Tesis: "Rape as a weapon of war"

1

Ayele, Missale. "Public Health Implications of Mass Rape as a Weapon of War". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/167.

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Although rape and other forms of sexual violence have historically been present during wartime, it has recently become a strategic weapon of war in many settings. The term mass rape as a weapon of war is defined as a systematic pattern of rape perpetrated by fighters usually against civilian women and children at a rate much higher than the rate of rape prevailing during peacetime. This study will examine issues surrounding mass rape as a weapon of war including: emerging theories, effectiveness of current international law, public health consequences, and relevant indicators of likelihood of occurrence. Grave physical and mental health outcomes associated with mass rape highlight the need for intervention through policy and program planning. The proposed multi-dimensional prevention pathway addresses the ecological determinants of mass rape.

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2

Wilson, Regina. "Rape as a weapon of war gender nationalism and identity in IR /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw7518.pdf.

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3

Peltola, Larissa. "Rape and Sexual Violence Used as a Weapon of War and Genocide". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1965.

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Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.

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4

Baumgarten, Alisse. "Rape as a Weapon of War: The Demystification of the German Wehrmacht During the Second World War". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/586.

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The German Armed Forces were originally thought to be completely innocent of all war crimes associated with unethical Nazi racial policies. This has been proven not to be the case. History has adjusted itself to show that Wehrmacht forces were guilty of virtually every war crime except for the sexual violation foreign women. Due to the long-standing assumption that Nazi racial ideology prevented the intermingling of the “Aryan” race with the “unworthy” Eastern European races, this myth was rarely questioned. Given the lack of hard evidence proving that civilian women were raped by invading Wehrmacht troops, a firm conclusion is out of the question. However, with a concrete understanding of the Nazi attitude towards sexual relations, the components in the East that led to a breakdown in Wehrmacht discipline, and the resulting reaction of the Soviet Union in light of this brutality, one can surmise the type of violence women were forced to endure. Through the research conducted in this thesis, it is likely that the mass rape of Eastern European women did indeed occur. The silence that surrounds this issue is highly indicative of the cultural elements that prevent an open discussion of this topic. This thesis is meant to spark a discussion of the implications and reverberations of mass rape in a wartime setting.

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5

Toniolo, Linda <1991&gt. "Rape in International Humanitarian Law: a perspective to the understanding of Rape as a weapon of war". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10155.

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Rape is a form of sexual violence punished by domestic and international law. When this violation is associated with the specific context of armed conflicts, the conceptualisation of rape and war becomes an inevitable form of violence against women. By adopting the lense of rape as a weapon of wartime, the thesis highlights the perspectives to understand and address the crime in the specific frameworks of armed conflicts. Firstly, it is considered how the surrounding socio-cultural-ethnic factors are involved in the normalisation of a discourse of rape, leading in certain cases to reach the extra-ordinary policies, up to the dimension of genocide, affecting victims as well as the society as a whole. Secondly, it is analysed the nature of the international judicial framework for armed conflicts, and in particular, it is questioned the provisions specific to women within the 1949 Geneva Conventions and their effectiveness from feminist legal perspective. Thirdly, it is regarded the achievements of the international criminal law, the recognition and the approach adopted during some cases of the ICTY and ICTR have provided a precedent in the prosecution of rape. Fourthly, it is underlined the importance of the transitional justice and the non-judicial measures, especially by the means of reparations and truth-seeking, ensuring the access to justice on a gender based approach.

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6

Gafford, Lindsay D. Marsh Christopher. "The Gospel of indifference rape as a weapon of war and the church in Rwanda and Sudan /". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5187.

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7

Gless, Kathleen M. E. "A critique of testimonies and an art of surviving Rwandanese genocidal rape survivors, incest and stranger rape survivors /". Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3064.

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Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 142. Thesis director: Debra Bergoffen. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed July 3, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-141). Also issued in print.

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8

Langeveldt, Veleska. "(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African Union". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4068.

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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin
The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war

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9

Bitar, Sali. "Sexual violence as a weapon of war: the case of ISIS in Syria and Iraq". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-270180.

