There are actors of various sizes, from presidents of major States to Housewives, from businessmen to human rights activists. Foreign policy is one of the most popular topics.
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BORIS, EILEEN. "On Cowboys and Welfare Queens: Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence at Home and Abroad". Journal of American Studies 41, n.º 3 (24 de octubre de 2007): 599–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580700401x.
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Against a historiography that too often considers domestic policy apart from foreign policy, this essay suggests connections based on two cultural/political archetypes, the cowboy and the welfare queen, which were or are simultaneously gendered and racialized. The cowboy as a symbol of white male individualism has represented worthy American manhood; the welfare queen has stood for a despised black womanhood. Behind the image of the cowboy stands the workings of empire; behind the portrait of the welfare queen lies the punishment of poor women, often African American or Latina, for their motherhood, sexuality, and lack of dependence on husbands. The problem with the welfare queen is that she parlayed her dependence on the state into independence from men and employment (that is, work as commonly understood.) Like the enemies without, who would make the nation dependent through withholding a vital resource – oil – and require disciplining through “cowboy diplomacy,” welfare dependents have become the primitive other, politically assaulted, responsible for national decline, who need taming through cowboy social policy. Drawing upon newspaper accounts, blogs, speeches, and iconographic representations, this essay traces the ways that modern Presidents, including Theodore Roosevelt, Johnson, Nixon, Reagan, and Bush II, deployed these icons to push independence as a national virtue in spite of their apparently different political positions. The languages of independence and dependence provided an easy vocabulary for policymaking that aspires to moral heights, leading to a performativity that traps those who utter the tropes of their predecessors into policy grooves not necessarily of their own choosing.
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Dikwal-Bot, Diretnan. "Redistribution and recognition: An analysis of gender in/equality discourse on Nigerian female blogs". International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2020): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00025_1.
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This article examines the dynamics of representation between cultural and economic forms of gender inequality on Nigerian female blogs. Through a thematic analysis of 253 comments retrieved from five female-authored blogs, I draw on prominent cases of gender inequality in Nigeria, such as ‘President Muhammadu Buhari’s position on his wife’ and the ‘rejection of the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill’. The analysis showed that blog discussions among females in Nigeria suggest extensive intolerance to cultural change, especially in comparison to the more positive attitude towards redistribution. To tackle this complexity, I argue that gender equality advocacy in Nigeria should commence mainly from a redistributive standpoint. This needs to be accompanied by the ulterior aim of achieving recognition. Overall, the study contests the idea that identity politics is threatening to replace the issue of redistribution on the global political agenda by highlighting the primacy of redistributive politics in blog discourse. It enriches media studies and gender research by providing rare insight into the practical connections between cultural and economic politics of gender inequality in an online discursive context.
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Dowd, Jeffrey. "Racial Discourse and Partisan Blogs". Sociological Perspectives 60, n.º 1 (2 de agosto de 2016): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415596082.
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This article focuses on racial discourses on political blogs during one of the first racial controversies of Obama’s presidency. I examined the interactional dynamics in the comment sections of posts from left and right blogs during the controversy. I found that the majority of participants on partisan blogs either racialized the controversy to promote a racial claim or deracialized the controversy to protect a racial claim from potentially threatening aspects of a controversy. I focus on the ambiguous challenges to racialization and deracialization that occurred in the course of internal debate over the specifics of the case and over nonracial claims. I argue that blog participants preserved racial frameworks by managing the ambiguity that arises from debates. This article contributes to the literature on racial discourse and political polarization by identifying processes that help explain how each “national conversation on race” maintains and perhaps expands the partisan divide on race.
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Surdiasis, Fransiskus y Eriyanto Eriyanto. "Narrative of politics in the era of social media: a multimodal analysis of president Joko Widodo’s video blog". E3S Web of Conferences 74 (2018): 10012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20187410012.
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This research aims to investigate the use of social media in constructing political narrative by examining the video blogs (vlogs) of Indonesian President, Jokowi, on Youtube as a case study. How does President Jokowi use his vlogs to construct political narratives about his personal life and presidency? What kind of semiotic resources deployed in his vlogs? This research uses the method of Systemic Functional Multimodal Discourse Analysis and concludes that President Jokowi has used his vlogs to build his political narrative with the underlying themes of progress and reformation, stating that his presidency will lead Indonesia to a better situation. The political narrative championed in his vlogs strengthens his political legitimacy as a leader who is humble, modest, and close to the people. In building his political narrative, President Jokowi has used a variety of semiotic resources, including participants, process or kinesics action, locative circumstance, visual collocation, speech, and text. This research confirms the change of political communication in content dimension and shows the importance of applying multimodal analysis in understanding contemporary political communication. This research recommends politicians to use vlogs as a platform to build their political narratives in this new political environment.
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Dos Santos Palácio, Maurícia Simões y Klaus Schlünzen Junior. "O USO DO BLOG EM UMA ESCOLA PÚBLICA MUNICIPAL COMO FERRAMENTA DE ACESSO À REALIDADE ESCOLAR". Revista Eletronica Gestão & Saúde 1, n.º 1 (17 de julio de 2013): 577. http://dx.doi.org/10.18673/gs.v1i1.14133.
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Esta pesquisa, vinculada ao programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação e à sua Linha de Pesquisa Práticas e Processos Formativos em Educação, da Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio de Mesquita Filho” Campus de Presidente Prudente, contemplou um estudo de caso de um blog de uma escola pública municipal de uma cidade do interior do Estado de São Paulo. Versa sobre um blog escolar que se configura como ferramenta de acesso à realidade escolar e que serve como ponto de reflexão para o gestor escolar. A partir da análise dos textos publicados, este trabalho teve como objetivo geral analisar se o uso do blog pode ser espaço de informação e gestão de caráter institucional e pedagógico-administrativo podendo, desencadear a participação do coletivo escolar dentro da visão de gestão democrática. A utilização de blogs pelas escolas ainda é uma ação recente e há muito a ser descoberto. Nessa perspectiva, este trabalho se propôs a desvendar alguns recursos que venham a contribuir, de alguma forma, com o papel do gestor escolar em relação à Tecnologia de Informação e Comunicação (TIC), em especial ao uso do blog, e o estabelecimento de um processo integrador e interacionista com a comunidade escolar.
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Anwar, Anwar, Tatum Derin, Ratih Saltri Yudar, Nunung Susilo Putri y Ichsan Jazzawi. "Delivering Positive Message Through #BaliAman Vlog: President Joko Widodo’s Communication Strategy". Journal of Election and Leadership 1, n.º 1 (14 de febrero de 2020): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v1i1.3402.
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Since the seventh and current president of Indonesia, Joko Widodo (Jokowi), launched his personal video blog (vlog) channel, there has been a relatively sharp increase of studies on the President’s use of communication strategies on his vlogs. One video in particular, hashtagged with #BaliAman, was quite unique in the fact that it was meant to reduce Indonesian citizens’ fear of the state of the island after the Mount Agung’s eruption on November 2017. This present study covered the gap of the #BaliAman vlog being never studied in terms of how President Jokowi communicated the idea that Bali was safe in the face of the public’s vehement belief of the opposite. Using Penelope Brown & Stephen Levinson’s politeness theory, this present study reviewed the #BaliAman vlog to see the president’s use of the communication strategy. The results indicated that President Jokowi employed three strategies: positive face, negative face, and face threatening acts. Aside from how politeness theory applies to all situations that occur in our daily lives, this present study is significant for leaders who need to communicate safety ideas during a crisis.
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Mufliharsi, Risa y Heppy Atma Pratiwi. "POLITENESS PRINCIPLE: PRESIDENT JOKO WIDODO’S SPEECH ACT IN VIDEO BLOG". BAHTERA : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra 18, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2019): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/bahtera.181.07.
