Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Representative government and representation – cross-cultural studies"

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1

Bruno, Daniela, and Alicia Barreiro. "“DEMOCRACY IS PRIMARILY ACHIEVED THROUGH VOTING”: SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ADOLESCENTS." Cadernos de Pesquisa 49, no. 173 (2019): 300–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/198053146573.

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Abstract Various studies have recently revealed that a political representation crisis is taking place worldwide. The aim of this study is understand the social representations of democracy showed in the narratives of Argentine adolescents (N=32) aged between 16 and 18 years. A semi-structured interview was used, which was based on Piaget’s clinical method. The results obtained show that adolescents represent democracy as a fundamental mechanism for the operation of the representative democratic regime and the inherent principles of this form of government. It is concluded that these ways of r
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2

Kemp, Linzi J., Megan Mathias, and Maryam Raji. "Representative bureaucracy in the Arab Gulf states." International Journal of Public Sector Management 32, no. 3 (2019): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-07-2017-0198.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to apply the lens of representative bureaucracy (RB) to women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies in Arab Gulf states (AGS), and to consider the implications for government stability, legitimacy and performance.Design/methodology/approachData were analysed of the numbers of men and women in management positions (8,936), of government and government-owned companies (846), for the six countries of the AGS. Analyses were conducted on the presence/absence of women in management for ten industry types.FindingsGovernm
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3

Mora, Cristina, Julie A. Dowling, and Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz. "“Mostly Rich White Men, Nothing in Common”: Latino Views on Political (Under) Representation in the Trump Era." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (2021): 1180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996768.

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The idea of U.S. democracy rests on the assumption that all citizens will see their issues and needs reflected in elected officials. Yet, historically this has not been the case, as racialized minorities have been excluded and systematically marginalized from the representative process. Today, nonwhite populations remain significantly underrepresented in federal and state governments. Although scholars have examined the effects and mechanics of ethnoracial political representation, less is known about how individuals from minoritized populations perceive and make sense of political (under)repr
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4

Afwah Rafi Miftah Supriyadi and Anom Wahyu Asmorojati. "Implementasi Keterwakilan Perempuan Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah di Kabupaten Sukoharjo." Media of Law and Sharia 6, no. 1 (2024): 18–31. https://doi.org/10.18196/mls.v6i1.182.

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The lack of support hampers the performance of female legislators. This is one of the obstacles in achieving 30 percent female representation in the legislature. In its implementation, there has been a law that regulates political parties and elections that provides opportunities for women to enter politics and participate in parliament. This study aims to find out the comparison of the implementation of women's representation in members of the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD) in Sukoharjo Regency in the 2014-2019 period and the 2019-2024 period and the factors that cause instab
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5

Senina, A. V., and E. G. Turgenev. "ZEMSTVO INSTITUTIONS AS SOCIAL ELEVATORS: VERTICAL MOBILITY FROM ZEMSTVOS TO THE HIGHEST REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF LEGISLATIVE POWER IN LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA." Вестник Пермского университета. История 63, no. 4 (2023): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-4-161-177.

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In the early 20th century, zemstvos had the opportunity to take part in the discussion about the fate of the state through elections to the State Duma and the State Council. The connection between the system of representation at the state and local levels was already noted by contemporaries of the political reforms of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Zemstvo institutions can be considered as social elevators for the transition to the highest level of government. Previously, there was no strict criterion in historiography for assessing the representation of deputies from the
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6

Kusumawati, Dian Ayu, Failasuf Herman Hendra, and Firdha Ayu Atika. "Exterior Facades with a Neo Vernacular Architecture Approach to the Seni Bela Diri Pencak Silat Competition and Training Building in Madiun Regency." Journal of Civil Engineering, Planning and Design 2, no. 2 (2024): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31284/j.jcepd.2023.v2i2.5004.

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Madiun Regency is an area of martial arts preservation of Pencak silat. Thus, Madiun Regency has several pencak silat hermitages as a forum for learning pencak silat martial arts but currently does not have a representative pencak silat facility as a joint competition and training event. Therefore, designing a Pencak Silat Martial Arts Competition and Training Building with a Neo Vernacular Architecture theme approach derived from local culture is necessary. This is in connection with the aim of the Madiun Regency government to have a plan to provide a Joint Silat College Building to unite mar
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7

Jewiss, Jennifer L., and Daniel N. Laven. "Towards More Meaningful Evaluation of Cultural Heritage Programmes: Engaging Stakeholders Through Programme Modelling." Journal of Heritage Management 6, no. 1 (2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/24559296211011126.