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This thesis set out to research why ISIS combatants use sexual violence when they target the Yazidi community in particular. The aims have been to provide an understanding of why ISIS target Yazidi women and girls with sexual violence and develop a better understanding of both groups and thus hopefully provide assistance that is contextually adapted to the needs of Yazidi women and girls who have been targeted by ISIS. This has been done through a case study, where ISIS has been the case and the Yazidi population has been the subunit of analysis. Materials that have been released by ISIS, as well as witness statements that have been made available as secondary sources have been analysed, by applying the three theories/conceptual frameworks evolution theory, feminist theory, and the strategic rape concept to this data. The results are that the three frameworks separately cannot provide an explanation for the phenomena. Evolution theory did not provide any explanations for ISIS’ behaviour at all, not even when combined with the other frameworks. However, feminist theory in combination with the strategic rape concept explains the behaviour of ISIS, to a certain extent. There is however, a gap today in wartime sexual violence conceptualizations that need to be filled with an overarching theory that includes elements of both feminist theory and the strategic rape concept. The reasons for ISIS’ use of sexual violence are multi-layered. Sexual violence is used as strategy of war for political and religious reasons, as well as, to an extent, because of misogyny. ISIS are aiming to assimilate the area of the caliphate, while at the same time violently targeting the Yazidi population, by using their interpretation of religion as a justification, and until they reach this target of homogeneity for the caliphate, they will continue using sexual violence as a strategy of war and for the appropriation of territory and justify it with religion.

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10

Mirindi, Benoit Munganga. "Impact of Violent Rapes Among Women in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6245.

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For the last 22 years, systematic rapes and punitive violence against women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were utilized as weapons of war and a control strategy. This quantitative study built upon the ecological model of impact of sexual assault on women's mental health to investigate the relationship between the health impacts and chronic pain and depression among women survivors of sexual rape in eastern DRC. The sample included 156 female rape survivors, between 18-80 years old, and raped between 2010 and 2014 while residing in the conflict area. The research questions focused on the association between fistulas, other sexual rape-related injuries, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), feelings of worthlessness, social rejection, support from family/friends, and chronic pain and depression among women victims of sexual rape in eastern DRC. Results from multinomial logistic regression and ordinal regression tests showed strong links between independent and dependent variables: Fistula was strongly linked with chronic illness over 6 months (p = 0.003), and with upset all the time (p = 0.033); PTSD was associated with chronic illness due to violent rapes (p = 0.004) and sadness (p = 0.000); feelings of worthlessness was related to prolonged illness over 6 months (p = 0.024) and feeling blue (p = 0.006); social rejection was linked to avoidance (p = 0.003); and support from family/friends was associated with prolonged illness over 6 months (p = 0.025) and lack of excitement (p = 0.011). The results of this study could assist health care providers in formulating response strategies for identifying public health priorities in conflict area, addressing health needs, and defining approaches for reducing war-related sexual violence, chronic pain, and depression among rape survivors.

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11

Semwayo, Fadzai. "Rape as a weapon of war and newly emerging societies in the democratic republic of the Congo". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2016. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3902.

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12

Green, Jennifer Lynn. "Collective rape a cross-national study of the incidence and perpetrators of mass political sexual violence, 1980-2003 /". The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1153496251.

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13

Le, Roux Elisabet. "The role of African Christian churches in dealing with sexual violence against women : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95826.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW. The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation. As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches. The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg. Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV. Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.

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14

Brooks, Catherine Marie. "Rape in war : refuting inevitability /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arb8731.pdf.

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15

St-Laurent, Kelly. "Weapon of war : representations of sexual violence in contemporary American war cinema". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/54166.

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Sexual violence in war can no longer be ignored by contemporary American war cinema. There is a responsibility to bring to light what can be described as an epidemic of sexual assault within the American military and in times of war. This thesis looks at how the lack of representation of sexual violence in American war cinema rewrites history, and erases rape and sexual assault from public memory of military history. Due to the limited representation of wartime sexual violence, not only within American cinema, but also academically and historically, I focus on the lack of resources and cinematic depictions in order to posit how inadequate representations of sexual violence renders victims invisible. In order to provide a comprehensive overview of sexual violence in American war cinema I draw upon historical as well as academic sources. By looking at examples of sexual assault in military history I am able to detail the ways in which American war films ignore the reality of wartime sexual violence in order to rewrite history. This rewriting of history, I argue, not only erases the truth of rape and sexual assault in America’s military history, it also glorifies the white, American, male soldier. I have chosen to look at this issue from three perspectives. First, I explore what literature exists on wartime sexual violence, and where the lack of representation is in historical and academic sources. Second, I look at the Vietnam War where I discuss the films Casualties of War (dir. Brian de Palma, 1989) and Platoon (dir. Oliver Stone, 1986) in relation to their problematic depictions of rape. Third, I investigate sexual violence in the American military and its representation in the films The General’s Daughter (dir. Simon West, 1999) and G.I. Jane (dir. Ridley Scott, 1997), while drawing upon the statistics given in the documentary The Invisible War (dir. Kirby Dick, 2012). With the combined information discussed throughout this thesis I shine a spotlight on a difficult, yet important topic, in hope of helping to remove the invisibility of victims of wartime sexual violence.
Arts, Faculty of
Theatre and Film, Department of
Graduate

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16

Smith, Stacy E. "Rape as a tool of war: a critical study". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11537.