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ABSTRACT
The aim of the research is analyzing the utterances of Mr. Joko Widodo as president of Indonesia with vloggers. In this study, the writer analyzes the rules of president conducting his utterances at vloggers’ vlogs. The vlogs taken from skinnyindonesian24 which has 1.3M subscribers and Arif Muhammad which has 1.5M subscribers (data per November 25, 2018). The data taken and analyzed both qualitative and quantitative data. The elaboration of the methods used to measure language politeness, to count the data whether politenes or not. The data taken from Arif Muhammad’s vlog (1.596.033 subscribers) which entitle Ngevlog bareng Presiden and SkinnyIndonesian24 were created by brothers Andovi da Lopez and Jovial da Lopez’s vlogwho have 1.344.548 subscribers entitleHow to Become a President. The result of this research imply both of the vlogs Mr. Joko Widodo applies politeness strategies even in informal situation both vlogs. He acts extraordinary pragmatic forces and high politeness. So that, the audience gets the emotion, sympathy and persuasion of those who watches of them at vlog.
Keywords: politeness principal, speech acts, vlog, pragmatics
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Furtado, Thais Helena. "A ESCRITA É NUDEZ: as histórias de Isabel Soares". Revista Observatório 4, n.º 6 (8 de octubre de 2018): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2018v4n6p141.
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As línguas germânicas investigadas por Isabel Soares em sua graduação deram lugar, no mestrado e no doutorado, aos estudos anglo-portugueses. Professora do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas da Universidade de Lisboa, é autora de dois livros que chama de “pseudoficcionais” por terem “um fundo autobiográfico”. Seu interesse por autores do “jornalismo não convencional” fez com que se aproximasse do jornalismo literário, tanto que, em 2016, foi eleita presidente da International Association for Literary Journalism Studies (IALJS). Ela se define como portuguesa com raízes alemãs. Hoje, sua experiência como pesquisadora, amante das línguas, das viagens e da escrita tem contribuído para dar visibilidade aos estudos em jornalismo literário português.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Isabel Soares; jornalismo literário; Association for Literary Journalism Studies; crônica; blogs de viagem.
ABSTRACT
The Germanic languages investigated by Isabel Soares as an undergraduate student gave way to the Anglo-Portuguese studies she developed as a Master’s and PhD candidate. Now a Professor at the Institute of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Lisbon, she is also the author of two books which she calls “pseudofictional”, because they have an “autobiographical foundation”. Her interest on authors connected to the “unconventional journalism” has brought her closer to literary journalism, so much so that, in 2016, she was elected president of the International Association for Literary Journalism Studies (IALJS). She defines herself as Portuguese with German roots. Today, her experience as a researcher, lover of languages, travels and writing contributes to making the studies on Portuguese literary journalism more visible.
KEYWORDS: Isabel Soares; literary journalism; Association for Literary Journalism Studies; chronicle; travel blogs.
RESUMEN
Las investigaciones en lenguas germánica del grado de Isabel Soares dieron paso, en su maestría y en su doctorado, a los estudios angloportugueses. Profesora del Instituto Superior de Ciencias Sociales y Políticas de la Universidad de Lisboa, es autora de dos libros que llama “pseudoficcionales” por su “trasfondo autobiográfico”. Su interés por autores del “periodismo no convencional” hizo con que se acercara al periodismo literario y que se eligiera, en el 2016, presidenta de la International Association for Literary Journalism Studies (IALJS). Soares se define como una portuguesa con raíces alemanas. Hoy, su experiencia como investigadora, amante de los idiomas, de los viajes y de la escrita ha contribuido para que se dé visibilidad a los estudios en periodismo literario portugués.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Isabel Soares; periodismo literario; Association for Literary Journalism Studies; cronica; blogs de viaje.
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Enemuo, Francis C. "Elite Solidarity, Communal Support, and the 1999 Presidential Election in Nigeria". Issue 27, n.º 1 (1999): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503023.
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Modeled after the U.S. presidency, the office of the president of Nigeria is easily the most powerful position in the land. The president is both the chief of state and the head of government. The authority of the nation’s chief executive expanded greatly during the patrimonial regimes of General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha. Indeed, not only was power concentrated in the hands of these despots, its exercise was also marked by massive corruption, brazen nepotism, and sustained brutality. Against this background, it was perhaps natural that the presidential election of February 27, 1999, would excite keen interest among the Nigerian populace, elite groups, ethnoregional blocs, and the international community. This article highlights some of the ethnoregional forces and elite interests that influenced the election and examines their possible implications for the sustenance of democracy and good governance in Nigeria.
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Miller, Rick. "President's Page". Leading Edge 39, n.º 10 (octubre de 2020): 696. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/tle39100696.1.
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Without question, the last nine months have presented unprecedented challenges to humanity and delivered significant blows to portions of our profession. But if there is good that comes from previous bad, we can feel good that we have endured and even emerged stronger from previous economic cycles that have been driven by oil supply and demand.
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Brittain, James J. "Reading the (identity politics) market: Articulating the forest past the trees post-Trump". Capital & Class 41, n.º 3 (octubre de 2017): 411–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817734490.
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Prior to becoming the President-elect, Donald Trump long engaged in the practice of exploiting economic trends that displayed a potential for increased rates of profit maximization. Like those engaged in speculative investment, he looked for exploitable opportunities where a modest outlay could be directed toward a precise stream of the market with the sole intent of receiving an exacerbated rate of return compared to the allotment initially invested. Over the past decade, the United States has witnessed a unique political climate of a disorganized, yet growing, movement of frustrated citizens inarticulately moving to the Right. It could be argued that Trump saw a prospective market ripe for exploitation herein, which showed a very real potential for significant returns. Without a centralized focus or guide, these under-formed sociopolitical blocs traversing the country were thus read as a vulnerable venture. It was amidst this climate that a capitalist with a speculative eye looked at a prospective rising market that could provide one chance investor an impressive yield: the US Presidency. By adopting a unique performativity, Trump invested in 2015.
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Free, David. "News from the Field". College & Research Libraries News 80, n.º 2 (4 de febrero de 2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.80.2.70.
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Choice announces 2018 Outstanding Academic Titles2019 Library of Congress Literacy Awards applicationsACRL President’s Program blog seriesBioOne Complete launches new platformRecent Researches in Music OnlineProQuest announces RialtoEBSCO launches The Atlantic Magazine ArchiveScholarly Communication RoadShow hosts announced
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Barrett-Fox, Rebecca. "A King Cyrus President". Humanity & Society 42, n.º 4 (4 de octubre de 2018): 502–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597618802644.
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Religious right leaders and voters in the United States supported Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election for the same reason that all blocs vote as they do: They believed that the candidate offered them the best opportunity to protect and extend their power and create their preferred government. The puzzle of their support, then, is less why they chose Trump and more how they navigated the process of inserting Trump into their story of themselves as a “moral” majority. This self-understanding promotes and exploits feelings of entitlement, fear, resentment, and the desire to dominate to encourage political action. Because Trump’s speeches affirm these feelings, religious right voters were open to writing a plot twist in their story, casting Trump as a King Cyrus figure, as their champion if not a coreligionist. This article analyzes appeals to and expressions of entitlement, fear, resentment, and the desire to dominate from more than 60 sermons, speeches, and books by religious right authors, Donald Trump, and Trump surrogates. Using open coding, it identifies themes in how these emotions are recognized, affirmed, and invoked by speakers, focusing on Trump’s Cyrus effect.
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Feitoza, Leonardo Matos y Maria Conceição da Silva Linhares. "O BLOG EM SALA DE AULA E SUAS POSSIBILIDADES PARA A PRÁTICA COMPARTILHADA DE SABERES". Interfaces Científicas - Educação 4, n.º 3 (5 de junio de 2016): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17564/2316-3828.2016v4n3p61-68.
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O presente artigo apresenta discussões teórico-metodológicas acerca da prática extensionista denominada Blog: possibilidades para a prática compartilhada de saberes, desenvolvida pelos alunos do 4º período, do Curso de História, da Universidade Tiradentes, na disciplina Novas Tecnologias Aplicadas ao Ensino, e aplicada aos professores do Colégio Estadual Presidente Emílio Garrastazu Médici com a intenção de levá-los a refletir sobre as possibilidades pedagógicas do blog e aplicá-las nas diferentes áreas curriculares e também oportunizar uma atualização quanto ao uso das TIC na educação, utilizando o blog como elemento norteador. A prática foi realizada sob os fundamentos teórico-metodológicos das tecnologias na educação a partir das reflexões de Gutierrez (2003), Lévy (1996), Santos (2003), Silva (2006) e Almeida (2007).
