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1

Fylypovych, Georgii. "Ukrainian Protestant Diaspora in Search of Its Identity". Ukrainian Religious Studies, n.º 80 (13 de diciembre de 2016): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2016.80.724.

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Article by G. Fylypovych "Ukrainian Protestant Diaspora in Search of Its Identity" is devoted to the consideration of identification processes among Ukrainian Protestants in the diaspora. It is proved that this self-determination is controversial and non-linear and is primarily due to complex socio-political changes in the world, in particular in Ukraine. The diaspora's protestants, like in Ukraine, face new challenges to the global dimension to which they are not always ready.
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2

KLYASHEV, A. N. "SOME FACTORS IN THE FORMATION OF RELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF UKRAINIAN PROTESTANTS OF THE URAL REGION". Izvestia Ufimskogo Nauchnogo Tsentra RAN, n.º 4 (11 de diciembre de 2020): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31040/2222-8349-2020-0-4-53-57.

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This article examines the factors related to the formation of the religious identity among Ukrainian Protestants entering Protestant religious organizations in some regions of the South, Middle and Polar Urals: impact of other people or their own existential quest, as well as the religious identity of the respondents before they adopted Protestantism. More than sixty percent of Ukrainian Protestants were born outside of Russia; they are the most "foreign" in origin ethno-religious group among the Protestants of the Urals. Data on them are compared to similar evidence in the general sample. The greater role of family continuity in religious choice than among Russian Protestants, and also the greater percentage of former representatives of "other" or "non-traditional" religions among Ukrainian Protestant are explained by the historically more substantial presence of Protestantism in Ukraine and diversity of its religious field. Before acquiring the Protestant identity under the influence of their parents, Ukrainian respondents manage to gain experience of an atheistic or other religious worldview, which fact testifies to their conscious existential quest.
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3

Chaves, Mark, Jackson W. Carroll y Wade Clark Roof. "Beyond Establishment: Protestant Identity in a Post-Protestant Age." Contemporary Sociology 23, n.º 3 (mayo de 1994): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075375.

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4

Erickson, Victoria, Jackson Carroll y Wade Clark Roof. "Beyond Establishment: Protestant Identity in a Post-Protestant Age". Review of Religious Research 35, n.º 3 (marzo de 1994): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511898.

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5

Finlay, Andrew. "Defeatism and northern protestant ‘identity’". Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2001): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800108405094.

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Ђурић Миловановић, Александра. "СКРИВЕНИ ИДЕНТИТЕТИ РУМУНСКИХ НЕОПРОТЕСТАНТСКИХ ЗАЈЕДНИЦА У ВОЈВОДИНИ". ГОДИШЊАК ЗА СОЦИОЛОГИЈУ 26, n.º 1 (23 de abril de 2021): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/gsoc.26.2021.02.

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In Serbia, minority religious communities are usually seen from one type of minority identity – ethnic one. Thus, the lack of research still exists when it comes to the religious identity of minority communities and the complex relationship between ethnic and religious identity. Based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork among neo-Protestant Romanians in Vojvodina, in this paper I am analyzing ethnic and religious identity of minority communities as double minorities. Starting from the hypothesis that boundaries of ethnic and religious identity are not predefined and static, I analyze narratives collected in four neo-Protestant communities. The case study of Romanian neo-Protestants in this paper indicates what is the role of conversion in ethnic and religious minority communities, but also how religious identity becomes more important in supra-national religious groups.
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7

Stern, Andrew. "Southern Harmony: Catholic-Protestant Relations in the Antebellum South". Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 17, n.º 2 (2007): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2007.17.2.165.

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AbstractThis essay seeks to recover the experiences of Catholics in the antebellum South by focusing on their relations with Protestants. It argues that, despite incidents of animosity, many southern Protestants accepted and supported Catholics, and Catholics integrated themselves into southern society while maintaining their distinct religious identity. Catholic–Protestant cooperation was most clear in the public spaces the two groups shared. Protestants funded Catholic churches, schools, and hospitals, while Catholics also contributed to Protestant causes. Beyond financial support, each group participated in the institutions created by the other. Catholics and Protestants worshipped in each other's churches, studied in each other's schools, and recovered or died in each other's hospitals. This essay explores a series of hypotheses for the cooperation. It argues that Protestants valued Catholic contributions to southern society; it contends that effective Catholic leaders demonstrated the compatibility of Catholicism and American ideals and institutions; and it examines Catholic attitudes towards slavery as a ground for religious harmony. Catholics proved themselves to be useful citizens, true Americans, and loyal Southerners, and their Protestant neighbors approvingly took note. Catholic–Protestant cooperation complicates the dominant historiographical view of interreligious animosity and offers a model of religious pluralism in an unexpected place and time.
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8

Smyth, Jim. "‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707". Historical Journal 36, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1993): 785–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014503.

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ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did not enjoy legislative independence, and the political elite was powerless in the face of laws promulgated at Westminster, such as the i6gg woollen act, which were detrimental to its interests. One possible solution to the problem of inferior status lay in legislative union with England or Great Britain. Increasingly in the years before 1707 certain Irish protestant politicians elaborated the economic, constitutional and practical advantages to be gained from a union, but they also based their case upon an appeal to the shared religion and ethnicity of the sovereign's loyal subjects in the two kingdoms. In short the protestants insisted that they were English. This unionist episode thus illustrates the profoundly ambivalent character of protestant identity in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Ireland.
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9

Todd, J. "Protestant Identity and Peace in Northern Ireland". Journal of Church and State 55, n.º 4 (11 de octubre de 2013): 831–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/cst059.