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Includes abstract.
Includes bibliographical references.
This study analyses current conceptualisations of rape as a "tool of war" in various academic disciplines and approaches including Anthropological Studies, Feminist Studies and Historical Studies. The analysis also includes Political Studies and its various sub-disciplines, case studies of African conflicts and more specifically studies of the Rwandan conflict, together with the civil war of 1990 and the genocide of 1994. The analysis will highlight the strengths and weaknesses in our current understanding of rape as a "tool of war", in order to develop a clarified framework for future analysis.

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17

De, Bruin Louise. "The silent weapon in war and peace : the power of patriarchy". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/37375.

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History has proved that too much power, in any form, is detrimental to the greater good of the society concerned. People at the hands of the power-hungry face discrimination and are often subjected to extreme violence and abuse. Society has undergone several changes and progressions through time, including economic, political and social changes. One thing that has remained unchanged however, is man‟s power over woman. Patriarchal power is present in all sectors and scenarios of society, from the home to the international legal system. My study focuses on the notion that an abundance of power leads to fear, violence and total disarray at the micro and macro levels of society. I argue that the essential problem in the relationship between man and woman is not a man‟s abuse of power, but rather that he has too much power in the first place. A culture of entitlement breeds among men, enabling them to treat women as inferior, sub-human objects. Definitions of male and female prove to be concreted into specific roles and gendered identities within the home and the greater society. People fall automatically into these roles, blindly and unquestioningly. It is for this reason that I maintain all members of society ensure the survival of patriarchy – even if they do so unconsciously. While the difference in the understanding of rape and sexual intercourse should be stark, it is blurred because they are defined according to male terms. Man‟s entitlement allows him to think it his right to take sex from a woman, even if she does not offer it willingly. Culture and tradition serve as major obstacles in any possibility of society‟s progression. Culture has proved such an undisputed order in society that it even trumps the international legal system of human rights. Culture justifies, or at least trivialises, the abuse of women. The social stigmatisation of sexual abuse silences women, providing further endorsement for men to continue asserting their power. A woman‟s life, as determined by male hierarchy, gender bias, culture and social stigmas, is therefore fated. It is with this in mind that I strongly question the progression of society into a true form of liberality and equality. In order for society to attain such a transcended state, it will have to disregard everything that it knows and deconstruct everything that has defined it up to that point. Until this is achieved, women will continue to live their lives in fear of the silent weapon in war and peace.
Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted

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18

Massey, Rachel. "'Leaky bodies' : men, war and rape in the Congo (DRC)". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/leaky-bodies-men-war-and-rape-in-the-congo-drc-m(f9c24cad-c4d1-4a00-97ca-4ae7ea125d4f).html.

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The aim of this thesis is to examine how contemporary framings of the bodies of male perpetrators of sexual violence in war constrain what we know about them. To achieve this aim it elaborates an analytical strategy of leaky bodies that develops conceptual tools for analysing how the bodies of male perpetrators of sexual violence in war disrupt our representations of them. This analytical strategy of leaky bodies is central to my analysis of the ways in which bodies of male perpetrators surface within the literature on sexual violence in the DRC. Dissatisfied with the almost ubiquitous framing of male perpetrators of sexual violence in this landscape of war as physically and emotionally hard, it uses the term leaky to explore and contest how they materialize within explanations of sexual violence in the DRC.Situated within feminist analyses of sexual violence in war this thesis asks how the generic stories of militarized masculinity that authors work within violently reproduce the bodies of perpetrators as well as how these stories permeate explanations of why soldiers rape in the DRC. In tracing how the literature on sexual violence in this warscape reproduces an image of soldiers who perpetrate rape as part of the ‘machinery’ or ‘weaponry’ of war, my analysis looks for residues or traces of leaky bodies that reveal how they consistently exceed our prevailing understandings of them. It does this by paying attention to how the stories soldiers tell about perpetrating sexual violence subvert the dominant imagery of militarized masculinity central to many other militarized narratives. In doing so, my analysis is overwhelmingly indebted to the extensive first hand research of Maria Baaz and Maria Stern whose interviews with soldiers about why rape occurs has generated unique insights into their experiences of warring in the DRC.The central contention of this thesis is subsequently that, while we cannot entirely escape working within contemporary framings of the bodies of male perpetrators of sexual violence in war, new insights can be gained into why soldiers rape by reading the male body through the window of its leakiness instead of its hardness in the DRC.