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Valencia Galaz, Crimilda María. "Transparencia Hacker en Brasil de Daniel B. Silva". BIOLEX REVISTA JURIDICA DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO 15 (18 de agosto de 2019): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36796/biolex.v15i0.60.
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En julio del 2009 en Porto Alegre, Brasil, se realizó el Forum Internacional do Software Livre (FISL) al que asistió el presidente de la república, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva ya que su gobierno presento el proyecto "Hackers, desarrolladores y Hard Users de Internet", el cual contenía un área de comunicación pública llamado "Blog de Planalto" (realizado en Wordpress y liberado en septiembre del 2009) el cual básicamente era un instrumento de comunicación entre el presidente y la población.En dicho evento el presidente mediante si discurso promovió el uso de software libre en la gestión pública, dijo "elegimos entre preparar nuestro propio plato o comer lo que Microsoft nos venda, elegimos lo primero".
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Roller, Sarah A., Diona Cozzolino, Adrienne King y Lory Schieler. "Making Time for Book Study". Mathematics Teaching in the Middle School 24, n.º 4 (enero de 2019): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mathteacmiddscho.24.4.0243.
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NCTM has underscored the critical role of professional collaboration for instructional improvement (Larson 2017). Furthermore, collaborating on instruction is part of the Professionalism Principle in Principles to Actions: Ensuring Mathematical Success for All (NCTM 2014). One blog entry in Matt Larson's President's Message (2017) challenged teachers to work in collaborative teams and advised them to explore one of NCTM's newly released series, Taking Action: Implementing Effective Teaching Practices.
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Góes Saia, Bruno y Fernanda Sutkus de Oliveira Mello. "INFORMAÇÃO, EDUCAÇÃO E TECNOLOGIA: UM BLOG PARA O PROFESSOR DE PRESIDENTE PRUDENTE E REGIÃO". COLLOQUIUM HUMANARUM 12, Especial (20 de octubre de 2015): 492–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5747/ch.2015.v12.nesp.000653.
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Moen-Larsen, Natalia. "‘Dear Mr President’. The blogosphere as arena for communication between people and power". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2014): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.01.007.
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Internet use in Russia is increasing rapidly. The former president of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Medvedev, has actively utilized the Internet for political purposes, and promoted its use among state officials and politicians in Russia. This article examines the online communication between Medvedev and the Russian people, as seen through his official kremlin.ru weblog. The article combines two research fields – the Internet and demography – mapping the publicly generated discourse of demography as articulated on Medvedev’s blog. Furthermore, the author assesses the communication between the authorities and the people, showing how it can be mismatched as individuals ‘talk past each other’.
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Prayitno, Yudanto, Dinda Rakhma Fitriani y Eviyani Eviyani. "KOMUNIKASI PARIWISATA 4.0". Jurnal Common 4, n.º 2 (10 de marzo de 2021): 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/common.v4i2.4433.
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Video Blog (Vlog) President Joko Widodo on social media Youtube is a Vlog that is quite well known in cyberspace. In President Joko Widodo's Vlog, there are several videos related to Indonesian tourism including #JKWVLOG Indah Mandalika and #JKWVLOG Raja Ampat. President Joko Widodo conducts Vlogging activities in the two tourist destinations. This study aims to analyze the campaign destinations of Mandalika and Raja Ampat tourist destinations. This research method uses qualitative methods with case studies to analyze the digital campaigns of Mandalika and Raja Ampat tourist destinations. Data collection techniques used were documentation studies, observational studies, interviews, literature studies, data searches carried out online. Tourism communication 4.0 is digital communication which is influenced by information and communication technology. This technological change is accompanied by a change in the culture of people who like to share photos and videos. These cultural changes should be used to campaign for Mandalika and Raja Ampat tourist destinations. Mr. Jokowi has given an example in the Mandalika and Raja Ampat tourist destination campaigns by utilizing social media which is more trend, especially vlogs. The use of vlogs by Mr. Jokowi is one form of tourism communication 4.0.
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Sánchez, W. A. "Brazil’s foreign policy and the eternal quest for Latin American integration". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, n.º 3 (11 de marzo de 2021): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-3-10-23.
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Brazil has historically been regarded as the natural leader of Latin America, given its level of development, the size of its economy, its military might and its ambitious foreign policy. This image was cemented during the presidencies of Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, who supported Latin American integration (particularly via the creation of such blocs as UNASUR and CELAC) and diminishing Washington’s historical influence in the Western Hemisphere. However, the situation has dramatically changed with the rise to power of President Jair Bolsonaro, a staunch supporter of the US in general (and President Donald Trump in particular), which has affected Brazil’s role in the region. Based upon the analysis of specific domestic and foreign policy components, the author draws conclusions on how Brazil’s prospects as a participant (or even the key motivator) in the transformation processes in the region have changed. Brazil is no longer perceived as the axis of attempts at regional integration, but rather “just another separate state” taking care of its own interests. Brazil’s economic crisis and Bolsonaro’s strategy (or the lack thereof) regarding the COVID-19 pandemic have negatively affected Brazil’s image even further. Then again, as this analysis seeks to demonstrate, Latin America has a mixed record when it comes to integration attempts, as regional governments are zealous guardians of national sovereignty. Hence, while there have been some successful regional thrivings towards promoting cooperation, the rise of some supranationalist organization similar to the European Union – is a dream. This is not necessarily a bad thing, as Latin American (and Caribbean) blocs do not need supranationalism to be effective, but it shows the limits of regional integration initiatives.
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Syaifani, Sasha y Naaimatur Rofiani Qubba. "Joko Widodo’s Digital Diplomacy: A Prospect and Challenge for Indonesia’s Digital Diplomacy towards Middle Power". Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 10, n.º 2 (9 de enero de 2018): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v10i2.7299.
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Indonesia is known as a country whose people massively use social media. It is currentlyone of the largest internet users in the world, especially social media. President of Indonesia,Joko Widodo, (famously called ‘Jokowi’) also tries to ‘fit in’ to the trend of social media acrossIndonesia. Jokowi has several social media accounts, including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram,and YouTube. He even publishes a lot of his works, including his meeting agenda with otherstates’ leaders. Jokowi sometimes uploads some video blogs or ‘vlogs’ which some of them arecollaborations with leaders of powerful countries, such as King Salman Abdul Aziz of SaudiArabia, Emmanuel Macron of France, and many others. Therefore, the authors consider thisas a great opportunity for Indonesia to start digital diplomacy. Through literature study,the authors will provide a broader analysis of prospect and challenge of Indonesia’s digitaldiplomacy. The findings showed that digital diplomacy implemented by Jokowi has a goodprospect albeit many challenges. Moreover, it was also discovered that this type of diplomacycould bring some threats to Indonesia.
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Machado da Silveira, Ada C., Camila Hartmann y Clarissa Schwartz. "POLARIZAÇÃO E BLINDAGEM MIDIÁTICA: O QUESTIONAMENTO DA MEDIAÇÃO JORNALÍSTICA". INDEX COMUNICACION 10, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2020): 83–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.33732/ixc/10/02polari.
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The article analyses denunciations of media shielding operated by the alternative media with a view to the performance of the reference media. Paying attention to the context of digital convergence associated with political polarization, we study the crisis faced by journalistic mediation that allowed him to question his competence and communicational legitimacy. The analysis results from the composition of corpora formed by articles published between the years 2010 and 2015, election period and the governments of President Dilma Rousseff, by Brazilian electronic portals, websites and blogs. Among the results, there are procedures that recognize the use of shielding as an action of the reference media that acquires reverberation in the alternative media sphere when it lists complaints about the strategies used in situations recognized as shielding. His responsibility as an agent of socio-political polarization is unavoidable, given that he collaborated on laying the foundations for the practice of disseminating false news that had a wide impact on Brazil's 2018 presidential election.