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10

Parr, Connal. "Protestant identity and peace in Northern Ireland". Irish Political Studies 33, n.º 1 (17 de noviembre de 2016): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1254397.

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11

Underwood, Lucy. "Sion and Elizium: National Identity, Religion, and Allegiance in Anthony Copley’s A Fig for Fortune". Renaissance and Reformation 41, n.º 2 (21 de junio de 2018): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v41i2.29834.

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This article uses Anthony Copley’s poem A Fig for Fortune (1596) to examine Elizabethan constructions of national identity. Acknowledging that religious and national identities were symbiotic in the Reformation era, it argues that the interdependency of Protestant and Catholic narratives of “nationhood” must be appreciated. Analysis of Copley’s text engages with previous critiques, including those of Clare Reid, Alison Shell, and Susannah Monta, in order to propose a more coherent interpretation of Copley’s engagement with Spenser’s The Faerie Queene. Copley did not merely defend Catholics as loyal subjects; he moved beyond debates about loyalty to reconsider ideas of nation, England, and Englishness more broadly, challenging the premises as well as the conclusions of Protestant statesmen and writers. Cet article examine les constructions de l’identité nationale de l’Angleterre élisabéthaine à travers le poème d’Anthony Copley A Fig for Fortune (1596). En considérant que les identités religieuse et nationale étaient liées de façon symbiotique pendant la période de la Réforme, on avance que l’interdépendance des versions catholique et protestante des récits de nationalité devrait être mieux prise en compte. L’analyse du texte de Copley met à profit différents commentaires critiques, en autres ceux de Clare Reid, Alison Shell et Susannah Monta, afin de proposer une interprétation plus cohérente du travail de Copley sur The Faerie Queene de Spenser. Copley ne s’est pas contenté simplement de défendre les catholiques en tant que sujets loyaux, il en a également profité pour dépasser les débats au sujet de la loyauté, pour remettre en question les idées de nation, d’Angleterre, et plus généralement de ce que c’est que d’être anglais, et par conséquent aussi, les prémisses et conclusions des écrivains et hommes d’État protestants.
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12

Kemp, Theresa D. "Translating (Anne) Askew: The Textual Remains of a Sixteenth-Century Heretic and Saint*". Renaissance Quarterly 52, n.º 4 (1999): 1021–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901834.

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This essay explores how contemporary depictions of Anne Askew's examination and execution serve as textual sites of contested power between the Henrician conservatives and Protestant reformists who vied for control of English religion and politics during the mid-sixteenth-century. Both the Anglo-Catholics who prosecute Askew as a heretic and the Protestants who vindicate her as a saint attempt to shape and exploit her identity as a woman who has been tortured and burned at the stake. Amid the inquisitional voice of the state officials and the reformist discourse of the Protestant hagiographers, Askew's own text provides yet a third version.
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13

Carroll, Michael P. "How the Irish Became Protestant in America". Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 16, n.º 1 (2006): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2006.16.1.25.

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AbstractIt often comes as a surprise to learn that most contemporary Americans who think of themselves as “Irish” are, in fact, Protestant, not Catholic. While commentators generally agree that these Protestant Irish-Americans are descended mainly from the Irish who settled in the United States prior to the Famine, the story of how they became the Protestants they are is—this article argues—more complicated than first appears. To understand that story, however, one must correct for two historiographical biases. The first has to do with the presumed religiosity of the so-called “Scotch-Irish” in the pre-Famine period; the second involves taking “being Irish” into account in the post-Famine period only with dealing with Catholics, not Protestants. Once these biases are corrected, however, it becomes possible to develop an argument that simultaneously does two things: it provides a new perspective on the contribution made by the Irish (generally) to the rise of the Methodists and Baptists in the early nineteenth century, and it helps us to understand why so many American Protestants continue to retain an Irish identity despite the fact that their link to Ireland is now almost two centuries in the past.
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14

Spear, Sonja E. "Claiming the Passion: American Fantasies of the Oberammergau Passion Play, 1923–1947". Church History 80, n.º 4 (18 de noviembre de 2011): 832–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711001235.

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In 1934 the third centennial celebration of Oberammergau's famous passion play coincided with Adolph Hitler's rise to power. For American Jews, the Oberammergau Passion Play had long symbolized the Christian roots of Anti-Semitism. Ironically, American Jews' liberal Protestant allies viewed Oberammergau as a symbol of Christian ecumenism, capable of uniting Protestants, Catholics, and even Jews. “Claiming the Passion” traces Oberammergau in the rhetoric of American liberals from the American tour of Anton Lang, who portrayed the Christus in 1923, to his successor's trial for Nazi sympathies in 1947. It places the conflicting Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant views of Oberammergau in the context of the early goodwill or interfaith movement. It argues that liberal Protestants' enthusiasm for Oberammergau arose from their effort to articulate a more inclusive national identity, in opposition to the Ku Klux Klan and other nativists. But the conflicts over Oberammergau also suggest that liberal Protestants had not yet come to terms with Jewish critiques of Christian Anti-Judaism.
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15

Mojau, Julianus. "Identitas-Identitas Teologis Kristen Protestan Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru: Sebuah Pemetaan Awal". GEMA TEOLOGIKA 2, n.º 2 (30 de octubre de 2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21460/gema.2017.22.290.