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Recently, cultural heritage scholars and practitioners have questioned how the field evaluates heritage initiatives. This article considers how a collaborative approach to evaluation may enhance heritage initiatives, particularly at critical developmental stages in their design and implementation. We explore how recent developments in evaluation theory and practice serve interests shared by heritage programme managers, funders and other stakeholders. In particular, programme modelling techniques have proven valuable for engaging a wide array of heritage stakeholders (including staff, funders a
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8

Krause, Till. "‘Amerrrika ist wunderrrbarrr’: promotion of Germany through Radio Goethe’s cultural export of German popular music to North America." Popular Music 27, no. 2 (2008): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143008004042.

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AbstractMuch has been written about the cultural, social and political impact of German popular music within the country, but the role of German popular music outside of Germany has not been sufficiently examined. The research presented here is designed to investigate an example of Germany’s export of contemporary popular music as state-sponsored promotion of its national (pop) culture. San Francisco’s weekly radio programme Radio Goethe – The German Voice, which distributes popular music from German-speaking countries to English-speaking audiences, is explored. The main purposes of this progr
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9

Mulugeta, Getaye. "The Matrix of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia in Protecting Internal Minority Rights: Examining Perceptions in Oromia Regional State." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 9, no. 1 (2022): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1050.

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This study aimed to analyze the matrix of ethnic federalism in protecting internal minority rights in Ethiopia via Goba and Robe towns as a case study at Oromia regional state. The post-1990s political formula of Ethiopia was designed considering all ethnolinguistic groups as inhabitants of their own defined territory. It seems that in the architecture of the constitution, there will be ethnic homogeneous states. But, the reality in the ground has shown that none of the units is purely homogenous due to economic migration, (re)settlement, villagization programs, and freedom of movement granted
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10

Gorostidi-Martinez, Haritz, Weimin Xu, and Xiaokang Zhao. "A study of the Chinese consumers’ product-country image of Spain." Asia Pacific Journal of Marketing and Logistics 29, no. 5 (2017): 947–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/apjml-12-2016-0250.

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Purpose As part of a cross-cultural research, the purpose of this paper is to provide further insights into the existing product-country image (PCI) of the Chinese consumers’ perceptions of Spain, its products, and its people, thereby providing an overall contemporary Spanish PCI within the Chinese market. Design/methodology/approach In total, 215 valid structured questionnaires were gathered throughout China. Following a pre-investigation of 259 usable questionnaires, a 52-item construct was drawn from the existing widely used PCI item scales, designing a structured PCI construct, covering: “
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11

Kiarie, Alex. "Influence of Cultural Norms on Gender Representation in Media in Kenya." Journal of Communication 6, no. 1 (2025): 55–65. https://doi.org/10.47941/jcomm.2871.

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Purpose: The purpose of this article was to analyze influence of cultural norms on gender representation in media in Kenya. Methodology: This study adopted a desk methodology. A desk study research design is commonly known as secondary data collection. This is basically collecting data from existing resources preferably because of its low cost advantage as compared to a field research. Our current study looked into already published studies and reports as the data was easily accessed through online journals and libraries. Findings: In Kenya, cultural norms influence media portrayals, with wome
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Indah Mar’atus Sholichah, Dyah Mustika Putri, and Akmal Fikri Setiaji. "Representasi Budaya Banyuwangi Dalam Banyuwangi Ethno Carnival: Pendekatan Teori Representasi Stuart Hall." Education : Jurnal Sosial Humaniora dan Pendidikan 3, no. 2 (2023): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51903/education.v3i2.332.

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This article aims to analyze the cultural representation of Banyuwangi in the Banyuwangi Ethno Carnival (BEC) using Stuart Hall's representation theory approach. The main concepts applied in this analysis are change and resistance, which are used to understand how cultural symbols are represented and interpreted in BEC. The data collection process was carried out through a literature study. Where the data obtained comes from the results of research and other people's scientific works that are studied and then developed. Data analysis was carried out by combining Stuart Hall's representation th
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13

Ivana Grace Sofia Radja and Leo Riski Sunjaya. "Representasi Budaya Jember dalam Jember Fashion Carnival: Pendekatan Teori Representasi Stuart Hall." WISSEN : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora 2, no. 3 (2024): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.62383/wissen.v2i3.160.