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Aulia, Nur Afti, La Ode Husen y Agussalim A. Gadjong. "The Presidential System with a Multiparty System is Based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia". Sovereign: International Journal of Law 3, n.º 1 (21 de marzo de 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37276/sijl.v3i1.34.
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Coalitions of political parties built within the presidential system, especially in Indonesia, are non-binding and permanent. If government policies or programs are not famous or inline, political parties tend to engage in opposition. This study aims to determine the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system and efforts to realize a stable and dynamic government based on the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a normative approach. Types and sources of legal materials consist of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials, and tertiary legal materials. The analysis technique used in this research is the hermeneutic analysis method. The study results concluded that with the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system, it is rare for a President to be elected and from the majority party. Furthermore, with the election of a minority President and a majority in Parliament, the President will strengthen his position by forming a coalition. However, building a stable coalition is difficult in a multiparty presidential democracy. In this regard, the institutional engineering agenda that needs to be designed includes simplifying the number of factions in Parliament by tightening the threshold requirements for fraction formation; parliamentary coalition regulations aimed at both political blocs (coalition and opposition); strengthening the institution and authority of the Regional Representative Council to balance the House of Representatives so that checks and balances not only occur between the President and the House of Representatives but also between the House of Representatives and the Regional Representative Council.
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Cogan, Robin. "Future of Nursing 2020-2030 Philadelphia Town Hall: Lessons Shared From a Relentless School Nurse". NASN School Nurse 35, n.º 2 (16 de enero de 2020): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942602x19896836.
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The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation in partnership with the National Academy of Medicine held Town Meeting discussions the summer of 2019 at three sites across the country on the Future of Nursing 2030. Included in the testimony were both invited presentation and public testimony. This article is the transcript of the invited testimony of Robin Cogan, a school nurse who has established a voice for advocacy and the creator of the blog titled The Relentless School Nurse and is one of four presentations featured in this issue of the NASN School Nurse. In her January 2020 letter, NASN’s President Laurie Combe discussed the Future of Nursing 2030 and the importance of school nurse advocacy.
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Taylor, Lauren. "Introduction to Alioune Diop's “Art and Peace” (1966)". ARTMargins 9, n.º 3 (octubre de 2020): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00274.
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In 1966, the multi-media celebration of African and diasporic art known as the Premier Festival Mondial des Arts Nègres attracted an international audience to the recently independent nation of Senegal. As performances and exhibitions took place throughout Dakar, politicians, artists, and intellectuals considered what roles art and culture could play in healing a world torn by colonialism, the World Wars, and increasing tensions between the Eastern and Western blocs. In “Art and Peace,” Alioune Diop, the president of the Festival's organizing committee, enlists the arts as vital tools in the ambitious project of world peace. For contemporary readers, his words foreshadow present-day debates concerning the effects of globalization on the arts and reveal understudied links uniting the mid-century cosmopolitanist visions of negritude, Catholicism, and UNESCO.
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Diop, Alioune. "Art and Peace (1966)". ARTMargins 9, n.º 3 (octubre de 2020): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00275.
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In 1966, the multi-media celebration of African and diasporic art known as the Premier Festival Mondial des Arts Nègres attracted an international audience to the recently independent nation of Senegal. As performances and exhibitions took place throughout Dakar, politicians, artists, and intellectuals considered what roles art and culture could play in healing a world torn by colonialism, the World Wars, and increasing tensions between the Eastern and Western blocs. In “Art and Peace,” Alioune Diop, the president of the Festival's organizing committee, enlists the arts as vital tools in the ambitious project of world peace. For contemporary readers, his words foreshadow present-day debates concerning the effects of globalization on the arts and reveal understudied links uniting the mid-century cosmopolitanist visions of negritude, Catholicism, and UNESCO.
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Bob-Milliar, George M. "Party factions and power blocs in Ghana: a case study of power politics in the National Democratic Congress". Journal of Modern African Studies 50, n.º 4 (9 de noviembre de 2012): 573–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000481.
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ABSTRACTCompetition for the executive leadership of a political party and the distribution of state patronage in Ghana is influenced by factional alignments and group interests. In December 2008 the National Democratic Congress (NDC) regained political power, and within months rifts appeared over the allocation of ministerial portfolios. The intra-party murmurings became public when two factions supported rival candidacies for the party's presidential nomination. The pro-Rawlings faction supported the candidacy of Nana Konadu Agyemang-Rawlings, and the anti-Rawlings bloc backed President John Evans Atta Mills. Drawing on Boucek's (2009) typology of factionalism, this article argues that factionalism within the NDC is a dynamic and complex process of informal groupings competing and jockeying for power to satisfy members' interests. It draws three conclusions: party factions are ad hoc groupings that are nurtured into a power bloc, and are constellated around particular individuals; factional conflicts are not rooted in ideology, but are based on differences in policy goals, interests and patronage; and, finally, factionalism fluctuates between cooperative and competitive phases.
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Ezeh, Nkiru Comfort y Augustine Godwin Mboso. "Youth perspective on social media discourse on “Lazy Nigerian Youths” conversations". Informasi 50, n.º 2 (29 de diciembre de 2020): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/informasi.v50i2.31334.
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The Social Media has emerged as a new platform for discourses. It has no doubt provided people with easier and faster accessibility to information and has become an outlet for them to share their views on socio-political issues. It has also been observed that negative and hate comments seem to dominate on social networks used for social and political communication. Anchored on Public Sphere Theory, focus group discussions were conducted with undergraduate youths in South-east Nigeria examined on the issue of President Mohammadu Buhari’s referring to Nigerian youths as lazy, while speaking at the Commonwealth Business Forum in Westminster on 18th April 2018. This article, therefore, explored the opinions advanced in the discourse based on the principles of freedom of expression and responsibility. The study suggests that while Twitter platform was more objective in the discussion of the issue of the day because it allows the use of filters to ensure that contents posted on the platform adhere strictly to rules and fair usage; Facebook and Whatsapp trailed with abuses and hate comments. The study recommended that owners of blogs and media houses who now post their contents on the social media should coordinate comments on such platforms and continue developing mechanisms that work to regulate the quality of posted content.
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Sousa, Dayane Rouse Neves, Marcelo Leles Romarco de Oliveira y Bruno Costa da Fonseca. "Conflitos ambientais: uma análise da assimetria de poder entre os atores sociais envolvidos no caso do Mineroduto da Ferrous". Sociedade & Natureza 27, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2015): 405–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-451320150304.
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RESUMO Este trabalho intenta apresentar o conflito ambiental instaurado em razão da instalação do mineroduto da Ferrous Ressources S/A, na microrregião de Viçosa-MG, construindo uma análise do posicionamento dos principais atores sociais envolvidos, assim como suas respectivas relações de poderes. O mineroduto da Ferrous ligará o complexo da Mina da Viga, em Congonhas-MG, ao porto da Ferrous Ressources, em Presidente Kennedy-ES, com o intuito de exportar minério de ferro. Para tanto, foram utilizados, como procedimentos metodológicos: pesquisas bibliográficas; análise documental; entrevistas semiestruturadas com diferentes atores; e acompanhamento de reuniões populares da Campanha pelas Águas e Contra o Mineroduto da Ferrous, das audiências públicas e das manifestações populares acontecidas na microrregião de Viçosa. Além disso, houve acompanhamento da discussão do mineroduto em jornais locais e em blogs. Com isso, este trabalho demonstrou que a empresa Ferrous, detentora de alto poder econômico e simbólico, assume o papel de dominadora no conflito. Por outro lado, os atingidos e os movimentos sociais contrários à construção do empreendimento, por vezes, estão no papel de dominados, restando-lhes articular estratégias de resistência para adiar/barrar a construção do mineroduto. O Estado, por sua vez, assume diferentes papéis nesse contexto, demonstrando, com isso, fragilidade na intermediação e gestão do conflito instaurado pelo mineroduto da Ferrous, principalmente, na microrregião de Viçosa-MG.
