Bibliografías temáticas / Rape. Rape as a weapon of war. Political violence

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Rape. Rape as a weapon of war. Political violence"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 1 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Rape. Rape as a weapon of war. Political violence"

Wahyuni, Yuyun Sri. "Rape as a weapon in genocide and wars: Enquiring the problems of women’s witnessing rape". Journal of Social Studies (JSS) 16, n.º 2 (29 de septiembre de 2020): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jss.v16i2.34696.

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This paper seeks to better understand rape as a weapon in genocide and wars, the myriads contributing factors to creating ignorance to rape as a weapon in genocide, other forms of sexual violations, and circumstances that prevent women from witnessing rape acts of genocide violence. Drawing from the feminist perspectives of rape and women's sexual violence theorization, Derrida's accounts of truth and witness, and women as an improper mythic being-tainted witness, this paper shows that the current global gender inequality discrimination perpetuates the practice of rape as a weapon of genocide and wars as well as a repudiation for women's witnessing rape and sexual violations. As this situation of women rape survivors' desertions are not only happened in the Rwanda genocide and witnessing rapes for rape victims and survivors are equally challenging, this paper serves an alternative to support women's witnessing rapes and prevent rape the weapon of war to reoccur in the future. Further, Derrida's considerations on law should extend the notions of witnessing beyond the traditional European juridical tradition that excludes literature from legal exercise of witnessing as literature is regarded as mostly only fiction upbrings witnessing through literature as secret testimony is a useful interpretation on women's witnessing rape. Deciphering Derrida's description of witnessing through literature, this paper also recommends that women's writing literature can be an effective way for women to testify independently of the various gendered political disciplining gazes that hold them back from giving testimonies and then gain liberations.

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Lokot, Michelle. "Challenging Sensationalism: Narratives on Rape as a Weapon of War in Syria". International Criminal Law Review 19, n.º 5 (1 de octubre de 2019): 844–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01906001.

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Rape during conflict is often over-simplified and sensationalised in the accounts of international humanitarian agencies. This article suggests that such narratives on rape are connected to the way international tribunals and courts have narrowly framed the crime of rape. Limited legal constructions of rape reinforce a hierarchy where rape is seen as more worthy of protection than other forms of gender-based violence – a hierarchy that international humanitarian agencies perpetuate through their narratives on rape during conflict. Based on ethnographic accounts from Syrian women and men, this article draws attention to the problematic consequences of focusing on sensational narratives. It aims to reposition rape – and gender-based violence more broadly – within unequal power structures and a wider system of women’s subordination. It argues that while less incendiary, other kinds of gender-based violence during conflict may be just as insidious as rape.

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ALCALDE, ÁNGEL. "WARTIME AND POST-WAR RAPE IN FRANCO'S SPAIN". Historical Journal 64, n.º 4 (10 de febrero de 2021): 1060–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000643.

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AbstractBy examining the experience of rape in Spain in the 1930s and 1940s, this article explains how the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship dramatically increased the likelihood of women becoming victims of sexual assault. Contrary to what historians often assume, this phenomenon was not the result of rape being deliberately used as a ‘weapon of war’ or as a blunt method of political repression against women. The upsurge in sexual violence was a by-product of structural transformations in the wartime and dictatorial contexts, and it was the direct consequence, rather than the instrument, of the violent imposition of a fascist-inspired regime. Using archival evidence from numerous Spanish archives, the article historicizes rape in a wider cultural, legal, and social context and reveals the essential albeit ambiguous political nature of both wartime and post-war rape. The experience of rape was mostly shaped not by repression but structural factors such as ruralization and social hierarchization, demographic upheavals, exacerbation of violent masculinity models, the proliferation of weapons, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies. Rape became an expression of the nature of power and social and gender relations in Franco's regime.

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Kirby, Paul. "The body weaponized: War, sexual violence and the uncanny". Security Dialogue 51, n.º 2-3 (21 de enero de 2020): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619895663.