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Protestant Christianity in Indonesia cannot be inconsistant with the general principle of Protestantism worldwide: sola scriptura. That is why biblical identity is one of the identity markers of Protestant Christians in Indonesia. Also, it is impossible to understand the identity of Protestant Christianity in Indonesia, apart from christology as a marker of the identity in appreciating the second general principle of Protestantism: sola gratia. The unity of God as the trinity has also become another marker of identity. In the past these three identity markers are often seen as distinctive identities to "deny"� theological and soteriological truth claims of local religions and Islam. But the findings of this article show that the development of Protestant Christian theology in Indonesia after the New Order is more open to and dialogical with the theological and soteriological beliefs of local and Islamic religions. Although it must be admitted that in terms of trinitarian identity it still takes time to enter the dialogue with those religious traditions.
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16

Landry, Stan M. "That All May Be One? Church Unity and the German National Idea, 1866–1883". Church History 80, n.º 2 (13 de mayo de 2011): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000047.

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Despite the political unification of the German Empire in 1871, the longstanding confessional divide between German Catholics and Protestants persisted through the early Wilhelmine era. Because confessional identity and difference were pivotal to how Germans imagined a nation, the meaning of German national identity remained contested. But the formation of German national identity during this period was not neutral—confessional alterity and antagonism was used to imagine confessionally exclusive notions of German national identity. The establishment of a “kleindeutsch” German Empire under Prussian-Protestant hegemony, the anti-Catholic policies of the Kulturkampf, and the 1883 Luther anniversaries all conflated Protestantism with German national identity and facilitated the marginalization of German Catholics from early Wilhelmine society, culture, and politics. While scholars have recognized this “confessionalization of the German national idea” they have so far neglected how proponents of church unity imagined German national unity and identity. This paper examines how Ut Omnes Unum—an ecumenical group of German Catholics and Protestants—challenged the conflation of Protestantism and German national identity and instead proposed an inter-confessional notion of German national identity that was inclusive of both Catholics and Protestants.
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17

McLeister, Mark. "Worship, Technology and Identity: A Deaf Protestant Congregation in Urban China". Studies in World Christianity 25, n.º 2 (agosto de 2019): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0258.

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This paper 1 analyses a Deaf community in urban China and explores the extent to which this particular community has contextualised a Protestant message centred on understandings of sin as a disability. The construction of this message is based on a shared identity as both Deaf and Protestant and is mediated through a shared practice of signing and a common written language (Chinese). Circulation of this message is facilitated by technology and social media. Based on ethnographic data generated in a Deaf congregation in Yantai, Shandong province, I argue that while the message of this particular group is highly contextualised, the community has both national and transnational ties, linking it to a range of Protestant groups both within and outside mainland China. This paper furthers our understanding of how Christian identity is shaped in contemporary China.
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18

Brouwer, R. "Hybrid Identity. Exploring a Dutch Protestant community of faith". Verbum et Ecclesia 29, n.º 1 (3 de febrero de 2008): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v29i1.4.

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Communities of faith develop their identity in dialogue with changing social and cultural contexts. This article presents a single case of identity formation in a local congregation of the Protestants Church in the Netherlands, in a changing environment. Out of one specific congregational practice, namely the liturgical (non)-affirmation of same-sex marriages, the complexity of identity construction in a plural and diverse congregation is shown. From a qualitative empirical research perspective, the details of a congregational practice are unfolded in an ethnographic, thick description of the identity. All the different aspects and voices with regard to the congregational practice together give shape to an identity gestalt. The outcome of this detailed research into one practice of a community of faith is that identity is under construction. Unambiguous and uniform congregational identities are rare. In this particular case the identity is even diffuse. The church council and the congregation members find it difficult to state their identity in a positive way and to find agreement on that. The ‘hybridisation’ of identity is presented as a concept that can shed some light on the nature of identity formation. In a global world, integrated contexts and integrated cultures and identities no longer exist. Contextualisation is a never-ending process. Hybrid identities are construed out of different fragments. Identity construction results from a process of negotiation. This asks for transparant communication and a constructive dealing with differences. As a community of difference, the church as koinonia receives its identity in dialogue with all who are involved. The outcome of this dialogue should be beneficial to not only the congregation but also to its social and cultural environment.
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19

Lindner, Christine B. ""In this religion I will live, and in This religion I will die": Performativity and the Protestant Identity in Late Ottoman Syria". Chronos 22 (7 de abril de 2019): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v22i0.447.

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In 1850, an Imperial firmän was circulated by the Ottoman authorities regarding the Protestant religion. It stated ' . [l]et, then, a respectable and trustworthy person, acceptable to and chosen by themselves, from among their own number, be appointed, with the title of "Agent of the Protestants," who shall be attached to the department of the Minister of Police,' and thus serve as the official representative for the Protestant community to the Porte. This order was pronounced during the Tan;imät, an important period of reform when the Ottoman goverment sought to reconfigure its relationship with its diverse subjects (Hanssen, Philipp and Weber 2002:6- 21; Hanssen 2002:49-74; Makdisi 2008:184-186). This specific decree was a response to a series of events, whereby different groups of individuals, around the Empire, appropriated Euro-American theology and church structuring to their own social and religious practices. Through this and subsequent pronouncements, the Ottoman government recognized and incorporated the different pockets of Protestantism that emerged throughout the Empire and integrated this new religious identity into official structures.
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20

Zemmrich, Eckhard. "Developing Christian Identity". Ecclesial Practices 1, n.º 1 (2014): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22144471-00101006.