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19

O'Connell, Kaete Mary. "Weapon of War, Tool of Peace: U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.
Temple University--Theses

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20

Washington, Carolyn J. "Women, rape and war: "Gaining redress within a human rights framework"". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA278032.

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21

Sarai, Sarbjeet Kaur. "The rape of the Balkan women, an argument for the full recognition of wartime rape as a war crime". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ45298.pdf.

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22

Pedersen, Brian A. "What kept the tank from being the decisive weapon of World War One?" Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA475594.

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23

Vukasovich, Christian A. "The Media is the Weapon: The Enduring Power of Balkan War (Mis)Coverage". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1339619438.

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24

Edwards, Jonathan P. "The Iraqi oil "weapon" in the 1991 Gulf War : an international law analysis". Thesis, Washington, DC : George Washington University /, 1992. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA245257.

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Thesis (Master of Laws)--George Washington University, 1992.
"February 16, 1992." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 7, 2009. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.

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25

Mulaudzi, Mutondi Muofhe. "Corrective rape and the war on homosexuality : patriarchy African culture and Ubuntu". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65700.

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26

Flaschka, Monika J. "Race, Rape and Gender in Nazi-Occupied Territories". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1258726022.

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27

Grossmann, Elena. "The Silent Aftermath of the Second World War - Ethical Loneliness in Rape Survivors". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23481.

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This thesis engages with the issue of the post-WWII rapes of women in Germany committed by the soldiers of the winning parties that occupied Germany after the war. It asks how female survivors of sexual violence during the occupation of Germany in 1945-1949 experienced social responses towards their violation. It pursues these responses in public and private sphere and explores the effect they had on the survivors and their recovery. A qualitative method of thematic analysis is employed to analyse the material consisting of interviews based on secondary sources, empirical research done by historians and psychologists, and reliable news articles that address the issue under scrutiny.The thesis contributes to Peace and Conflict Studies empirically, by exploring sensitive civilians’ lived experiences in a particular post-war setting and theoretically, through an attempt at analysis based on the theoretical framing of ethical loneliness as developed by Jill Stauffer.It shows that the predominantly negative nature of social responses in both public and private sphere held to the condition of ethical loneliness that was a crucial hindrance for the survivors’ recovery. The issue of silence is found to be especially relevant as it pertains both to social responses and to the survivors’ own attempt at coping with the situation, thereby emerging as a key reason for the lasting experience of ethical loneliness.

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28

Smith, Richard Alexander. "Britain and the strategy of the economic weapon in the war against Germany, 1914-1919". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/929.

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The thesis seeks to examine practices of British economic warfare towards Germany during the First World War. In particular it focuses on the development of methods to weaken the German will for war by convincing Germany that winning, a military victory would be pointless if it destroyed her commercial position. In doing so it brings together two separate elements of British economic warfare -trade war and control of raw materials - into a single strategy with a unified aim. It explores British attempts to destroy Germany's foreign trade organisation in order to induce German commercial interests to end to the war through fear of losing post-war markets. However, in attempting this Britain was hampered by wartime conditions which interrupted the provision of shipping, capital and goods needed to make the policy a permanent success. Many Germans believed their production and marketing methods would enable them to reclaim their share of world trade after the war. This was providing there was no punitive post-war penalisation of German trade. In June 1916 the Allies met in Pans to outline such a plan which involved the creation of an economic bloc to isolate Germany from the world trading system. At this point supplies rather than markets became the focus of economic warfare against Germany. With control of the world's raw materials, the Allies hoped to create an economic weapon capable of threatening German post-war recovery and thus have an important psychological impact on the German commercial mind-set. However such a scheme had to contend with the differing variables of Allied, American and Imperial interests. It is hoped the thesis will not only illuminate British economic policies during the First World War, but also contribute to the debate amongst historians on the relationship between international economic relations and foreign and security policies in the twentieth century.

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29

Bell, Baillie. "The Wartime Rape Narrative in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34315.