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It is today common to argue that rape is a weapon, tool or instrument of warfare. One implication is that armed groups marshal body parts for tactical and strategic ends. In this article, I interrogate this discourse of embodied mobilization to explore how body weaponry has been made intelligible as a medium for sexual violence. First, I show that, despite wide rejection of essentialist models, the penis and penis substitutes continue to occupy a constitutive role in discussions of sexual violence in both political and academic fora, where they are often said to be like weapons, a tendency I term ‘weapon talk’. Second, I trace the image of the body weapon in key threads of feminist theorizing and commentary, to show how the penis has appeared as a ‘basic weapon of force’ in various permutations. Third, I explore the weaponization of the body as it appears in military thought and in the cultural circulation of ideas about the soldiering body in which sexual pleasure and violence are frequently conflated. Building on this foundation, I propose that these literatures collectively describe an uncanny weapon object, and I draw out the significance of this term for feminist security studies and martial empiricism. In short, the uncanny haunts accounts of sexual violence in the collision of sexuality and machinery in the image of a body weapon, in the unsettling designation of sexuality as itself both familiar and dangerous, and in the strange movement of violent bodies across the boundary between wartime and peacetime. A concluding discussion draws out implications and challenges for thinking about embodied violence, advocating renewed attention to the history of weaponization as a fallible and confounding process.

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Gray, Harriet. "The ‘war’/‘not-war’ divide: Domestic violence in the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, n.º 1 (3 de octubre de 2018): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118802470.

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While recognising the importance of policy designed to tackle conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, scholars have increasingly critiqued such policies for failing sufficiently to apprehend the multiple forms of this violence – from rape deployed as a weapon of war to domestic violence – as interrelated oppressions located along a continuum. In this article, I explore a connected but distinct line of critique, arguing that sexual and gender-based violence policies are also limited by a narrow understanding of how gender-based violences relate to war itself. Drawing on an analysis of the British Government’s Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative, I identify a key distinction which emerges between those types of sexual and gender-based violence which are considered to be part of war, and those which are not. This division, I suggest, closes down space for recognising how war is also enacted within private spaces.

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Kolmasova, Sarka y Katerina Krulisova. "Legitimizing Military Action through “Rape-as-a-Weapon” Discourse in Libya: Critical Feminist Analysis". Politics & Gender 15, n.º 1 (26 de julio de 2018): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000326.

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AbstractContemporary discourse on sexual(ized) violence in armed conflicts represents a powerful source for legitimization of highly controversial military interventions. Recent gender-responsive security studies have called for enhanced protection of women and girls from widespread and systematic sexual(ized) violence. Yet military operations reproduce the Western masculine hegemony rather than providing inclusive and apolitical assistance to victims of sexual assault. The article aims to critically assess discourse on sexual violence in a case of military intervention in Libya initiated under the rubric of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The case study indicates a set of discursive strategies exercised by Western political representatives and nongovernmental organizations and even more expressively by the media to legitimize the military campaign. Typically, sexual(ized) violence is presented as a weapon of war, used by one of the conflicting parties without an adequate response of the state. This is followed by urgent calls for international action, willingly carried out by Western powers. The simplified narrative of civilized protectors versus savage aggressors must be challenged as it exploits the problem of sexual(ized) violence in order to legitimize politically motivated actions.

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Roggeband, Conny. "Ending Violence against Women in Latin America: Feminist Norm Setting in a Multilevel Context". Politics & Gender 12, n.º 01 (marzo de 2016): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000604.

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Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of rape as a weapon of war and connected these forms of violence to deeper societal patterns of subordination and violence against women in both the private and public spheres. Processes of democratization in the region brought new opportunities to institutionalize norms to end violence against women (VAW), and in many countries feminists managed to get the issue on the political agenda. In the mid 1990s, the region pioneered international legislation on VAW that uniquely included state-sponsored violence. The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (1994) established an international obligation for states to prevent, investigate, and punish VAW regardless of whether it takes place in the home, the community, or in the public sphere. While Latin American governments massively ratified this convention, national legislation was not brought in line with the broad scope of the international convention. This points to the complex and often contradictory dynamics of institutionalizing norms to oppose VAW in multilevel settings.

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Schulz, Philipp y Heleen Touquet. "Queering explanatory frameworks for wartime sexual violence against men". International Affairs 96, n.º 5 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 1169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa062.