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For the comparatively young Protestant churches in Indonesia, questions of Christian identity are of vital importance within their cultural environments which are shaped by other religions. Drawing on examples of developments in the history of three Indonesian churches in Sulawesi, Java and Bali, different aspects of the struggle to contextualize Christian identity are traced. For this, two Academic concepts of Indonesian contextual theology are employed, those of Theodorus Kobong and Emanuel Gerrit Singgih. Interpreted with the aid of basic categories used in theories of intercultural theology, those developments are read as pointing to the question on which role ecclesial practice plays within the hermeneutic circle between text and context for constituting Christian identity.
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21

Bean, Lydia, Jason Kaufman y Marco Jesus Gonzalez. "Why doesn't Canada have an American-style Christian Right? A Comparative Framework for Analyzing the Political Effects of Evangelical Subcultural Identity". Canadian Journal of Sociology 33, n.º 4 (11 de diciembre de 2008): 899–944. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs570.

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Political commentators have asked if Canada could see the rise of an American-style “Culture War,” where evangelical Protestants are rallied by moral issues to support the Conservative party. This paper argues that even though Canadian evangelicals are just as morally conservative as American evangelicals, they work from very different understandings about the relationship between religious morality and national identity. We predict that rank-and-file Canadian evangelicals will be less responsive to political mobilization around moral issues because they construct their subcultural identity differently than American evangelicals. This paper uses a multimethod strategy to analyze the political impact of evangelical subcultural identity, a cultural mechanism that mediates the political effects of moral attitudes. We illustrate this multidimensional concept of subcultural identity through survey data, in-depth interviews, and comparative-historical data. This comparative framework for studying subcultural identity helps explain why the content of evangelical Protestant morality becomes linked to political behaviour in some national contexts and historical periods but not others. Résumé. Les commentateurs politiques se sont demandé si le canada pouvait voir l’émergence d’une « Guerre culturelle » de type américain, qui verrait les Protestants évangéliques soutenir le parti conservateur sur la base de questions morales. Dans cet article, nous soutenons que bien que les évangéliques canadiens soient tout aussi conservateur sur le plan moral que les évangéliques américains, ils comprennent de façon très différente la relation entre morale religieuse et identité nationale. Nous prédisons que la base des évangéliques canadiens est peu susceptible de répondre à une mobilisation politique sur des questions morales, parce que son identité sous-culturelle est construite différemment de celle des évangéliques américains. Cet article mets en œuvre des méthodes croisées pour analyser l’impact politique de la sous culture évangélique, comprise comme un mécanisme culturel qui influence l’effet politique de dispositions morales. Nous illustrons le concept multidimensionnel d’identité sous-culturelle en mobilisant des données quantitatives, des entretiens approfondis, et des données historiques comparatives. Une utilisation comparative du cadre de l’identité sous culturelle permet d’expliquer pourquoi le contenu de la morale évangélique protestante n’affecte les comportements politiques que dans certains contextes nationaux et périodes historiques.
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22

Heal, Bridget. "Marian Devotion and Confessional Identity in Sixteenth-Century Germany". Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015102.

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The Virgin Mary provided a powerful focal point for religious identity. During the early modern period Mary-worship marked out one Christian confession from another, rather than Christian from Jew, as in the Middle Ages, or Catholic from secularist, as in more modern times. Intra-Christian disputes over Mary’s status were particularly intense in Germany, the heartland of the Reformation, where Catholic and Protestant lived side by side. This paper will consider the fate of Marian imagery and devotion in three of Germany’s key free cities: Nuremberg, Augsburg, and Cologne. Each city had a different confessional structure: Nuremberg adopted the Lutheran faith in 1525; Augsburg’s council introduced wide-ranging and radical (Zwinglian-influenced) reforms in the 1530s but the city had religious parity imposed on it in 1548; Cologne remained Catholic, despite the presence of a considerable Protestant minority within its city walls and the attempts of two archbishops to introduce a synodal Reformation. These three cities therefore illustrate the spectrum of possible responses of traditional Marian veneration to the pressures of Protestant and Catholic reform. A comparison between them allows us to assess the impact of both doctrinal debate and local circumstance on the expression of Marian piety, and reveals the various ways in which Marian devotion might be used to create confessional consciousness and define religious allegiance.
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23

Macagno, Lorenzo. "Missionaries and the Ethnographic Imagination. Reflections on the Legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod (1863–1934)". Social Sciences and Missions 22, n.º 1 (2009): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489409x434063.

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AbstractThis article consists of a reflection on the ethnographic and political legacy of the protestant missionary Henri-Alexandre Junod. A member of the Swiss Mission, Junod was one of the few missionaries to enjoy the recognition of “professional” anthropologists in his time (among them, Malinowski himself, who praised his pioneering ethnography on the Thonga of southern Africa). But beyond his important ethnographic legacy, his work as a missionary brought him into contact with many perplexities and paradoxes. Besides living and working in the Union of South Africa – present day South Africa – he lived for many years in Mozambique, where at certain times, his presence – and that of the protestant missionaries in general – was not well accepted by Portuguese Colonial Regime. Today, the policies on bilingual education, the process of reinvention of the Shangaan identity, the multicultural dilemmas of post-socialist Mozambique and the role of the Protestant churches in the formation of the civil society, cannot be understood without a systematic and renewed reflection on the legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod. Cet article propose une réflexion sur l'héritage ethnographique et politique du missionnaire protestant Henri-Alexandre Junod. Membre de la Missions Suisse Romande, Junod fut un des rares missionnaires qui fut reconnu de son vivant par les anthropologues "professionnels" (entre autres Malinowski lui-même qui loua son travail ethnographique sur les Thonga d'Afrique australe). Au-delà son héritage ethnographique, le travail de Junod comme missionnaire l'exposa aussi à plusieurs perplexités et paradoxes. En plus de vivre et travailler dans l'Union d'Afrique du Sud – aujourd'hui Afrique du sud – il vécut durant de nombreuses années au Mozambique où, à certains moments, sa présence – et celle des missionnaires protestants en général – ne fut pas bien acceptée par le régime colonial portugais. Aujourd'hui les politiques d'éducation bilingues, le processus de la réinvention de l'identité Shangaan, les dilemmes multiculturels d'un Mozambique postsocialiste et le rôle des églises Protestantes dans la formation d'une société civile ne peuvent pas être compris sans une réflexion systématique et renouvelée de l'héritage d'Henri-Alexandre Junod.
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24

Baku, Eszter, Erzsébet Urbán y Zorán Vukoszávlyev. "Protestant Space-Continuity". Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 5 (25 de julio de 2018): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2017.5.0.5146.