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The international community has constructed a dominant narrative to explain the prevalence of gendered violence in the eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo. This dominant narrative posits regional and national antagonisms over conflict minerals as the cause of the Congolese wars that have resulted in the mass rape of Congolese women and girls. Sexual violence against women and girls is portrayed as the most significant form of violence occurring during the Congolese wars. This narrative has had a substantial impact on how the international community has represented, researched and responded to Congolese women and gendered violence. I argue that this narrative is based on problematic conceptions of gender relations rooted in white Western feminism that are incompatible with the local experiences of Congolese women and men. The misconception of gender, gender relations and gender violence has engendered misguided intervention initiatives that have failed to produce meaningful change in the lives of Congolese women. This thesis challenges dominant discourses that inform and impose specific narratives of violence and development agendas. It moves beyond them to propose an alternative analysis of gender and gendered violence. It sheds light on the historical disconnection between international and local perspectives of gender and gender violence in the Congo, arguing that to be effective, international development and humanitarian discourses must be re-examined in light of the local socio-cultural context of eastern Congo.

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30

Bassett, Gwyn Daniel. "A discourse analysis of rape in war : case studies from Bosnia, Burma and Rwanda". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/8fd968ed-5947-4a80-8a6e-d6a6867db0b5.

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31

Finley, Briana Noelle. "The Destruction of a Society: A Qualitative Examination of the Use of Rape as a Military Tool". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4665/.

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This thesis explores the conditions under which mass rapes are more likely to be incorporated into the strategy of military or paramilitary groups during periods of conflict. I examine three societies, Rwanda , the former Yugoslavia , and Cambodia in a comparative analysis. To determine what characteristics make societies more likely to engage in rape as a military tool, I look at the status of women in the society, the religious cultures, the degree of female integration into the military institutions, the cause of the conflicts, the history of the conflict, and finally, the status of minority ethnic groups in each of these societies.

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32

Sikulibo, Jean De Dieu. "Sexual violence as a weapon of war : ensuring effective redress for victims in post-conflict situations". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2016. http://digitool.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27530.

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33

Bhattachary, Sanjoy. "A necessary weapon of war : state policies towards propaganda and information in eastern India, 1939-45". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244050.

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This thesis studies official policies of propaganda at different levels of the colonial administration in Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and the eastern United Provinces during the Second World War. By contrast to the available research, it treats 'propaganda' as a complex political strategy, whereby information and a variety of material benefits were disseminated, always biased towards a particular viewpoint, with the purpose of mobilising support for specific ideological campaigns, for example the publicity launched against the Indian National Congress between 1942 and 1944. Attention is given to the objectives of policy, the structures used to disseminate official propaganda, the limitations imposed on these efforts by the available technology, the audiences targeted, the themes advertised, and the impact of these activities on wartime and post-war politics. Contrary to earlier work on the topic, this thesis argues that colonial policy aimed not merely to suppress information inimical to that released by the state, but also to collect intelligence about the morale of specific audiences, their responses to the various nationalisms being articulated at the time, and the themes which needed to be addressed at particular junctures of the conflict. The thesis concludes that evidence of propaganda policies permiL<; generalisations about the nature of the colonial state in the 1940s. It suggests that the authorities failed to mobilise support for unpopular wartime policies amongst the civilian population and thus increasingly depended on the use of force; and that this failure contributed, in large measure, to the dissolution of the Indian Empire in 1947.

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34

Spencer, Ian M. "Work, War, and Rape| Is a Comprehensive Trauma Diagnosis Possible in a Free-Market System?" Thesis, Pacifica Graduate Institute, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1692038.

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Trauma is a social justice issue by which many of its sufferers historically have remained mystified in a web of misdiagnosis, the most notorious being hysteria. Today, individuals suffering from attachment disorders, anxiety, and depression and the victims of violence, addiction, emotional abuse, and physical abuse often have overlapping symptoms roughly mirroring trauma response symptomatology. These individuals comprise the bulk of those seeking relief from the healing professions, yet the DSM-V has but one diagnosis for trauma: posttraumatic stress syndrome. Recent advances in neuroscience have converged with observations from the field of psychology to confirm the need for a more complex trauma diagnosis. It is time to bring trauma out of the lab and into the streets. Using artistic-creative methodologies, this production thesis channels the expanding body of trauma research into comic strips designed to stimulate social dialogue about the existence of trauma response symptoms in our communities.

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35

Phiri, Claudia. "An analysis of the narratives of war-rape of refugee women through their social workers". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11126.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-97).
Sexual violence has been increasingly used against women during conflicts. The harm of war on women has been poorly visible due to the associated stigma and traditions that blame women for male sexual exploitation. As a result, it creates a collusion of secrecy around issues of sexual violence between women, perpetrators and society. Present literature on issues of trauma tends to draw on a PTSD (Post-traumatic stress disorder) model with a focus on the individual. As a result, it restricts, and limits the experiences of refugee women by neglecting a collective view of trauma. Research on the war rape experiences of refugee women is a step towards making the harm of war more visible and provides a meaning and context for their experiences.