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Abstract In this article we argue that prevalent explanatory frameworks of sexual violence against men primarily pursue one line of inquiry, explaining its occurrence as exclusively strategic and systematic, based on heteronormative and homophobic assumptions about violence, gender and sexualities. Feminist IR scholarship has significantly complexified our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), documenting its multiple forms and causes across time and space—thereby moving beyond the persistent opportunism-strategy dichotomy and critically engaging with the dominant ‘rape as a weapon of war’ narrative. Drawing on empirical material from Sri Lanka and northern Uganda we queer the current explanatory frameworks, analyzing multiple instances of CRSV against men that both simultaneously seem to confirm and defy categorizations as opportunistic or strategic, while being situated in broader and systematic warfare dynamics and unequal power-relationships. Our empirical material shows that relying on crude categorizations such as the opportunism–strategy binary is unproductive and essentialist, as it tends to mask over the complexities and messiness of deeply gendered power relationships during times of war. Binary strategy/opportunism categorizations also imply broader unintended political consequences, including the further marginalization of sexual violence acts that fall outside the dominant scripts or binary frameworks—such as sexual violence against men with opportunistic underpinnings.

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Kirby, Paul. "How is rape a weapon of war? Feminist International Relations, modes of critical explanation and the study of wartime sexual violence". European Journal of International Relations 19, n.º 4 (10 de febrero de 2012): 797–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066111427614.

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cooke, miriam. "Murad vs. ISIS". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, n.º 3 (1 de noviembre de 2019): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720627.

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Abstract This article analyzes recent Iraqi texts, some authorizing and others condemning rape as a weapon of war. The focus is on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) perpetrators of sexual violence, their Yazidi victims, and two women’s demands for reparative, restorative justice. Held in sexual slavery between 2014 and 2015, Farida Khalaf and 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Nadia Murad published testimonials that detail their experiences. Determined to bring ISIS rapists to justice, they narrate the formerly unspeakable crimes that ISIS militants committed against them. Adjudicated as a crime against humanity at the end of the twentieth century, rape as a weapon of war, and especially genocide, no longer slips under the radar of international attention. This study argues that the Yazidi women’s brave decision to speak out may help break the millennial silence of rape survivors.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Rape. Rape as a weapon of war. Political violence"

Green, Jennifer Lynn. "Collective rape a cross-national study of the incidence and perpetrators of mass political sexual violence, 1980-2003 /". The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1153496251.

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Bitar, Sali. "Sexual violence as a weapon of war: the case of ISIS in Syria and Iraq". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-270180.

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This thesis set out to research why ISIS combatants use sexual violence when they target the Yazidi community in particular. The aims have been to provide an understanding of why ISIS target Yazidi women and girls with sexual violence and develop a better understanding of both groups and thus hopefully provide assistance that is contextually adapted to the needs of Yazidi women and girls who have been targeted by ISIS. This has been done through a case study, where ISIS has been the case and the Yazidi population has been the subunit of analysis. Materials that have been released by ISIS, as well as witness statements that have been made available as secondary sources have been analysed, by applying the three theories/conceptual frameworks evolution theory, feminist theory, and the strategic rape concept to this data. The results are that the three frameworks separately cannot provide an explanation for the phenomena. Evolution theory did not provide any explanations for ISIS’ behaviour at all, not even when combined with the other frameworks. However, feminist theory in combination with the strategic rape concept explains the behaviour of ISIS, to a certain extent. There is however, a gap today in wartime sexual violence conceptualizations that need to be filled with an overarching theory that includes elements of both feminist theory and the strategic rape concept. The reasons for ISIS’ use of sexual violence are multi-layered. Sexual violence is used as strategy of war for political and religious reasons, as well as, to an extent, because of misogyny. ISIS are aiming to assimilate the area of the caliphate, while at the same time violently targeting the Yazidi population, by using their interpretation of religion as a justification, and until they reach this target of homogeneity for the caliphate, they will continue using sexual violence as a strategy of war and for the appropriation of territory and justify it with religion.

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Ayele, Missale. "Public Health Implications of Mass Rape as a Weapon of War". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/167.

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Although rape and other forms of sexual violence have historically been present during wartime, it has recently become a strategic weapon of war in many settings. The term mass rape as a weapon of war is defined as a systematic pattern of rape perpetrated by fighters usually against civilian women and children at a rate much higher than the rate of rape prevailing during peacetime. This study will examine issues surrounding mass rape as a weapon of war including: emerging theories, effectiveness of current international law, public health consequences, and relevant indicators of likelihood of occurrence. Grave physical and mental health outcomes associated with mass rape highlight the need for intervention through policy and program planning. The proposed multi-dimensional prevention pathway addresses the ecological determinants of mass rape.

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Peltola, Larissa. "Rape and Sexual Violence Used as a Weapon of War and Genocide". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1965.

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Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.

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Mirindi, Benoit Munganga. "Impact of Violent Rapes Among Women in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6245.