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Intensive efforts started in the last decades to get to know the Central and Eastern European and the Hungarian church architecture. In this historically depressed period (1920/1945/1989), church buildings were important identity forming potencies in the life of the Protestant communities newly emerged by the rearrangement of country's borders. The modern architectural principles, the structural and liturgical questions gave opportunity for continuous experimentations in the examined period, which resulted a centralizing tendency between the two world wars. Analysing the Protestant space organization, it is verifiable that these centralizing tendencies with identification character did not pull out from the de-emphasizing church architecture in spite of the historical–political events of World War II. The primary importance of the study is the holistic examination of the Protestant church architecture of the 20th century. The study shows the Protestant Church activity of the period through the two most significant denominations —the Calvinist and the Lutheran church architecture—, thereby providing a typological approach.
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25

Bertram-Troost, Gerdien, Inge Versteegt, Jacomijn van der Kooij, Inger van Nes y Siebren Miedema. "Beyond the Split between Formal School Identity and Teachers’ Personal Worldviews: Towards an Inclusive (Christian) School Identity". Education Sciences 8, n.º 4 (30 de noviembre de 2018): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci8040208.

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Religious diversity within Dutch schools has greatly increased. We carried out an empirical study to offer insights into how secondary school teachers (try to) relate to the formal Protestant Christian identity of their school, the challenges they experience in relation to their own personal worldview, and the recommendations they have to overcome these challenges. In our qualitative study, we interviewed thirty-two teachers from eight different schools. In selecting the schools, we took into account the diversity of Protestant Christian secondary education in the Netherlands. The teachers teach different subjects in a variety of disciplines (languages, creative arts, sciences, et cetera). For many teachers, their personal worldview does not align neatly with the formal religious identity of the school. As a result, teachers experience challenges in relation to, for example, the act of daily worship and (Christian) celebrations. Teachers also experience tensions regarding the extent to which schools could or should be open towards (religious) others. Teachers’ advice, among other recommendations, is to create room for an open exchange of views, opinions, and experiences between teachers and principals. Some teachers recommend that their principal reconsider the formal Christian identity of the school and search for another, more inclusive school identity with which everyone involved can better identify.
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26

PERRY, NANDRA. "Imitatioand Identity: Thomas Rogers, Philip Sidney, and the Protestant Self". English Literary Renaissance 35, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2005): 365–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.2005.00063.x.

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27

Wahlberg, Mats. "Why isn't faith a work? An examination of Protestant answers". Scottish Journal of Theology 68, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2015): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930615000058.

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AbstractProtestant critique of the Catholic idea of inherent righteousness has, since the time of the Reformation, given rise to counter-questions about the status of faith in Protestant theology. Is faith a human condition for justification (that is, a human act or inherent property which is necessary for justification), and why should not faith in that case be counted as a kind of work? Many Protestant theologians, however, view it as very important to dissociate faith from works. This article examines a number of Protestant attempts to explain why faith is not a work. The examined explanations rely on a number of ideas, for example, that faith is not a work because faith is a gift of God, or because faith is non-voluntary, or because faith is not a condition of justification, or because faith does not merit justification, or because faith is union with Christ. The problem with many of these Protestant answers to the question of why faith is not a work is that they can equally well be used to explain why the supernatural virtue of love is not a work. The Reformers, however, strongly associated love with ‘works of the law’, and wanted to keep love out of the doctrine of justification. For Protestants who share this view of love, the present article poses a challenge. Is it possible to dissociate faith from works without at the same time dissociating love from works, thereby legitimising the Tridentine understanding of justification? The author concludes that this is indeed possible, but only if an important identity marker for much Protestant theology is given up, namely the purely forensic understanding of the doctrine of justification.
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28

Lim, Elisha. "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Facebook: Updating Identity Economics". Social Media + Society 6, n.º 2 (abril de 2020): 205630512091014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120910144.

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Scholars and news media generally name Facebook’s two central problems: that its data collection practices are a threat to user privacy, and that stricter regulations are required to prevent “bad actor” from spreading hate and disinformation. However separating these two concerns—personal data collection and bad actors—overlooks the way that one generates the other. First, this article builds on critical race scholarship to examine how identity politics are historically distorted and commodified into profitable vigilance and intolerance, in what I call a transition from identity politics, to personal identity economics. Facebook’s Ad Manager, for example, reveals how personal identities are itemized as advertising assets, which are cultivated through deeper, more trenchant identity politics. Second, this article theorizes about what makes such staunch, intolerant identity politics addictive. Drawing on Max Weber’s theories of the Protestant Ethic, this article explores how Facebook activism thrives on deep-rooted Christian paradigms of dogma, virtue, redemption, and piety. As dogmatic personal identity economics spread across the globe, they testify to how Facebook’s business model manufactures bad actors.
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29

Sirotkin, P. F. "Some features of the activities of Protestant-Evangelical associations of the Perm region". Voprosy kul'turologii (Issues of Cultural Studies), n.º 12 (7 de noviembre de 2020): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-01-2012-02.