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36

McCaul, Edward B. Jr. "Rapid technological innovation: the Evolution of the artillery fuze during the American Civil War". The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1131732518.

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37

Sadikot, Minaz. "International Law : The Issue of Rape". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-12008.

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Varför har FN inte kunnat erkänna våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott?

Denna studie har ägnats åt att upplysa användning av våldtäkt och andra former utav sexuella övergrepp under krig och dess konsekvenser för utsatta kvinnor. Studien har tillämpat en kvalitativ och litterär metod. Den största delen av materialet har tagits ur diverse artiklar, dokument och tidsskrifer. Uppsatsen upplyser kvinnors rättigheter inom den internationella arenan och studien ifrågasätter varför Förenta Nationerna (FN) har dröjt (ca.50 år) med att identifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott inom internationall lagstiftning.

Första delen av uppsatsen kommer att presentera de underliggande teorierna som preciserar konceptet sexuellt övergrepp och mer djupgående, också förklara anledningar bakom anvädning av våldtäkt, därav begränsa dess anvädning inom krigsförhållanden.

Andra delen av uppsatsen sätter fokus på termen våldtäkt och dess utveckling inom den juridiska ramen. Den behandlar folkrätt, och framhäver även orsaker till FN’s svaghet och svårighet att kunna erkänna, inte bara våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott, utan också andra frågor som är problematiska för FN att kunna hantera. Eftersom begreppet ’våldtäkt’ är relativt brett, faller det både under kvinnors rättigheter och i sin tur under mänskliga rättigheter. Av denna anledning kommer uppsatsen att ta upp de möjliga anledningar om varför det har dröjt för FN, men också dess svårighter, att kunna erkänna anvädning av våldtäkt som ett vapen inom krig.

Tredje delen av uppsatsen tar upp några av de möjliga problem som är ohanterliga för FN, bland annat kulturella skillnader och individuella åsikter mellan medlems staterna, vilket medför brist på konsensus. Uppsatsen ifrågasätter även om kvinnors rättigheter är del av mänskilga rättigheter. Utöver det kommer även uppsatsen resonera kring FN’s dilemma att kunna särskilja sin roll som ett mellanstatligt och transnationellt organ. Och sist men inte minst kommer suveräniteten, som varje stat har rätten till att erhålla, att diskuteras. Denna punkt kommer att klargöra den oenighet som förekommer mellan medlems staterna, vilket ännu än gång har resulterat i det dröjsmål som uppstått i att kunna indentifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott.

Why haven’t the UN been able to recognise rape as a weapon of war?

The thesis enlightens the usage of rape in war and the consequences this has brought on women who have been subjected to rape. The bulk of the information is taken from various articles, documents and journals and the method used is of a qualitative nature. The thesis sheds light upon women’s rights in the international arena and questions why it took so long (almost 50 years) for the United Nations (UN) in addressing rape as a war crime within international law.

The first part of the thesis will present various theories that elucidate the word sexual violence and more accurately ‘rape’ in the context of war. The second part generates the judicial part that will depict the difficulty for the international community to address rape as a war crime within international law.

Furthermore the thesis takes the approach in presenting obstacles faced by the UN, within the framework of human rights, to handle delicate issues such as rape and sexual violence. Since rape is, to a large extent, complicated and a broad concept, and since it falls under the category of women’s rights and under human rights, the thesis will explain reasons behind the dawdling and the hurdles faced by the UN in accepting rape under the category of war crime.

The third part of the thesis will present possible predicaments that are unmanageable for the UN. Some possible issues that the thesis has touched upon, is cultural diversity and differing opinions among the member states which has resulted in lack of consensus. Furthermore, the study will present the notion of women’s rights, and question if they are part of human rights. The thesis will also discuss the dual role of the UN and its struggle for the past decade to uphold its role both as an intergovernmental as well as a transnational body. Lastly the thesis will enlighten sovereignty that each state must enjoy. Sovereignty has resulted in lack of agreement among the member states which again has caused delay in recognising rape as a war crime.

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38

Stanley, Penny. "Mass rape in war : feminist thought and British press representations of the Balkan Conflict 1991-1995". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/21ca785d-697e-4796-80e8-d875b3f99261.