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This article aims to analyze the representation of Jember culture in the Jember Fashion Carnival (JFC) using Stuart Hall's representation theory approach. The main concepts applied in this analysis are change and resistance, which are used to understand how cultural symbols are represented and interpreted in JFC. The data collection process was carried out through literature study. Where the data obtained comes from the results of research and scientific work of other people which is studied and then developed. Data analysis was carried out by combining the concepts of Stuart Hall's representa
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14

Krugler, John D., and David W. Jordan. "Foundations of Representative Government in Maryland, 1632-1715." William and Mary Quarterly 46, no. 1 (1989): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1922417.

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15

Tracy, James D. ":Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government, 1450-1789." Sixteenth Century Journal 40, no. 1 (2009): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj40541130.

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16

Wells, Andrew. "Sinking Feelings: Representing and Resisting theTitanicDisaster in Britain, 1914–ca.1960." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 2 (2013): 464–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.54.

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AbstractThe apparent lack of representations of theTitanicdisaster in Britain between the start of the First World War and the end of the 1950s was due, not to a lack of interest, but to active resistance to such representations. Shipping interests, the press, government, and the public all opposed portrayals of the catastrophe, but their opposition depended much on the medium by which the sinking was to be represented, on the broader international context, and on the nature and status of individual memories of the events of 1912. Questions of fact, fiction, national prestige, and the ethics o
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17

Connaughton, Brian F. "A Most Delicate Balance: Representative Government, Public Opinion, and Priests in Mexico, 1821––1834." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 1 (2001): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.41.

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This article studies the fragmentation of public opinion in Mexico in the years following Independence in the midst of a critical lack of legitimacy on the part of succesive governments. Those in power, appealing to public opinion as the supposed pillar of independent representative government, tried to gain control over the situation by means of coaction and persuasion. As they did so, they had to concern themselves with the sensitivities and political convictions of priests, whose actions might tip a fragile political equilibrium one way or the other by granting personal sanction and hypothe
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18

Jafari, Belgheis Alavi, and Liza Schuster. "Representations of exile in Afghan oral poetry and songs." Crossings: Journal of Migration & Culture 10, no. 2 (2019): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjmc_00002_1.

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In our examination of the representations of exile in Afghan popular culture, we focus in particular on popular poetry and song lyrics in Farsi, one of the national languages of Afghanistan. This article concentrates on the voices of exiles, their self-representation and their descriptions of life far from their homeland. We argue that, in addition to offering catharsis and expressing collective suffering, the verses are also used to urge return and, more recently, to voice complaints to and about host societies, as well as to critique the Afghan government for its failures.
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19

Slattery, Kate. "Drowning Not Waving: The ‘Children Overboard’ Event and Australia's Fear of the other." Media International Australia 109, no. 1 (2003): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900110.

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The last few years have been an awakening time for the people, communities and governments of the global village. Escalating problems in the Middle East, global economic uncertainty and an increase in asylum seekers, refugees and migration worldwide have reignited tensions involving boundaries and borders, both geographical and cognitive. One event which highlighted these tensions in Australia, and which was given much media coverage, was the ‘children overboard’ event in October 2001. Utilising a selection of print news coverage of the event, this paper explores how the ‘children overboard’ e
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20

Knopff, Rainer. "The Triumph of Liberalism in Canada: Laurier on Representation and Party Government." Journal of Canadian Studies 26, no. 2 (1991): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.26.2.72.

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21

McGarry, Aidan. "Roma as a political identity: Exploring representations of Roma in Europe." Ethnicities 14, no. 6 (2014): 756–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796814542182.

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This article explores some of the myriad representations of Roma in Europe and argues that this proliferation makes it more difficult for policymakers to formulate coherent interventions, for academics to agree on a common conceptual language and for the majority to understand the inter-connected problems facing Roma communities. ‘Representations’ refers to how the community is understood by itself as well as by others. Whilst no community retains an uncontested image of itself and its identity, Roma communities have little or no control over how they are represented in the public sphere. Usua
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22

Verniaev, I. I. "ETHNIC REPRESENTATION IN THE ECONOMY, SELF-GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF KAZAN OF THE LATE IMPERIAL PERIOD." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(58) (2022): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-3-18-30.