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The paper describes some features of the religious life of the Perm Protestant-Evangelical associations operating in the Perm territory. Examples of the activities of inter-confessional structures in the region, as well as cases of transformation of the religious identity of Protestant-Evangelical organizations are considered.
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30

LACHENICHT, SUSANNE. "Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National IDENTITIES, 1548–1787". Historical Journal 50, n.º 2 (9 de mayo de 2007): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006085.

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This article addresses the extent to which Protestant states in Europe and North America depicted the French Protestants who had found refuge in these states, as having contributed to the process of nation building and the formation of national identity. It is shown that the arrival of Huguenots was portrayed positively as the historians of these nations could contend that Huguenots had been absorbed readily into the host society because their virtues of frugality and industry corresponded admirably with the ethic of their hosts. The article demonstrates that, in no case, did this depiction correspond with reality. It shows that within those countries of refuge, Huguenots fostered a distinctive French Protestant identity that enabled them to remain aloof from the culture of their host society. In all cases Huguenots asserted themselves as a self-confident minority, convinced of the superiority of their language and culture who believed themselves to be privileged in this world as in the next. When national histories came to be composed, this dimension to the Huguenot minorities came to be expunged from historical memory as was also the fact that the Huguenots were but one of several minorities whose distinctiveness had contributed largely to the shaping of the state, culture, and society of the emerging nation-states.
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31

Kotljarchuk, Andrej. "Ruthenian Protestants of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and their relationship with Orthodoxy, 1569–1767". Lithuanian Historical Studies 12, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2007): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01201003.

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In the nineteenth century when the process of the formation of modern ethnic identity in Eastern Europe started, Belarus lost its educated strata, the Ruthenian elite, the potential leadership of this movement. That happened for a number of reasons. Among them, there was the success of the Counter-Reformation over Protestantism and Orthodoxy in Belarus and Lithuania. After 1667 Catholicism became the sign of political loyalty to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. As a result, step by step the Ruthenian nobility and the upper class of townspeople of Orthodox and Protestant faiths adopted Polish religious and cultural identity under the formula ‘gente ruthenus, natione polonus.’ Very little has been written about the ethnic Ruthenian nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, especially its Protestant group. The aim of this article is to present an overview of the relationship between the early modern Protestant and Orthodox parts of the Ruthenian elite and their correlated identity.
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32

PARK, Gyeung-Su. "A Study on Protestant Identity of Katharina Schütz Zell of Strasbourg". KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY 50, n.º 1 (31 de marzo de 2018): 125–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15757/kpjt.2018.50.1.005.

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33

Ludington, Charles C. "Between Myth and Margin: The Huguenots in Irish History*". Historical Research 73, n.º 180 (1 de febrero de 2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00091.

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Abstract This article surveys the modern historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland. As victims of religious persecution, but also as Protestants, the historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland provides an excellent barometer for measuring contemporary political and historiographical concerns within Ireland. In the long and arduous struggles over Irish identity, religion and political control, the Huguenots have been used by some historians to represent heroic Protestant victims of Catholic, absolutist tyranny, and the prosperity‐inducing values of Protestant dissent. Alternatively, they have been overlooked as inconsequential bit‐players in the clear cultural and political divide between Saxon and Celt. In post‐1920 Ireland, they have also represented the legitimacy of southern Irish Protestantism. More recently, professional historians have attempted to examine the Huguenot refugee communities in Ireland with no preconceived notions or political points of view. This approach has proved fruitful. Nevertheless, by representing European connections in Irish history and cultural diversity within Irish society at a time when these issues are debated throughout the island, the Huguenots in Ireland remain a potent political symbol.
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34

Wells-Oghoghomeh, Alexis. "Race and Religion in the Afterlife of Protestant Supremacy". Church History 88, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 767–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001902.

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In her book Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World, Katharine Gerbner offers a rich history of Protestant planters’ efforts to tether Christian identity to free status and European descent in the American colonies, and missionaries’ answering attempts to reconcile African and indigenous conversion with enslavement. Gerbner's concept of Protestant Supremacy names the sociopolitical function and economic utility of “religious belonging,” specifically how Christian institutional, discursive, and ritual spaces demarcated boundaries between the enslaved and their enslavers, prefiguring race in the process. In this history of Atlantic slavery, religion is not subsidiary to the punitive, legal, sexual, and economic systems that enabled the enslavement of African and indigenous peoples in the Americas. Rather, Gerbner argues that Protestant Christianity provided a metastructure for the race-based caste systems that emerged in Barbados and other British colonies in the Americas. Through an intense and extensive interrogation of correspondence, missionary accounts, and institutional records from across the Atlantic, she traces how Protestant emissaries established “Christian” as a “protoracial” term and hastened the legal and discursive codification of lineage-based American caste systems in the process. The linkage of Christian identity and nascent whiteness not only exposes the Protestant architecture of American racial logics, but also sparks nuanced questions about how African, indigenous, and creole people oriented themselves toward Protestantism in early America. In this way, Gerbner definitively situates religion at the center of ongoing conversations about racial formation in the Americas, while opening up avenues for fresh speculation and imaginative intellectual trajectories in studies of American religion and Atlantic slavery.
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35

Vukoszávlyev, Zorán. "Space forming a community, community forming a space". Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 5 (25 de julio de 2018): 26–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2017.5.0.5141.