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Marcon, Frank. "Agências Estetizadas: Juventudes, Mobilizações e Ativismos em Angola". CRÍTICA E SOCIEDADE 9, n.º 2 (7 de octubre de 2020): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/rcs-v9n2-2019-56679.
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Meu objetivo com este artigo é analisar o contexto das mobilizações e do ativismo em Angola, em um período de emergência da geração digital e compreender o fenômeno da última década em que as formas de ativismo político passaram e ser expressos cada vez mais intensamente de forma estetizada. Pensando nas transformações ocorridas nas manifestações políticas em forma de protesto, desde 2011, analiso o caso de Angola, sobre o qual venho acompanhando as movimentações das juventudes através das redes sociais digitais, sites e blogs. Tenho notado que o visual, o sonoro, a escrita e as performances são linguagens ou agências de ação estética predominantes nas práticas de ativismos juvenis na última década, como no Brasil (Marcon, 2018). Isso significa dizer que entre os jovens as ações políticas são apresentadas de forma cada vez mais plástica e que as pessoas envolvidas nessas manifestações expressam um grande repertório criativo e comunicativo tanto local quanto global. O caso mais específico que trago aqui é o que ficou conhecido como 15+2 (quinze mais duas), quando durante o ano de 2015 alguns jovens foram presos por protestarem contra o presidente de Angola e tornaram a mobilização em torno do episódio da prisão um mote para expressão de manifestações e protestos, que ganharam grande repercussão em Angola e na comunidade internacional.
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Mayorga Navarro, Lourdes. "De la trasparencia a la inteligencia cívica de Carlos Cobo". BIOLEX REVISTA JURIDICA DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO 16 (18 de agosto de 2019): 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36796/biolex.v16i0.44.
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El término gobierno abierto no es nuevo, Tauberer menciona que existe desde el siglo XVI cuando el Reino de Suecia estableció la difusión de los registros gubernamentales como derecho constitucional, es decir que las personas tuvieran acceso a documentos gubernamentales. Otros autores mencionan que el término apareció por primera vez a fines de los 70's en Gran Bretaña, donde se hablaba de "abrir las ventanas" del sector público hacia el análisis de los ciudadanos. Ennuestros días es en Estados Unidos, a partir promulgación del memorando sobre transparencia y gobierno abierto (21 de enero de 2009), donde toma fuerza principalmente. Este ejemplo sirvió a otros países de Latinoamérica para sentar las bases de un gobierno abierto como lo es el caso de Brasil, donde en julio de 2009 se realizó el Forum Internacional do Software Livre (FILS), evento al cual asistió el equipo de comunicación de la Presidencia de la República de Brasil con la finalidadde presentar una iniciativa de comunicación pública a los participantes del evento, que en este caso eran hackers, desarrolladores, y hard users de internet, llamada "Blog del Planalto" el cual era un instrumento de comunicación entre el presidente y los ciudadanos. Además de esta iniciativa, durante el gobierno del entonces presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva se promovió el uso de software libre en la gestión pública federal, instalación de telecentros públicos, formación de "Puntos de Cultura", así como el uso de licencias flexibles en medios de comunicación.
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Rendón Ochoa, Eldhaa Edith. "Transparencia Hacker en Brasil de Daniela B. Silva". BIOLEX REVISTA JURIDICA DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO 16 (18 de agosto de 2019): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36796/biolex.v16i0.45.
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El término gobierno abierto no es nuevo, Tauberer menciona que existe desde el siglo XVI cuando el Reino de Suecia estableció la difusión de los registros gubernamentales como derecho constitucional, es decir que las personas tuvieran acceso a documentos gubernamentales. Otros autores mencionan que el término apareció por primera vez a fines de los 70's en Gran Bretaña, donde se hablaba de "abrir las ventanas" del sector público hacia el análisis de los ciudadanos. Ennuestros días es en Estados Unidos, a partir promulgación del memorando sobre transparencia y gobierno abierto (21 de enero de 2009), donde toma fuerza principalmente. Este ejemplo sirvió a otros países de Latinoamérica para sentar las bases de un gobierno abierto como lo es el caso de Brasil, donde en julio de 2009 se realizó el Forum Internacional do Software Livre (FILS), evento al cual asistió el equipo de comunicación de la Presidencia de la República de Brasil con la finalidadde presentar una iniciativa de comunicación pública a los participantes del evento, que en este caso eran hackers, desarrolladores, y hard users de internet, llamada "Blog del Planalto" el cual era un instrumento de comunicación entre el presidente y los ciudadanos. Además de esta iniciativa, durante el gobierno del entonces presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva se promovió el uso de software libre en la gestión pública federal, instalación de telecentros públicos, formación de "Puntos de Cultura", así como el uso de licencias flexibles en medios de comunicación.
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Knott, Stephen F. "LOW BLOWS AGAINST PROGRESSIVE DELUSIONS - Angelo M. Codevilla: Advice to War Presidents: A Remedial Course in Statecraft (New York: Basic Books, 2009. Pp. xviii, 316. $27.50.)". Review of Politics 72, n.º 3 (2010): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000380.
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Al-Husoona, Assist Prof Hussein Mageed Rustam. "Textual Culturing in Ibn Al-Labana Al-Dany’s Poetry (527 B.C -1113A.D)". ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 213, n.º 1 (11 de noviembre de 2018): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v213i1.649.
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Text Blog verbal happen in time and place certain goal to communicate and Interestingness impact and transfer the experiences of others and Mkamenhm emotional can be configured Bamolq and cloning closed by lock called biblical iconography Her beginning and the end, and generative because it is not pop out of nowhere or Nabta diabolical but it is a-generated events that breed with other events .Any text that is born through conversion Semantic any. Conversion guide one to several signs and vice versa, which is linked to the productive capacity of the text Vigdo so the scene of Toldat of images and different patterns of significance, is born president has, and the march Altdalal. is defined by the nature of its relations with the virtual and hidden with other texts that are involved in creating the text as ((integrated organization drafting a complex tangle of installation it is a network of overlapping diets and levels of editorial and systemic involves numbering glitter ... and realize the multiplicity of the same meaning)).
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Eaton, Kent. "Restoration or Transformation? Trapos versus NGOs in the Democratization of the Philippines". Journal of Asian Studies 62, n.º 2 (mayo de 2003): 469–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096246.
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When the philippines returned to democratic rule in 1986, two images emerged of the new democracy that were vastly different and often hard to reconcile with each other. On the one hand, many observers commented on the great extent to which the new democracy appeared merely to restore the country's previous democratic regime from between 1946 and the establishment of martial law in 1972 (Anderson 1988; McCoy 1994, 19; Wurfel 1988, 323). In this earlier democratic period, traditional political clans dominated the country's policy-making institutions and successfully blocked equity-enhancing reforms. Over the course of these decades, elite-dominated parties mastered the politics of clientelism, in which local power brokers delivered vote blocs to national politicians in exchange for the granting of particularistic favors and the blocking of progressive legislation. Fears of a restoration in the mid-1980s appeared well founded, both in the significant presence in the reopened legislature of the country's most powerful economic elites and in the resistance to agrarian and other reforms by the new president, Corazon Aquino, herself a member of a prominent land-owning family. In many respects, democratization in the 1980s marked the return to power of traditional politicians, or trapos, as they are popularly called, a word that also means “dishrag” in the Tagalog language.
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SLACK, NANCY y DALE H. VITT. "A Tribute to Janice Glime—A Stalwart Contributor to Bryology". Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 39, n.º 1 (24 de julio de 2017): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.39.1.3.
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We are very happy to dedicate this book to Janice M. Glime, Professor Emerita at Michigan Technological University. Her name is probably familiar to more bryologists around the world that any other. This is largely a result of her management (since 1996) of Bryonet (bryonet-L@mtu.edu), a wonderful bryophyte email discussion and news blog. Under Janice’s management, Bryonet subscribers grew from about 170 in 1996 to 1,379 members as of March 2017 (http://iab-bryologists-website.blogspot.com/p/past.html). Bryonet was originally established by Swedish bryologist Gillis Een in 1991 and then managed by Jan-Peter Frahm from 1991–1996. Under Janice’s management, Bryonet has flourished and provides a key resource to graduate students and biologists from many continents, allowing persons to find sources, identify specimens, have questions answered, and have serious conversations on a variety of questions and methods related to bryophytes. She was also a long-time IAB Council member and its president from 2005–2009. In addition, Janice (pronounced Janeece) has been and continues to compose a comprehensive treatise on Bryophyte Ecology, (digitalcommons.mtu.edu/bryophyte-ecology/). Details are updated regularly with new information that anyone can download. This is the only textbook-style treatment that is available for beginning classes in bryology and thanks to Janice is available free on the internet.