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The article deals with the dynamics of ethnic representation in the economy, self-government and politics of Kazan in the late imperial period. With the development and integration of the urban economy, the dismantling of particular institutions and the formation of a unified urban self-government, the problem of participation and representation of ethno-confessional groups in these modern spheres became especially relevant. Methodologically, the Ethnic Representation Index (IER) is used to analyze the dynamics and compare the degree of participation of ethnic groups in various spheres. Its ap
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23

Ocskay, Gyula. "The list of phone numbers and the paradox of representation : Reflections on resilience in a cross-border context." Észak-magyarországi Stratégiai Füzetek 20, no. 4 (2023): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32976/stratfuz.2023.36.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has generated unharmonised measures on behalf of the national governments without communicating with the local actors of the border areas, the representatives of the existing cross-border structures included. Against the conclusions of several studies discussing the topic, the author claims that, notwithstanding a few exceptions, the cross-border structures established so far all over Europe were not involved in the management of the extreme situation. Instead, these were the interpersonal contacts of border citizens and informal channels through which derogations of stri
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Turnbull, Daniel. "The Defeat of Popular Representation, December 1904: Prince Mirskii, Witte, and the Imperial Family." Slavic Review 48, no. 1 (1989): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498685.

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Although Prince Peter Sviatopolk-Mirskii served as minister of the interior of Russia for only five months beginning on 25 August 1904, he nearly managed a volte-face in the government's relationship to society. The dimensions of his plans for reform during this crucial period have not been thoroughly explored. While his conciliatory attitude toward the zemstva is well known, less familiar is his intention to broaden civil liberties and anchor them firmly in the law, an intention expressed in a memorandum he submitted to Nicholas II on 23 November 1904. In that memorandum Mirskii recommended a
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Lestariyana, Reni Puspitasari Dwi, Handoyo Puji Widodo, and Urip Sulistiyo. "Female Representation in Government-Mandated English Language Textbooks Used in Indonesian Junior High Schools." Sexuality & Culture 24, no. 4 (2020): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12119-020-09752-2.

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Abramson, Henry. "Jewish Representation in the Independent Ukrainian Governments of 1917-1920." Slavic Review 50, no. 3 (1991): 542–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499851.

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The experience of Ukrainian Jewry from 1917 to 1920 is a paradox in modern Jewish history. At the same moment that the leaders of the Ukrainian revolutionary movement extended unprecedented civil rights to Ukrainian Jews, pogromists operating in the name of that same movement brutally terrorized hundreds of Jewish communities with violence and robbery. This strange incongruity has not been satisfactorily addressed; studies of the period have either concentrated on the pogroms or focused on Jewish socialists in Ukrainian politics. Linguistic barriers and subsequent developments, notably the 192
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Sayem, Md Abu, Maruf Hasan Rumi, and Md Rakibul Islam. "If Not Now Then When? The Reality of Women's Representation in Politics and Administration in Bangladesh: A Qualitative Study." International Journal of Qualitative Research 4, no. 3 (2025): 230–39. https://doi.org/10.47540/ijqr.v4i3.1726.

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The political landscape of Bangladesh presents a complex tapestry of progress and challenges regarding women's representation. This study aims to identify the status of women in the top political and administrative arena of Bangladesh and shed light on the factors that are responsible for such positions. The study employed an exploratory research design, utilizing a phenomenological research approach. The study followed the purposive sampling technique to collect 13 respondents, including members of parliament, cabinet members, local government representatives, and different political party me
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Faccioli, Franca, and Lucia D’Ambrosi. "Gender in COVID-19 campaigns: An analysis of the Italian government communications." Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 11, no. 2 (2023): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms_00180_1.

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The gender studies approach of this contribution addresses the issue of communication in the Italian government’s response to COVID-19. In the past, the government had often focused its communication on the promotion of political activities, with stereotypical representations of men and women instead of a culture of communication based on the concept of ‘civil servant’ with a gender lens. This article ponders whether methods of disseminating information and representing the pandemic are driven by innovative models of communication that advocate for a gender-conscious approach. Using a qualitat
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Bodrova, О. А., and I. А. Razumova. "Modern technologies in representation and preservation of the Kola Sami ethnic culture." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 1(52) (February 26, 2021): 172–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2021-52-1-16.