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The identity is expressed in a self-picture, which has visible and immaterial marks. The church architecture is the essential appearance form of this, because it represents not the individual but the community. It gives an account of the self-identity conscience of the church through the community. In this way, architecture gets a great task: physically visualising this immaterial identity. This picture is formed with respect to the technical and aesthetic knowledge.Does the basically recognizable protestant form exist? Are there ground-plans or spatial form elements, which are the obligate characteristics of these churches? Reflected well on the theological questions, we seek to detect what can determine the identity of the protestant churches in an aesthetic sense by a research highlighting the most important decesions on theological background and churches built in a term of a century.
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36

Gracie, Anita y Andrew W. Brown. "Controlled schools in Northern Ireland – de facto Protestant or de facto secular?" International Journal of Christianity & Education 23, n.º 3 (13 de agosto de 2019): 349–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056997119868819.

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The Controlled Schools’ sector in Northern Ireland is usually described as de facto Protestant. By examining its history and current context, this article considers the veracity of that statement. In many schools RE is often ‘squeezed out’ of an already overcrowded timetable. This results in the quantity and quality of RE teaching varying widely, unlike other areas of the curriculum. The article explores whether the sector's ethos is Protestant, secular, Christian or multi-faith. It concludes that, although perhaps unclear about their Protestant identity and uncomfortable about being deemed secular, schools are clear about their de facto Christian status.
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37

Todd, Jennifer, Nathalie Rougier, Theresa O'Keefe y Lorenzo Cañás Bottos. "Does being Protestant matter? Protestants, minorities and the re-making of ethno-religious identity after the Good Friday Agreement". National Identities 11, n.º 1 (marzo de 2009): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608940802680912.

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38

Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Lubnani,Libanais, Lebanese: Missionary Education, Language Policy and Identity Formation in Modern Lebanon". Studies in World Christianity 18, n.º 1 (abril de 2012): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0003.

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This article examines language instruction and religious and socio-political identity formation in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century American Protestant and French Jesuit missionary institutions in Lebanon. It compares French, English and Arabic language education policies at Saint Joseph University (Université Saint-Joseph), Syrian Protestant College (now the American University in Beirut) and the American Syria Mission schools under the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the USA. The article considers the mutual transformations in the encounter between missionaries and Lebanese students and addresses the relationship between language learning and educational, literary and nationalist development in the Middle East. Emphasising the agency of Arabic-speaking Ottoman subjects and their reciprocal relationship with missionaries, it argues that before the turn of the century, those individuals who acquired a foreign language and excelled in literary Arabic charted the course toward social, cultural and political change in the twentieth century.
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39

Klassen, Pamela E. "Textual Healing: Mainstream Protestants and the Therapeutic Text, 1900–1925". Church History 75, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2006): 809–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700111849.

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Healing—whether via medical or miraculous means—has increasingly caught the attention of scholars of North American Protestantism within the past decade. Recent studies have convincingly argued that healing was at the heart of Protestant identity, especially in turn-of-the-twentieth-century United States and Canada. Loosely defined as the restoring of physical or emotional well-being with recourse to medical, symbolic, or religious means, healing is often distinguished from curing as a therapeutic approach with more “ho-listic” goals than the cessation of particular physical ailments. Nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century groups known for their commitment to divine healing and their antipathy to biomedicine, such as Christian Scientists and Pentecostals, are readily fit within this paradigm of healing, but so too are groups often thought to have disparaged faith healing in their embrace of biomedicine, such as mainstream Anglo-Protestants. Through foreign and domestic medical missions, establishing hospitals and medical schools, and initiating deaconess orders, mainstream Protestant groups, including Anglicans and Methodists, made healing central to their public identity and daily practice. In the process, they faced the tricky negotiation of embracing epistemologies of scientific medicine without surrendering their own theologies of God's omnipotent love, all the while living in an increasingly “therapeutic culture.” Complicating their task was their persistent encounter with different, often competing versions of religious healing, whether in the encounter with natives in colonial missions or in the challenge of rival therapeutic theologies such as those of Christian Science. Making their way through this era of increasing medicalization (and increasing contestation of medicalization), mainstream Protestants developed a strain of Christian healing that was unabashedly medicalized and modern, and they testified to its power in print and in practice.
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40

LE COUTEUR, HOWARD. "Upholding Protestantism: The Fear of Tractarianism in the Anglican Church in Early Colonial Queensland". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62, n.º 2 (4 de marzo de 2011): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909991254.

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Gender ideologies have been shown to be an important element in creating national identity. The settler population of early colonial Queensland was largely drawn from Protestant England and Scotland, and Catholic Ireland. In the process of social formation, Anglican men contributed to building a Protestant hegemony that strove to marginalise the Irish Catholic part of the population. In doing so they bracketed Tractarianism with Catholicism in an attempt to assert the essentially Protestant nature of Anglicanism. This paper explores three debates that took place in the public domain in the period 1855–65, and their impact on the local Anglican community and on social formation in the fledgling colonial society.
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41

Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Transnational Christianity and Converging Identities". Mission Studies 32, n.º 2 (3 de junio de 2015): 250–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341403.

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This study of Arabic speaking Protestant churches in New Jersey adds to the limited amount of existing scholarship on Arab American Protestantism and aims to make Arab Christianity a topic of discussion within studies of world Christianity and mission. After considering the historical and demographical data on Arabic speaking churches in the United States, it examines the ecology and culture of five Arabic Protestant churches in New Jersey and identifies key factors in individual and congregational identity formation. The study recognizes the converging identities and multiple reference points for first and second generation Arab Protestant immigrants in America and the challenges and opportunities their congregations face in facilitating members’ transition experiences.
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42

Block, Kristen. "Conversion as a Communal System of the Protestant Atlantic World". Church History 88, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 759–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001884.