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This thesis is concerned with the possible inter-relationships between mass rape in war, the representation of rape in the Balkan conflict in major British broadsheet newspapers, and feminist thought. The empirical focus of the thesis consists of a critical analysis of the journalists’' reports of the occurrence of mass rape in the Balkan conflict as published in The Guardian, The Times, The Observer and The Sunday Times. Part One contextualises the thesis by providing an extensive discussion of rape, the history of mass rape in war, and the historical build-up to the Balkan conflict. Part Two contains the bulk of the empirical research: this is a critical examination of press representations of incidents of mass rape in the Balkans 1991-1995. Part Three investigates in more detail the relationship between feminist thought and the press representations of rape in war as highlighted in Part Two. Moreover, it examines some feminist 'solutions' to mass rape in war: those ideas were prompted by press interest in the subject, and its subsequent influence on particular feminist scholars. There are four main conclusions from the thesis. First, it shows that there is a complex relationship between feminist thought and press representations. Second, it argues that the relationship has positive results for both feminist theorising (providing information and ideas) and in terms of raising awareness of previously 'silenced' *issues in the public domain. Third, it suggests that the media in general has played an important role in placing the issue of mass rape in war on the international political agenda. Finally, the thesis vindicates the claim in the Introduction that the academic discipline of International Relations should be more attentive to this violent phenomenon, which has been such a regular feature of the history of war, and considers it a legitimate area of study.

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39

Stringer, Rachel Nicole. "Invisible Bodies on the Borders of War: The Hidden Role of National Security in Rape Culture". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/244789.

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The social construction of immigration as question of national security has led to the criminalization of immigration. Criminalization has encouraged the idea that greater security is needed, spiraling into the characterization of the US/Mexico border as a war zone. This is seen through the greatly increased military presence along the border as well as the militarization of the Border Patrol. This war is being waged against women's bodies, both through assaults committed by US officials and by systematically preventing immigrants from accessing resources for survivors of sexual violence. The structural and institutional causes of this sexual assault epidemic cannot be explained by current feminist frameworks for understanding sexual assault. In order to prevent future assaults, we must restructure our immigration policies and separate immigration from the Department of Homeland Security and the privatized prison-industrial complex.

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40

Nelson, Cortney. "“Our Weapon is the Wooden Spoon:” Motherhood, Racism, and War: The Diverse Roles of Women in Nazi Germany". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2448.

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The historiography of women in Nazi Germany attests to the various roles of women in the Third Reich. Although politically invisible, women were deeply involved in the Nazi regime, whether they supported the Party or not. During Nazi racial schemes, men formed and executed Nazi racial programs, but women participated in Nazi racism as students, nurses, and violent perpetrators. Early studies of German women during World War II focused on the lack of Nazi mobilization of women into the wartime labor force, but many women already held positions in the labor force before the war. Nazi mistreatment of lower-class working women and the violence against their own people, as well as Allied terror bombing and mass rape, proved the Nazis inept at protecting German women. The historiography of women in Nazi Germany is complex and controversial but proves the importance of women in the male dominated regime.

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41

Gilkes, Madeleine. "'There was no one who could escape this horrible situation' : gender-based violence in the American-Viet Nam war, 1954-1975". Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14040/.

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42

Peterson, Christian Philip. "Wielding the Human Rights Weapon: The United States, Soviet Union, and Private Citizens, 1975-1989". Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1242234040.

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43

Taylor, Jessica. "Unholy Coercion: The Complicity of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Use of Rape as a War Tactic". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28724.

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This project investigates the complicity of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the use of sexual violence as a war tactic and means of ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian War. The thesis explores this in three ways: examining religiously imbued incidents of rape by Serbian belligerents, analysing the relationship between Serbian Orthodox authorities to Serbian politics and war criminals, and deconstructing specific Serbian Orthodox theological discourses. A project of this nature relies on two foundational pillars: first, an in-depth exploration of rape (especially in conflict) and second, the interlocking and socially constructed nature of identities, particularly ethnicity, enemies and gender. The analysis relies on United Nations reports, transcripts of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, media reports and secondary sources, all of which illustrate the often subtle and discursive relationship between the Serbian Orthodox Church and the systematic rape of Bosniak women.

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44

Silvestri, Frankie. "Visibility and Vulnerability: Deconstructing Representations of Rape in the Context of War in Democratic Republic of the Congo". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22796.

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My work explores protracted conflict in DR Congo representationally, considering ways in which conflict is thematized in Western media around sexual violence. I use content and text mining to think through the role of framing in media, and conduct discourse analysis tracing how rape in the context of war has become instrumentalized by Western media to make sense of and justify interventions in the conflict in DR Congo. Specifically I examine forty-two articles published in diverse sources containing the phrase "rape capital of the world" to uncover links between violence, gender, and power. This thesis is generally situated within a postmodern feminist critique of overemphasis on rape and sexual violence as a universal narrative about women’s lives. My policy recommendation is stop implementing laws singling out rape in the context of war as a unique assault, because they enforce female vulnerability and injurability by representing women as victims/pre-victims of SGBV.