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For the last 22 years, systematic rapes and punitive violence against women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were utilized as weapons of war and a control strategy. This quantitative study built upon the ecological model of impact of sexual assault on women's mental health to investigate the relationship between the health impacts and chronic pain and depression among women survivors of sexual rape in eastern DRC. The sample included 156 female rape survivors, between 18-80 years old, and raped between 2010 and 2014 while residing in the conflict area. The research questions focused on the association between fistulas, other sexual rape-related injuries, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), feelings of worthlessness, social rejection, support from family/friends, and chronic pain and depression among women victims of sexual rape in eastern DRC. Results from multinomial logistic regression and ordinal regression tests showed strong links between independent and dependent variables: Fistula was strongly linked with chronic illness over 6 months (p = 0.003), and with upset all the time (p = 0.033); PTSD was associated with chronic illness due to violent rapes (p = 0.004) and sadness (p = 0.000); feelings of worthlessness was related to prolonged illness over 6 months (p = 0.024) and feeling blue (p = 0.006); social rejection was linked to avoidance (p = 0.003); and support from family/friends was associated with prolonged illness over 6 months (p = 0.025) and lack of excitement (p = 0.011). The results of this study could assist health care providers in formulating response strategies for identifying public health priorities in conflict area, addressing health needs, and defining approaches for reducing war-related sexual violence, chronic pain, and depression among rape survivors.

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Semwayo, Fadzai. "Rape as a weapon of war and newly emerging societies in the democratic republic of the Congo". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2016. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3902.

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Sadikot, Minaz. "International Law : The Issue of Rape". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-12008.

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Varför har FN inte kunnat erkänna våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott?

Denna studie har ägnats åt att upplysa användning av våldtäkt och andra former utav sexuella övergrepp under krig och dess konsekvenser för utsatta kvinnor. Studien har tillämpat en kvalitativ och litterär metod. Den största delen av materialet har tagits ur diverse artiklar, dokument och tidsskrifer. Uppsatsen upplyser kvinnors rättigheter inom den internationella arenan och studien ifrågasätter varför Förenta Nationerna (FN) har dröjt (ca.50 år) med att identifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott inom internationall lagstiftning.

Första delen av uppsatsen kommer att presentera de underliggande teorierna som preciserar konceptet sexuellt övergrepp och mer djupgående, också förklara anledningar bakom anvädning av våldtäkt, därav begränsa dess anvädning inom krigsförhållanden.

Andra delen av uppsatsen sätter fokus på termen våldtäkt och dess utveckling inom den juridiska ramen. Den behandlar folkrätt, och framhäver även orsaker till FN’s svaghet och svårighet att kunna erkänna, inte bara våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott, utan också andra frågor som är problematiska för FN att kunna hantera. Eftersom begreppet ’våldtäkt’ är relativt brett, faller det både under kvinnors rättigheter och i sin tur under mänskliga rättigheter. Av denna anledning kommer uppsatsen att ta upp de möjliga anledningar om varför det har dröjt för FN, men också dess svårighter, att kunna erkänna anvädning av våldtäkt som ett vapen inom krig.

Tredje delen av uppsatsen tar upp några av de möjliga problem som är ohanterliga för FN, bland annat kulturella skillnader och individuella åsikter mellan medlems staterna, vilket medför brist på konsensus. Uppsatsen ifrågasätter även om kvinnors rättigheter är del av mänskilga rättigheter. Utöver det kommer även uppsatsen resonera kring FN’s dilemma att kunna särskilja sin roll som ett mellanstatligt och transnationellt organ. Och sist men inte minst kommer suveräniteten, som varje stat har rätten till att erhålla, att diskuteras. Denna punkt kommer att klargöra den oenighet som förekommer mellan medlems staterna, vilket ännu än gång har resulterat i det dröjsmål som uppstått i att kunna indentifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott.

Why haven’t the UN been able to recognise rape as a weapon of war?

The thesis enlightens the usage of rape in war and the consequences this has brought on women who have been subjected to rape. The bulk of the information is taken from various articles, documents and journals and the method used is of a qualitative nature. The thesis sheds light upon women’s rights in the international arena and questions why it took so long (almost 50 years) for the United Nations (UN) in addressing rape as a war crime within international law.

The first part of the thesis will present various theories that elucidate the word sexual violence and more accurately ‘rape’ in the context of war. The second part generates the judicial part that will depict the difficulty for the international community to address rape as a war crime within international law.