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The paper is based on the latest comprehensive study of representations of the Sami people in Murmansk Region. The aim of the article is to describe and analyse the representations, which are considered as a product of the sociocultural practices which use specific technologies. The latter are regarded as methods and tools of practices aimed at preservation of ethnic culture, including its construction. The subject of this study is textual, visual, objective and animated forms of representations of the Sami culture, as well as interactive and other tech-nologies for imaging and branding of Mur
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Liu, Shan-Jan Sarah, and Lee Ann Banaszak. "Do Government Positions Held by Women Matter? A Cross-National Examination of Female Ministers' Impacts on Women's Political Participation." Politics & Gender 13, no. 01 (2016): 132–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000490.

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Current research shows that female legislators serve as role models for women. Understudied is how and the extent to which female ministers inspire women to participate in politics. We argue that with their high visibility and greater ability to influence policy, female ministers also serve as role models, but their influence differs depending on the form of political engagement. Using the World Values Survey and additional national-level variables, we employ multilevel modeling techniques to explore how women in the cabinet influence various forms of women's political engagement. We find that
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Mazzuca, Sebastián, and James A. Robinson. "Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 2 (2009): 285–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-085.

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Abstract After a long period of chaos, political order in Colombia emerged in the mid-1900s. This transition was driven by a change in the institutional allocation of political power. After the Thousand Days’ War, Colombia’s two parties agreed to share power by means of a new set of electoral rules. The incomplete vote, the cornerstone of the new electoral rules, was a strategic concession by the Conservative government to the Liberal opposition. In exchange for permanent representation in the legislatures, Liberals abandoned military insurrection as a political strategy. Transition to proport
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Snowden, Collette. "‘I'm Alright, Thanks’: Non-Conformity and the Media Framing of Social Inclusion." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (2012): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200109.

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The concept of social inclusion generally is discussed as an ideal to which there is no opposition, and to which policy and practices in society necessarily must be directed. This article discusses how current notions of social inclusion in policy, academic and media discourses are related to historical representations of social disadvantage. It also discusses how social inclusion policies and ideas in Australia accord with cultural values and ideals of egalitarianism, but conflict with the values of non-conformity and anti-authoritarianism celebrated in the national identity. It examines how
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Hall, Jay. "Editorial." Queensland Archaeological Research 13 (December 1, 2002): ii. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/qar.13.2002.63.

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This 13th issue of QAR contains an edited collection of conference papers concerning archaeological work in southeast Queensland. Unlike most such volumes, which normally represent the outcome of a conference or conference session, this one was actually planned before the conference was conceived. Aware that well over a decade had passed since an issue of QAR had been devoted to this archaeologically-industrious part of Queensland (Volume 5), I had been considering another for 2001 or2002 that could provide a vehicle for publishing accumulated knowledge locked up in theses and reports. However
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Gordon, Scott Paul. "Yoked by Violence: The Paxton Boys, Representation, and a “humble Petition”." Journal of Early American History 11, no. 2-3 (2021): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11020013.

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Abstract A 1764 manuscript petition, a “humble Petition” from Lancaster County, differs substantially from the published Remonstrance that has been taken to represent the views of the Paxton Boys, who murdered 20 Native Americans in Lancaster County and attempted to destroy 140 more in the Philadelphia Barracks. The Remonstrance, which began with a Whiggish demand for increased legislative representation for frontier counties, has led historians to describe the Paxton Boys as frontier democrats who marched on Philadelphia to present grievances to the provincial government. The “humble Petition
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Mattes, Robert, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "Legislatures and Democratic Development in Africa." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (2016): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.83.

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Abstract:Afrobarometer data collected three decades after Joel Barkan’s pioneering survey of rural Kenyans confirm his insights that voters stress MPs’ linkage roles in terms of representation (carrying views upward to the capital) and constituency service (bringing goods downward from national government) over their institutional roles (lawmaking and oversight). And, contrary to conventional wisdom, they prefer collective goods for the constituency over private goods. An African Legislatures Project survey of 822 MPs in seventeen countries revealed, however, that MPs misinterpret this as a de
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Shanahan, Fiona. "Flying Below the Radar." Public History Review 28 (July 9, 2021): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/phrj.v28i0.7452.