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Tsymbalenko, Yevhen, Dmytro Oltarzhevskyi, Lesya Horodenko y Olha Oltarzhevska. "The role of company’s top officials in corporate communications". Problems and Perspectives in Management 18, n.º 3 (18 de septiembre de 2020): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.18(3).2020.22.
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In contemporary society, corporate communications are becoming an increasingly important and significant component of management. This field includes not only building an external and internal image of a company but also interacting with stakeholders and achieving business aims. This research aims to define the potential and features of company’s top officials (owners, CEOs, presidents, and other top managers) involvement in corporate communications and representing a business. It is based on the content analysis of corporate websites of the first 100 international companies from the Forbes list. The study demonstrated that most (62%) world successful firms involve their owners, CEOs, and top managers in corporate communications as speakers. At the same time, business owners appear on corporate websites less often (only 2%). CEOs engage in such communications in 47% of cases. Most often, other authorized representatives are speakers of companies (51%). A descriptive analysis of topics helped to distinguish the most common types of texts: formal ideological speeches, corporate news, corporate blog texts, and personalized corporate storytelling. Most texts are posted on corporate websites in the News chapter (28%). This suggests that news as a genre may be the most appropriate form of communication on behalf of management. Thus, some recommendations are proposed regarding the participation of top officials as speakers. From a practical point of view, companies can be guided by the outcomes of this research when deciding to engage their leaders in corporate communications.
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Tovsultanova, Malika Sharipovna, Rustam Alkhazurovich Tovsultanov y Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. "The military coup in Turkey on May 27, 1960: background, drivers and it consequences". Samara Journal of Science 9, n.º 1 (28 de febrero de 2020): 205–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202091215.
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In the 1950s, the Democratic Party came to power in Turkey, relying on the provincial bourgeoisie and clericals. The charismatic leader of democrats Adnan Menderes became the prime-minister. The Democratic government pursued an active foreign and domestic policy. In particular, abandoning its traditional neutrality, Turkey joined NATO and CenTO military blocs. Concessions were made to religious circles. The government also carried out large-scale reforms, for which the society was not ready, due to which an economic crisis erupted in the country, the most characteristic manifestation of which was high inflation. By introducing repressive laws against dissidents, attempts to isolate the opposition, in particular the leaders of the Republican Peoples Party (RPP), the Democrats pushed the latter to search for allies in the army. In the ranks of the latter, under the influence of Western agents and the dissatisfaction of the officers themselves with the situation in the country, the idea of a military coup came about on May 27, 1960. As a result of the coup, the National Unity Committee came to power, consisting of representatives of the generals and leaders of the Republican Peoples Party. In 1961, a new constitution was adopted at a referendum, reforming the system of legislative power in the country, after which power again passed to civilian political institutions. The leader of the military who carried out the coup, General Jemal Grsel, became the prime minister, while the chairman of the Republican Peoples Party Ismet İnnbecame became the president of Turkey.
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Sandy, Kevin Ramadhan. "Solving the South China Sea Crisis: A Recommendation for Indonesia". Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 3, n.º 1 (10 de marzo de 2015): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.3.1.34-50.2014.
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The main purpose of this paper is to recommend to Indonesia to maintain its national interest of a unified ASEAN on the South China Sea disputes with four policy recommendations. The failure of the 2012 ASEAN Ministerial Meeting was observed as many analysts as the start of a crack in ASEAN as a regional group. With Cambodia’s acting as China’s proxy in the meeting, ASEAN failed to address the issue and to put it in the Joint Communique, although Vietnam and Philippines have insisted the chair to do so. This event led to the rise of suspicions from ASEAN claimant states towards Cambodia and China’s intention. Furthermore, this becomes a proof that ASEAN could no longer be independent as a regional group as China has increased its economic leverage on Cambodia. At the same time, Philippines and Vietnam have increased their bilateral ties with the United States, hoping to increase their leverage and capability vis-à-vis China. Thus, ASEAN is in an unstable state with high possibility of it to be divided into two blocs with the South China Sea still unresolved. One of Indonesia’s main foreign policy interests is a unified, centralized and independent ASEAN as a regional bloc. President Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Natalegawa reflected this by underscoring the importance of ASEAN and the need to resolve the dispute as soon as possible before further tension occurred. In this case, Indonesia should try to act as the mediator to solve this issue as a neutral player.
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Копалкина, Евгения y Наталья Илтакова. "FEATURES OF LEGAL REGULATION OF POST-PENITENTIAL ADAPTATION OF CONVICTS IN KAZAKHSTAN". Rule-of-law state: theory and practice 16, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2020): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33184/pravgos-2020.1.15.
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The paper gives a brief overview of the main regulatory legal acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan - the Criminal Executive Code (2014), the laws of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On Crime Prevention” (2010), “On Probation” (2016), “On Special Social Services” ( 2008), Decrees of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On the Concept of the legal policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan for the period from 2010 to 2020” (2009), “On approval of the Comprehensive Strategy for the social rehabilitation of citizens released from prison and registered with probation services in the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2017-2019” (2016), Order of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On the Approval of the Rules for Conducting Educational Work with Sentenced to Deprivation of Liberty” (2014), which disclose the rules governing the process of re-socialization and post-penitential adaptation of convicts. Based on the comparative legal method, such features of its legal regulation are distinguished, in contrast, for example, from Russia, such as the adoption of an independent document regulating the process of post-penitential adaptation of convicts of Kazakhstan, the institutionalization of additional forms and bodies in the system of the penal system of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Employment in Colonies” Internet blog, probation services, voluntary organizations of convicts), the lack of an organizational and legal basis for activities of non-governmental organizations, volunteer associations for social support of convicts in the Republic of Kazakhstan.