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Katharine Gerbner's wide-ranging and provocative book connects a broad range of scholarship on religion and race in the Protestant Atlantic world prior to the Great Awakening. It is organized around her concept of an emerging ideology of “Protestant Supremacy,” which she argues was the first step toward White Supremacy. This ideology came out of evangelizing failures in the seventeenth-century colonial Americas as Protestant slaveholders reframed their own values on religious and secular freedom in the context of colonial settlement and the growth of African slavery. This argument is entirely convincing and innovative in its comparisons of sometimes separate denominational scholarship. In my comments, I hope to reflect on Gerbner's use of the word conversion, a keyword in her book's title and one that many religious historians employ in their own work. Gerbner outlined her views in the introduction to her book (pages 6–12), but a fuller version of her arguments can also be found in her 2015 article published in History Compass, “Theorizing Conversion: Christianity, Colonization, and Consciousness in the Early Modern Atlantic World.” Her engagement with scholarly definitions rightly focuses on the malleability of what defined conversion in this eighteenth century Protestant Atlantic world—both when comparing different denominations and as a process that changed over time in conversation with things like slavery. She retains the word since the baptism and conversion of enslaved Africans prompted European Protestants to rethink their definition of Christianity, and particularly prompted them to find new ways to exclude non-whites. She also argues that using the term conversion helps to validate the actions and self-articulated changed identity of African-descendant converts as they engaged with majority white cultures hostile to their inclusion in the Christian community.
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43

Cameron, Euan. "The Debate over Superstitions and the Struggle for a British Protestant Identity". Reformation 17, n.º 1 (enero de 2012): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/refm.v17.75.

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44

Ceraldi, Gabrielle. "“POPISH LEGENDS AND BIBLE TRUTHS”: ENGLISH PROTESTANT IDENTITY IN CATHERINE SINCLAIR'S Beatrice". Victorian Literature and Culture 31, n.º 01 (marzo de 2003): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150303000184.

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45

RUSSELL, ALEXANDER. "The Colloquy of Poissy, François Baudouin and English Protestant Identity, 1561–1563". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 65, n.º 3 (12 de junio de 2014): 551–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913000584.

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This article examines English attitudes towards a moderate solution to the confessional struggles in France in the 1560s. It uses the activities of the scholar and advocate of concord, François Baudouin, as a point of focus, demonstrates, for the first time, the full extent of his English connection, and shows that he proposed to use English Protestant worship as the basis for negotiations between Catholics and Huguenots in France. The article advances our understanding of England's place within the international Reformed movement, and sheds further light on the difficulties of achieving religious compromise in this period.
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46

Cuneo, Pia F. "The Reformation of Riding: Protestant Identity and Horsemanship at North German Courts". Court Historian 24, n.º 3 (2 de septiembre de 2019): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14629712.2019.1675322.

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47

Jones, Preston. "The Bible and Protestant British North American Identity in the Early 1860s". American Review of Canadian Studies 29, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1999): 651–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722019909481645.

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48

MAIDEN, JOHN G. "English Evangelicals, Protestant National Identity, and Anglican Prayer Book Revision, 1927-1928". Journal of Religious History 34, n.º 4 (15 de noviembre de 2010): 430–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2010.00905.x.

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49

Calvillo, Jonathan. "Intergenerational Ties in Latinx Protestant Congregations: Sustaining Ethnicity through Organizational and Affective Connections". Religions 10, n.º 9 (27 de agosto de 2019): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10090504.

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This paper examines the persistence of intergenerational ties within Latinx Protestant Congregations (LPCs) and the implications these ties have for the persistence of LPCs as distinctly ethnic institutions. Though studies of generational transitions within ethnic congregations tend to emphasize intergenerational discontinuity, this paper uncovers ways that Latinx Protestants maintain intergenerational ties through LPC involvement, both within and across institutional settings. Rather than focusing on the content of intergenerational transmission, such as cultural practices, ethnic material, or explicit identity labels, this paper is concerned with a more preliminary matter of ethnic identity maintenance—the persistence of channels of transmission across generations. In particular, this paper examines how LPC organizational structures sustain cross-generational links, and how later generation Latinxs express affective ties to earlier generation Latinxs. Taking a religious ecology approach, findings are based on in-depth qualitative research conducted within six LPCs, and an informal survey of eleven additional LPCs, all located in the city of Santa Ana, California, a Latinx majority city. Findings suggest that LPCs are successfully cultivating intergenerational ties among a select group of later generation Latinxs, and that later generation Latinxs who stay connected to LPCs value these ties.
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50

Murdock, Graeme. "Responses to Habsburg Persecution of Protestants in Seventeenth-Century Hungary". Austrian History Yearbook 40 (abril de 2009): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000046.

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This article considers responses to Habsburg persecution of Protestants in Hungary during the 1670s. Focusing on the Reformed church, it will first assess how long-established contacts with Reformed co-religionists in northwestern Europe came to provide support for Hungarians in the face of violent state repression. This will concentrate in particular on the trial and imprisonment of Protestant clergy after 1674 and on the liberation of one group of ministers in 1676, thanks to Dutch intervention. It will then consider the diverse ways in which Habsburg persecution of Hungarian Protestants was represented in the Dutch Republic, England, France, and in Hungary, and what this reveals about the international Reformed community toward the end of the confessional age. It will then assess the role of persistent but shifting memories of this era of martyrs and liberators in the later development of Hungarian Reformed identity.
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