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Australian government administrators and private enterprise took full advantage of the opportunities made possible by civil aviation in Australia’s Northern Territory. Yet, there is a common perception among Territorians that there is more on display and known about the defence aviation heritage of the Territory. Considering the long-term impact civil aviation has had on Territorians and their way of life, this paper queries this representation of its aviation past. This is achieved through a heritage audit, alongside an exploration of primary and secondary historical resources, and other form
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Esarey, Justin, and Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer. "Women’s Representation, Accountability and Corruption in Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (2017): 659–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000478.

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At the turn of the twenty-first century, an important pair of studies established that greater female representation in government is associated with lower levels of perceived corruption in that government. But recent research finds that this relationship is not universal and questions why it exists. This article presents a new theory explaining why women’s representation is only sometimes related to lower corruption levels and provides evidence in support of that theory. The study finds that the women’s representation–corruption link is strongest when the risk of corruption being detected and
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Akirav, Osnat. "Women's Leadership in Local Government." Review of European Studies 13, no. 1 (2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n1p77.

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In the last two decades the number of women involved in politics locally and nationally has increased.  Nevertheless, there is limited empirical work investigating the increase in the number of female candidates for the position of mayor. To fill this gap in the literature, we conducted interviews with 57 of the 72 female candidates for mayor in Israel before the October 2018 elections, and 37 of the 72 female candidates for mayor after the election. In addition, we interviewed 11 male candidates and men elected as mayors after the election, as well. On the individual level with regar
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Donnar, Glen. "A Support Withdrawn: ‘Spain's 9/11’ and Australian Newspaper Framing." Media International Australia 130, no. 1 (2009): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913000106.

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This study represents an attempt to redress the neglect of academic research into coverage of the Madrid train bombings through a content analysis of major Australian newspapers in the immediate aftermath (12–21 March 2004). It quantifies a sudden and significant shift in representation from a ‘support for Spain’ news frame following the bombings to a ‘criticism of Spain’ frame following the Spanish national election result only three days later. Australian newspapers made support for a terrorised Spain conditional on a politics of representation marked by the ‘war on terror’ as a master frame
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40

Yusro, Lailatul, and Khairul Umam. "Tandha’ Dance in Sumenep: Dynamics and Shifting Islamic Values in Local Cultural Representation." KARSA Journal of Social and Islamic Culture 31, no. 2 (2023): 395–417. https://doi.org/10.19105/karsa.v31i2.11817.

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Tandha’ is a local art in Madura, not least in the Sumenep district, which was once used as a medium for da'wah, so there are many Islamic values in it. However, over time, the Islamic value is replaced by the materialistic value in the practice of tandha' itself, so much so that its existence even causes controversy in the community. This shift has also changed the characteristics of tandha' as a local art in Sumenep. This study aims to look at tandha’ in its original form, which is full of Islamic values and is very distinctive, and how the shift occurred and what aspects have changed in tan
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41

Carney, Josh. "Resur(e)recting a Spectacular Hero:Diriliş Ertuğrul, Necropolitics, and Popular Culture in Turkey." Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 1 (2018): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.6.

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AbstractThe hugely popular proto-Ottoman television serialResurrection Ertuğrul(Diriliş Ertuğrul, 2014–) is the culmination of a series of attempts by Turkish government broadcaster TRT to produce a historical drama in line with the values of the governing AKP. Far from being confined to the television screen,Resurrectionis called upon by the government for multiple extra-textual engagements with the public. This essay traces some of the ways in which the serial has been used instrumentally by the AKP, blurring traditional distinctions between entertainment and official (state sanctioned) hist
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42

Kabakchieva, Petya. "From Representative to Anti-Civic Populist Democracy?" Southeastern Europe 44, no. 2 (2020): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-04402005.

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This article analyses the emergence and development of different forms of civil society in Bulgaria from the late 1980s to the present day, focusing on ngos and the large anti-government protests in 1989–1991, 1997, and 2013–2014. It shows that civil society has been developing in ebbs and flows, its main actors having alt-civic and fake doubles: nationalist movements and fake counter-protests. Recent developments indicate a clear trend of transition from representative to direct democracy, which coincides with the populist orientation of most parties. This coincidence is dangerous because pop
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43

Martin, Geoffrey. "The Consequences of Some Angry Re-Tweets: Another Medium is the Message." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 2 (2019): 259–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.42.