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45

Baken, Denise N. "An analysis of the potential direct or indirect influence exerted by an al Qaeda social network actor on future biological weapon mission planning". Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/2881.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--George Mason University, 2007.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 17, 2008). Thesis director: Arnauld Nicogossian. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Biodefense. Vita: p. 310. Includes bibliographical references (p. 278-309). Also available in print.

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46

Trenholm, Jill. "Women Survivors, Lost Children and Traumatized Masculinities : The Phenomena of Rape and War in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Internationell mödra- och barnhälsovård (IMCH), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-204430.

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This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of war rape in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in order to understand the dynamics, contextual realities and consequences of its perpetration. Practical and theoretical knowledge is generated which is relevant for health care interventions, humanitarian assistance and peace initiatives, that are cognizant of the actual needs of the affected populations. The study employed ethnographic methodology involving prolonged engagement with the field, participant observation, formal and informal interviews, keeping of field notes and the continuous practice of reflexivity. The four papers in this thesis represent formal interviews with participants from three distinct groups: local leaders (Paper I), ex-child soldier boys (Paper II) and women survivors of sexual violence (Paper III & IV). Qualitative Content Analysis was used for the interview study with local leaders (Paper I). Findings from this study reveal how mass rape and the methods of perpetration create a chaos effectively destroying communities. The leaders draw attention to the fact that an exclusive focus on raped women misses other structural factors that contribute to war and sexual violence, factors such as the global political economy, international apathy, the stance of the church, effects of militarization, inappropriate aid and interpretations of gender roles. Through the theoretical lenses of militarised masculinity and gender based violence, interviews with ex-child soldier boys, seen as both victims of war as well as proxy perpetrators of sexual violence, were analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings revealed the systematic and violent construction of children into soldiers, inculcating a rigid set of stereotypical hyper-masculine behaviors promoting dominance by violating the subordinate “other”. These findings argue for a more complex, contextualized view of the perpetrator resulting from the ways society has (re)constructed gender, ethnicity and class. Papers III and IV reflect the interviews and narratives provided by women survivors. Guided by thematic analysis and a matrix of theories: Structural violence, Intersectionality and “new wars”; Paper III bears witness to the women’s expressions of their profound losses and dispossession as they struggle to survive stigmatization in the impoverished margins of the warzone, along with children born of rape. The perpetrator is cited here as well as by the leaders as predominantly Interhamwe. Payne’s Sites of Resilience model used in Paper IV situates stigmatized women survivors suffering in a global context as they navigate survival, demonstrating resilience in the margins through support from their faith in God, scarce health services, indigenous healing and strategic alliances. Findings suggest that collaborations of existing strengthened networks, ie: the church, healthcare and indigenous healers, could extend the reach of sustainable and holistic support services, positively effecting already identified sites of resilience. Findings draw attention to the challenges faced by public health in addressing mass trauma. Women’s raped bodies represent tangible material damage, embedded in a matrix of globalization processes and structural violence involving gender, ethnicity and class. This requires serious reflection.

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47

Price, Lisa S. "Making rape a war crime : the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and its treatment of sexual violence". Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312977.

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48

Murph, Karen S. "Negotiating the master narratives of prostitution, slavery, and rape in the testimonies by and representations of Korean sex slaves of the Japanese military (1932-1945)". Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/451026166/viewonline.

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49

Ozel, Gulen. "Sexual Violence Against Women In Civil Wars: An Analysis Of Yugoslavian Civil War". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607244/index.pdf.

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In this thesis, the systematic usage of sexual violence towards women as a weapon during the Yugoslavian Civil War is analyzed. The study attempts to underline the role of gender identities of women during the Civil War as a means for the victimization of women through sexual violence, especially mass rapes. It is argued that with the disintegration of Yugoslavia, as men clashed for power, the portrayal of women as mothers and carriers of the nation under the nationalistic discourse caused these women to become the primary targets of the war. It is also argued that the primary aim of rape as a weapon of ethnic cleansing during the war was to destroy the harmony and unity of the enemy by dishonoring and violating their women.

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50

Knoblauch, William M. "Selling the Second Cold War: Antinuclear Cultural Activism and Reagan Era Foreign Policy". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1330967967.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Rape as a weapon of war"

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