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Pucci, Bruno. "A Personalidade Autoritária no Brasil em tempos de neoliberalismo e de Coronavírus (The Authoritarian Personality in Brazil in times of neoliberalism and the Coronavirus)". Revista Eletrônica de Educação 14 (29 de octubre de 2020): 4538132. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271994538.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the anti-democratic manifestations that have been occurring in Brazil at this historical moment, when the dominant capitalist system is the neoliberalism and its political representative is Jair Bolsonaro, the President of the country. Initially, two essays by Theodor Adorno will be analyzed - “Anti-Semitism and Fascist Propaganda”, from 1946 and Studies on Authoritarian Personality, from 1950, with emphasis on Scale F - Fascism Scale -, in order to extract the theoretical-methodological categories, that shed light on the dramatic social and political reality in which the country is immersed. Subsequently, with the intention of seeking outgoing perspectives, the text dialogues with three contemporary thinkers - Stuenkel, Lago and Brum - who present subsidies to analyze the authoritarian evidences that have been progressively established in the country and the possibilities to overcome them.ResumoA proposta deste artigo é analisar as manifestações antidemocráticas que estão ocorrendo no Brasil neste momento histórico em que o sistema capitalista dominante é o neoliberalismo e seu representante político é Jair Bolsonaro, Presidente da República. Inicialmente serão abordados dois textos de Theodor Adorno – Antissemitismo e propaganda fascista, de 1946 e Estudos sobre a personalidade autoritária, de 1950, com destaque para a Escala F – escala do Fascismo –, para deles se extraírem eixos teórico-metodológicos que lancem luzes sobre a dramática realidade social e política em que o país se encontra mergulhado. Em um segundo momento, com a intencionalidade de se buscar perspectivas de saída, o texto dialogará com três pensadores contemporâneos – Stuenkel, Lago e Brum – que apresentam subsídios para se analisar as evidências autoritárias que se estabeleceram progressivamente no país e possibilidades de superá-las.ResumenEl propósito de este artículo es analizar las manifestaciones antidemocráticas que están ocurriendo en Brasil en este momento histórico cuando el sistema capitalista dominante es el neoliberalismo y su representante político es Jair Bolsonaro, presidente de la República. Inicialmente, se abordarán dos textos de Theodor Adorno: "Antisemitismo y propaganda fascista", de 1946, y “Estudios sobre la personalidad autoritaria”, de 1950, con énfasis en la Escala F -- la escala del fascismo --, para extraer de ellos algunos ejes teóricos y metodológicos que arrojen luces sobre la dramática realidad social y política en la que Brasil está inmerso. En un segundo momento, con la intención de buscar perspectivas de salida, el texto dialoga con tres pensadores contemporáneos, Stuenkel, Lago y Brum, quienes presentan subsidios para analizar las evidencias autoritarias que se han establecido gradualmente en el país y las posibilidades de superarlas.Palavras-chave: Personalidade autoritária, Bolsonarismo, Manifestações antidemocráticas, Teoria Crítica.Keywords: Authoritarian personality, Bolsonarism, Anti-democratic manifestations, Critical Theory.Palabras claves: Personalidad autoritaria, Manifestaciones antidemocráticas, Teoría crítica.ReferencesADORNO, Theodor W. & alii. The Authoritarian Personality – Studies on Prejudice. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950.ADORNO, Theodor W. The Psychological Techniques of Martin Luther Thomas. Soziologische Schriften II. Frankfurt: Surkhamp Verlag, 1975.ADORNO, Theodor W. Antisemitismo y Propaganda Fascista. In ADORNO, Theodor W. Escritos Sociológicos I. Trad. Augustín González Ruiz. Madrid – España: Ediciones Akal, 2004, p. 369-379.ADORNO, Theodor W. Estudos sobre a Personalidade Autoritária. Trad. Virgínia Helena Ferreira da Costa, Francisco Lopez Toledo Corrêa, Carlos Henrique Pissardo. São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 2019.ALMEIDA, Ronaldo. Bolsonaro presidente: conservadorismo, evangélicos e a crise brasileira. Novos Estudos. CEBRAP, v. 38, p. 185-213, 2019.BARROS E SILVA, Fernando de. Dentro do Pesadelo: O governo Bolsonaro e a calamidade Brasileira. In: Revista Piauí, Edição 164. Maio de 2020. Acesso: 17/05/2020. https://piaui.folha.uol.com.br/materia/dentro-do-pesadelo-2/BRUM, Eliane. O golpe de Bolsonaro está em curso. In: El Pais. 20/02/2020. Acesso: 14/05/2020. https://brasil.elpais.com/opiniao/2020-02-26/o-golpe-de-bolsonaro-esta-em-curso.htmlCARONE, Iray. Fascismo on the air: Estudos frankfurtianos sobre a agitador fascista. In: Lua Nova, nº 55-56, 2002, p. 194-217.CARONE, Iray, A Personalidade Autoritária Estudos Frankfurtianos sobre o Fascismo. In: Revista Sociologia em Rede, vol. 2, nº 2, 2012, p. 14-21.CERASOLI, Josianne Francia. Quatro Faces do Poder na Gestão Bolsonaro. Slide – debatido no Ciclo de Palestras Constituição/88, UFSCar: São Carlos, 2019.LAGO, Ivann. O Jair que há em nós. In Blog do autor. 28/02/2020. Acesso: 14/05/2020. In: https://ivannlago.blogspot.com/2020/02/o-jair-que-ha-em-nos.html?fbclid=IwAR3lMwyoWpPQ0fP5rheMk2QkDpMvcHd0J65RPcyGhUXDJhakMBNNgQhGSJ4LOWENTHAL, L. & GUTERMAN, N. “Prophets of Deceit: a Study of the Techniques of the American Agitator”. False Prophets – studies on authoritarianism. New Jersey: Transaction Books, 1987.PUCCI, Bruno. A elaboração do passado no Brasil em tempos de neoliberalismo selvagem. Inédito, 2019.STUENKEL, Oliver. Por que votamos em Hitler. In: El Pais. 08/10/2018. Acesso: 14/05/2020. https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2018/10/06/opinion/1538852257_174248.html?rel=lomVECCHIATTI, I. Lema de Bolsonaro, também usado no Nazismo, vai contra nossa “Era dos Direitos”. Podcast – Justificando. 22/10/2018. In: https://www.justificando.com/2018/10/22/lema-de-bolsonaro-tambem-usado-no-nazismo-vai-contra-nossa-era-dos-direitos/. Acesso: 17/05/2020.e4538132
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Magomedov, Andrii. "THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN UKRAINE AND NATO IN THE 21st CENTURY". Three Seas Economic Journal 1, n.º 3 (18 de diciembre de 2020): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5150/2020-3-11.
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The purpose of the article is to show the development process of Ukraine's relations with NATO in the economic sphere, to analyze the main directions and tasks of economic cooperation, to trace the dynamics of their development and dependence on the domestic political situation in Ukraine during recent decades. Methodology. The research is based on the analysis of official electronic sources and reports on the activities and cooperation of NATO countries with the Ukrainian side. The data from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, the Ministry of Energy of Ukraine and the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine were used. As a result of the research there can be traced a clear pattern of dependence of the implementation of the number of new programs on economic cooperation with the actual vector of foreign policy relations of the highest authorities of Ukraine. Although this vector has changed dramatically over the last twenty years since the election of the new president, the indicators of funding and implementation of the new cooperation programs demonstrate a positive dynamics in Ukraine-NATO relations, especially with the active support of our country’s political leadership. Practical implications. As Ukraine has chosen the European path of development, it is important to understand the patterns of economic cooperation both between the countries of the NATO bloc itself and between the Allies. The materials for the analysis of the results of cooperation can serve as a basis for further projects and the development of allied relations. Value/originality. The article opens opportunities for further research and comparison of economic cooperation programs of the other blocs with which Ukraine has cooperated for the last quarter of a century.
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Moschini, Ilaria. "The "Face with Tears of Joy" Emoji. A Socio-Semiotic and Multimodal Insight into a Japan-America Mash-Up". HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business, n.º 55 (29 de agosto de 2016): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v0i55.24286.
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The blog site of the Oxford Dictionaries features a post dated November 16 2015, which announces that, “for the first time ever”, their “Word of the Year” is not a word, but a pictograph: the “Face with Tears of Joy” emoji. The term emoji, which is a loanword from Japanese, identifies “a small digital image or icon used to express an idea or emotion in electronic communication” (OED 2015). The sign was chosen since it is the item that “best reflected the ethos, mood, and preoccupations of 2015”. Indeed, the Oxford Dictionaries’ President, Caspar Grathwohl declared that emojis are “an increasingly rich form of communication that transcends linguistic borders” and reflects the “playfulness and intimacy” of global digital culture. Adopting a socio-semiotic multimodal approach, the present paper aims at decoding the many semantic and semiotic layers of the 2015 “Word of the Year”, with a special focus on the context of cultures out of which it originates. More in detail, the author will focus on the concept of translation as “transduction”, that is the movement of meaning across sign systems (Kress 1997), in order to map the history of this ‘pictographic word’ from language to language, from culture to culture, from niche discursive communities to the global scenario. Indeed, the author maintains that this ‘pictographic word’ is to be seen as a marker of the mashing up of Japanese and American cultures in the discursive practices of geek communities, now gone mainstream thanks to the spreading of digital discourse.