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AbstractMost research on the Gulf states focuses on oil and its impact on state power. The literature on rentier theory almost unanimously agrees that oil rents buy off citizens and lead to socio-political stagnation. Massive protests and government attempts to address citizen demands in Kuwait between 2011 and 2013 call into question that narrative. Since those protests, the Kuwaiti government has taken steps to increase its representation of public officials and accessibility in the public sphere, including by expanding the government's presence on Instagram. How have Kuwaiti citizens voiced
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44

Yoder, Jennifer A. "“Revenge of the East”?" German Politics and Society 38, no. 2 (2020): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380202.

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This article examines the ways the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has claimed to supply eastern voters with important elements of political representation that they demand. Rather than seeking “revenge,” which would suggest voting purely out of protest against a government or policy, the evidence examined in this article suggests that some voters in the East support the AfD to express something else. The reactions of some of the other political parties in the wake of recent elections suggest that they have begun to pay more attention to their roles in the electorate and to the various dimension
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45

Beltrán, Cristina. "RACIAL PRESENCE VERSUS RACIAL JUSTICE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 11, no. 1 (2014): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000034.

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AbstractIn the realm of electoral politics, a growing number of women, African Americans, and Latinos now serve at the highest levels of government. For many Americans, the bipartisan presence of representatives who are people of color and/or women is proof that we live in a “post-feminist” and “postracial” era in which institutions are now fundamentally fair and accessible. Rather than assuming that racial presence is synonymous with racial justice, this essay turns to aesthetic theory to advocate for a new understanding of presence—not as proof that racial or gender justice has been achieved
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46

Cohen, Jean L. "The Self-Institution of Society and Representative Government: Can the Circle be Squared?" Thesis Eleven 80, no. 1 (2005): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513605049122.

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47

Kállai, Péter. "Preferential Roma Representation in the Hungarian Parliament is Obstructed by the Fidesz Government?" European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 20, no. 1 (2021): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-02001012.

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In the approach to the 2022 elections in Hungary, ORÖ, the National Roma Self-Government, was supposed to draw up their national minority list but failed to do so before the deadline. This paper argues that this is not just the result of serious political disagreements within the Roma community, but the outcome of different external effects as well. The paper unfolds the two major modes of influence which effect the parliamentary representation of Roma. First, there are institutional constraints hindering the autonomous decision-making processes of the relevant bodies. As the competitive eleme
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48

Özdoğan, Günay Göksu, and Büşra Ersanlı. "Obstacles and opportunities: recent Kurdish struggles for political representation and participation in Turkey." Southeastern Europe 35, no. 1 (2011): 62–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545689.

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AbstractHaving gone through different phases of political action and facing various forms of suppression by the state, the Kurdish movement from 1990's persisted in establishing legal parties despite recurrent bans by the Constitutional Court. In the 2007 national elections DTP (after its ban the BDP) running as independent candidates formed a group in the Parliament which was followed by an extensive regional representation in eastern and southeastern Turkey in local elections of 2009. At the three levels of political activity (parliament, local government, civil society) the extent of women'
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49

Van Bockhaven, Vicky. "Leopard-men of the Congo in literature and popular imagination." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no. 1 (2017): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3465.

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The Anyoto leopard-men, a society from eastern Congo, operated between approximately 1890 and 1935. Until now the history of the leopard-men has inspired representations of Central Africa as a barbaric and disorderly place, and the idea that a secret association of men attacked innocent people and ate their limbs remains dominant in western culture. Since the early 20th century this image has been rather faithfully perpetuated in colonial ethnography and official reports and in popular representations of Africa. The Anyoto costumes in the collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa have
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50

Tavalla, Reza. "Digital Walls and Global Bridges: The Paradox of China’s Internet Censorship and Its International Cultural Exchange." Technium Social Sciences Journal 62 (October 8, 2024): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v62i1.11708.

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The document "Digital Walls and Global Bridges: The Paradox of China’s Internet Censorship and Its International Cultural Exchange" extensively explores the contradiction between China's strict internet censorship and global cultural exchange efforts. It investigates the impact of China's digital governance on global perceptions of its culture, diplomacy, and soft power through qualitative interviews with individuals from Iran, Romania, and Spain. The study reveals widespread criticism of China's social media platform censorship, noting a significant decrease in trust in the Chinese government
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