Furthermore the thesis takes the approach in presenting obstacles faced by the UN, within the framework of human rights, to handle delicate issues such as rape and sexual violence. Since rape is, to a large extent, complicated and a broad concept, and since it falls under the category of women’s rights and under human rights, the thesis will explain reasons behind the dawdling and the hurdles faced by the UN in accepting rape under the category of war crime.

The third part of the thesis will present possible predicaments that are unmanageable for the UN. Some possible issues that the thesis has touched upon, is cultural diversity and differing opinions among the member states which has resulted in lack of consensus. Furthermore, the study will present the notion of women’s rights, and question if they are part of human rights. The thesis will also discuss the dual role of the UN and its struggle for the past decade to uphold its role both as an intergovernmental as well as a transnational body. Lastly the thesis will enlighten sovereignty that each state must enjoy. Sovereignty has resulted in lack of agreement among the member states which again has caused delay in recognising rape as a war crime.

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Kitchen, Ashley D. "When Laws and Representation Are Not Enough: Enduring Impunity and Post-Conflict Sexual Violence in Liberia and Sierra Leone". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1363784056.

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Le, Roux Elisabet. "The role of African Christian churches in dealing with sexual violence against women : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95826.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW. The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation. As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches. The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg. Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV. Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.

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Thach, Thida. "La représentation de la violence faite aux femmes dans 'Un dimanche à la piscine à Kigali' de Gil Courtemanche et 'Je m’appelle Bosnia' de Madeleine Gagnon". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31460.

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La violence faite aux femmes est une réalité encore très présente, surtout dans les sociétés patriarcales, même après des décennies de lutte féministe. C’est aussi un thème privilégié en littérature. La présente thèse propose justement une analyse de ce thème à travers deux romans assez récents qui mettent tous deux de l’avant des aspects particuliers de la question : Un dimanche à la piscine à Kigali de Gil Courtemanche et Je m’appelle Bosnia de Madeleine Gagnon. Nous tenterons de cerner les différentes formes de violences à l’œuvre dans les deux narrations : la violence faite aux filles, celle faite aux femmes, et enfin la violence spécifique qu’engendrent les conflits armés avec le viol comme arme de guerre. Nous proposerons une analyse intersectionnelle de ces formes de violences afin de mesurer les représentations et les répercussions des notions de classe et de race eu égard aux toiles de fond différentes des deux romans : le génocide chez Courtemanche, le nettoyage ethnique chez Gagnon. Nous aborderons aussi les narrations sous l’angle de l’agentivité. Dans des sociétés fondamentalement patriarcales, quel pouvoir peuvent espérer avoir les personnages féminins sur leur destin personnel et collectif? Y a-t-il pour ces femmes fictives des stratégies possibles pour atteindre une liberté d’action, si mince soit-elle?

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Libros sobre el tema "Rape. Rape as a weapon of war. Political violence"

editor, Pető Andrea, ed. Gendered wars, gendered memories: Feminist conversations on war, genocide and political violence. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2016.

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Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights, ed. No hiding place: Politically motivated rape of women in Zimbabwe : report. Harare, Zimbabwe: RAU, 2010.

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Benavides, Alexandra Quintero. Mujeres en conflicto: Violencia sexual y paramilitarismo. Bogotá, Colombia: Corporación Sisma Mujer, 2009.

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Mantilla, Julissa. Más allá de las cifras: Cuarto informe de la Red Nacional de Mujeres, Corporación Sisma Mujer. Bogotá: Corporación Sisma Mujer, 2009.

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Amsterdam, Vrije Universiteit te, ed. Collective violence and international criminal justice: An interdisciplinary approach. Antwerp: Intersentia, 2010.

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The political psychology of war rape: Studies from Bosnia-Herzegovina. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012.

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Maria, Stern y Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, eds. La complexité de la violence: Analyse critique des violences sexuelles en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC). Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2011.

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International law and sexual violence in armed conflicts. Leiden: M. Nijhoff Pub., 2012.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs. Confronting rape and other forms of violence against women in conflict zones spotlight: DRC and Sudan : hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs and the Subcommittee on International Operations and Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy, and Global Women's Issues of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, May 13, 2009. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Rape. Rape as a weapon of war. Political violence"

Meger, Sara. "Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War". En Rape Loot Pillage, 93–114. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190277666.003.0006.

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"‘Rape as a weapon of war’?" En Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War? Zed Books, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350222557.ch-002.