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Anderson, Katie Elson. "Getting acquainted with social networks and apps: combating fake news on social media". Library Hi Tech News 35, n.º 3 (8 de mayo de 2018): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lhtn-02-2018-0010.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a general overview of how the major social media companies are addressing the problem of fake news and the spread of digital disinformation. The fight against bad sources and false authorities is one that librarians have been engaged in for a very long time. Design/methodology/approach While the inaccurate information may not always have been called “fake news,” misinformation, propaganda, conspiracy, exaggeration, manipulated facts and out and out lies have always been combated by librarians through information literacy. It is nearly impossible to go a day in this current news climate without reading or hearing the term “fake news”; whether it is being tweeted by the 45th president of the USA, discussed in the media, detailed in articles about social media or addressed by librarians in literature, conversation, conferences, tweets and blog posts. Findings The inescapable phrase was named word of the year for 2017 by both the American Dialect Society (“Fake News,” 2018) and Collins Dictionary (Meza, 2017). While the official definitions provided by a number of different sources may vary, the gist of what is meant by fake news is that it is information that is largely inaccurate, misleading, unsubstantiated, manipulated or completely fabricated that is being passed off as truthful, authoritative and accurate. Originality/value Though the phrase “fake news” may seem to be a recent term, it has actually been around since the end of the nineteenth century and it is not limited to just discussing political news according to Merriam-Webster.
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Sitohang, Mangantar. "DONALD TRUMP AND HILLARY CLINTON’S DISTINCTIVE LANGUAGE STYLE DURING THEIR SPEECH ACCEPTANCE". Journal of English Language and Literature (JELL) 1, n.º 01 (21 de agosto de 2018): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37110/jell.v1i01.7.
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This research attempts to analyze the America’s President Nominees for 2017 to 2021 period, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton’s language styles during their acceptance convention nomination speech seen from Speech Acts classification. Donald Trump representing Republic Party and Hillary Clinton representing Democratic Party must have done their best to prepare their speeches in their first day campaign for all the people coming the building/hall and all American who listen to their speeches. And the fact, the situations/atmospheres in the building, seen from the video/YouTube are so interesting, entertaining, mixed emotional and touching sceneries. Those sceneries are really present not only because their beautiful musical back grounds but above all due to their speech styles relating with or covering not only about their strong claims/beliefs or assertion /descriptions about his/her opponent drawbacks but also about his/her strengths or achievement. The pledges, assertions, commitment and desires or orders articulated are also interesting to see or observe. Many of their utterances contain slippery meanings or messages. So no wonder almost all the people coming the building constantly are really impressed and give enthusiastic and supporting responses to both of them in more than one hour, and quite often they give standing applause after hearing very strong declaration, commitments, plans, vows and promises to all Americans. And apart from that, we can clearly see how each blows his/her blow his/her trumpet or how each attacks his/opponent in world class level. And for the researcher, what they have demonstrated in term of their language styles are important, educating and inspiring, therefore deserves to be observed, and for English language lecturers/teachers and students who have interests in English, this is really interesting to observe
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "Features of US Geostrategy in the Third World (50’s – First Half of the 60’s of the XX Сentury)". American History & Politics Scientific edition, n.º 9 (2020): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.1.
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The main tendency of the postwar world order was the absence of direct military conflicts between major powers and the division of the world into two military-political blocs.These entities brought together countries that differed in ideology and socio-economic structure. In the context of this conflicting confrontation, third world countries have become the arena of mediated rivalry. The confrontation took place in order to increase the area of influence in developing countries by engaging them in some form of socio-economic and political system. The most striking similarity can be seen in the development of the divided nations of Korea, China, Vietnam, in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. In the event of such contradictions, it is possible not to claim the conflict between superpowers and third world countries, but about the involvement or intervention of major powers in internal or interstate conflicts. During the second half of the 1940s – early 1960s, the main task of US administrations was to create a «power ring» around the Soviet control area, to maintain its functioning and further strengthening it. Initially, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later expanded to the Middle East, with adequate security in the form of US military bases and military-political blocs. By pursuing a policy of containment and extending its line throughout the periphery of Eurasia, the United States was increasingly confronted with the effects of the collapse of the colonial empires and forced, in one form or another, to fill the vacuum of emerging power. At the same time, geopolitical considerations played a major role in this process. The first attempt at an integrated response to the needs of underdeveloped countries was President G. Truman’s Point Four programm, which provided them with technical assistance. In the 1950s, US geostrategic priorities changed: Europe retained its importance, but more attention was paid to Southeast Asia and the Middle East. During this period, the strengthening of US positions in the Gulf region – the most important strategic point in terms of both oil resources and geographical location – began.
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Hafner, Manfred y Pier Paolo Raimondi. "Priorities and challenges of the EU energy transition: From the European Green Package to the new Green Deal". Russian Journal of Economics 6, n.º 4 (14 de diciembre de 2020): 374–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.6.55375.
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As decarbonization and climate policy are gaining relevance in the European Union (EU) energy policy, the present paper seeks to present both priorities and challenges for of the EU energy transition. As priorities, we outline the key targets and initiatives proposed and set by the European institutions in relation to the energy matters. The EU identifies renewable energy sources, energy efficiency and reduction of the greenhouse gas (GHG) as the three pillars to achieve its carbon neutrality. The final goal for to the EU energy and climate targets is to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. Nevertheless, since given energy policy is being a “shared competence” between the EU institutions and Member States, each Member State plays a critical role for the achievement of the EU energy transition. Different socioeconomic structures and the energy mix across Europe have caused the implementation process of each EU target to develop at a different pace among European countries. We illustrate this drawing on four countries: Italy, the UK, Germany and Poland. We assess their political commitment to the energy transition and their actions regarding energy transformation. These four countries are only an example of the different pace in the implementation of the EU energy and climate targets. The last part of the paper is devoted to the ambitious plan, called Green New Deal, launched by the present Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen. It sets key priorities, reaffirming European commitments to the energy and climate transition. However, the plan faces significant obstacles. For example, division among Member States (North-South and West-East) might be a factor that could undermine the achievement of the European energy transition, due to multiple and divergent interests (also on the future role of the energy transition in the aftermath of COVID-19 and the resulting economic crisis). Another challenge is constituted by popular opposition, especially from those people that see the energy transition — and consequent economic and industrial transformation — as a potential threat to their well-being and jobs, as the French gilets jaunes show. Lastly, we explain that the European energy transition will impact also its external relations, for example with Russia, proposing how the two blocs can preserve their energy relationship in light of the energy transition, notably through the conversion of natural gas to hydrogen and storing/using the resulting CO2.
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خليل, م. م. انور اسماعيل. "Iraqi Woman Political situation in Quota Framework after 2003". مجلة العلوم السياسية, n.º 55 (20 de febrero de 2019): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i55.27.
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Abstract Since 2003. Iraq has begun a new phase in its modern history, which was after a long period of tyranny, repression of freedom of expression, and women were no better off than men; they suffered marginalization and exclusion, but after the fall of the former regime and the adoption of a parliamentary system of government, The level of participation in the government; where it approved the share of women in the legislative authority called "quota" which reflects the legislative level of a certain proportion of the seats in Parliament, amounting to 25%, and this is approved by the Iraqi constitution for 2005. But it is noticeable that women in parliament did not work within the quota; in other words they belonged to the political parties or blocs, and therefore their decisions were not independent of these parties or blocks and the women serve independently, and did not succeed any attempt to form a unified feminist bloc within Parliament, reflect their political orientation, and on the other hand, the parties to which these women belong did not have a role in leading any of their women electoral lists, as well as the presidency of a party or bloc, and this of course may be due to several reasons, the most important: those values or community Altawilat Which prevent women from taking over Leadership, and other reasons, but it is generally observed that there is inequality in favor of the subsequent phase after 2003. From the previous that there is an escalation towards this political participation in general as well as its share in the seats in parliament, "quota." This has been addressed in the framework of the two studies that are starting from the study because of the existence of a research problem, centered on the following question: Is the woman, has been able to invest the approved percentage of "quota" within the political processThe first topic and the scientific necessity dealt with several issues. First, the concept of political participation, especially the political participation of women, which touched upon several definitions, can give a clear picture of this concept. The second, The participation of women political, in terms of those conventions and international conventions and treaties that approved this participation, and the system of kota, the third topic, has dealt with the politicalparticipation of Iraqi women in the permanent Iraqi constitution in 2005. The second topic dealt with the reality of such participation in the framework of parliament authority after 2003. The conclusion was to answer the research question that was behind the Study