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Meger, Sara. "Toward a Feminist Political Economy of Sexual Violence in War". En Rape Loot Pillage, 36–53. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190277666.003.0003.

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Lindemann, Hilde. "Violence". En An Invitation to Feminist Ethics, 150–72. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190059316.003.0008.

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The chapter opens with an explanation of why violence is such an important topic for feminist ethics. It then addresses three forms of violence: rape and sexual harassment, rape as a weapon of war, and domestic violence. Rape is explained in terms of property theories, consent theories, and abusive group relations theories, followed by a discussion of the #MeToo movement. The feminist analysis of war includes not only rape as a weapon but also enslaving women and girls for sexual services. Finally, domestic violence is argued to be an expression of the socially structured power system called gender, kept in place by repeated iterations of itself.

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"5. Exploiting the Dignity of the Vulnerable Body: Rape as a Weapon of War". En Phenomenologies of Violence, 109–22. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004259782_007.

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Oatman, Annalise y Kate Majewski. "Rape as a Weapon of War in Myanmar/Burma". En Women's Journey to Empowerment in the 21st Century, 266–84. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190927097.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the conflict in Myanmar and its historical development as an example of the way that rape is wielded as a weapon of war. It also provides a discussion of advocacy for the ethnic minority women of Myanmar at the grassroots, national, and international levels. It reviews statistics on conflict-related rape and theories regarding the social and political forces driving it. It examines the political history of Myanmar and the status of Myanmarese women. It also discusses the way that current conditions have set the stage for conflict-related rape in Myanmar and data on its prevalence. It discusses the extradition of the rapist of a 7-year-old girl, Myanmarese grassroots efforts to address this issue, and international proposals for reform. In addition, it discusses the way that the “legal culture” of a nation can get in the way of the enactment of international legislation.

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"Sexual Violence as an Element of War Strategies". En Sexual Violence and Effective Redress for Victims in Post-Conflict Situations, 1–18. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8194-9.ch001.

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This chapter presents an analysis of the scale and various forms of sexual violence in modern warfare, including the context in which they are committed, in order to understand the extent of the challenge posed by the systematic use of sexual violence in modern warfare. It highlights how the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war is distinctively destructive, as these crimes are often intended to tear apart the fabric of families and affected communities. For instance, in some contexts, the systematic use of rape and other forms of sexual violence was characterised by an explicit ethnic targeting as a weapon of genocide. In other conflicts, cruel acts of sexual violence are often indiscriminately used as part of military strategies aimed at civilian population to spread terror and inflict public humiliation. This destroys the social fabric of affected communities and adds a new component to the social disruption with devastating impact on victims even after the conflict has ended.

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Lee, Sabine. "Bosnia: a new dimension of genocidal rape and its children". En Children Born of War in the Twentieth Century. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526104588.003.0005.

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The Bosnian case study is the first of the chosen cases where children born of war were almost exclusively conceived in violent relationships in a conflict which forced the world to realign its understanding of rape as a weapon of war. This chapter explores the specific impact of this gender-based violence perpetrated, among others, during systematic rape campaigns as part of the hostilities, on post-war Bosnian society and on the life courses of children born of rape. As the first case of a conflict that occurred after the passing of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the chapter also explores how rights as codified in the CRC are applied in the case of children born of war and how such rights can contrast starkly in comparison to those of their mothers and families.

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"Women’s Bodies, Men’s War: the Political Economy of Military Rape and Gender Violence". En Violence: Probing the Boundaries around the World, 130–45. Brill | Rodopi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004429215_009.

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Denov, Myriam. "Children Born of War in Northern Uganda". En Handbook of Political Violence and Children, 276–300. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190874551.003.0010.

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Among the many fallouts arising from systematic wartime rape is the reality of children conceived from sexual violence. The scope of this population remains largely unknown, and research into how children born of wartime sexual violence and their mothers fare within their societies is only recently emerging. To date, little is known about the specific psychosocial consequences for these children. Drawing on the voices of the children themselves, this chapter traces the realities and perspectives of 60 children born in Lord’s Resistance Army captivity in northern Uganda. Born of war, these children are deeply affected by the social upheaval that brought about their conception. Privileging children’s voices, the chapter highlights their lives in the post-war context. Findings reveal the profound stigma and marginalization that these children endure, alongside struggles with issues of identity, belonging, and their perceived needs. The chapter also reveals participants’ use of resistance to counter negative perceptions of them by their families and communities.

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