Tesis:

1

Lam, Maggie, and 林美琪. "Language and politics: use and abuse of language in political rhetoric." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.

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2

Chambers, Carmel M. "Rhetoric in British Columbia : an analysis of its influence upon adult education and women." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25364.

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The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology. Education, Faculty of Educational Studies (EDST), Department of Graduate

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3

Halmari, Sirkka Helena. "On dichotomous political rhetoric: With special reference to Ronald Reagan's language." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/567.

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4

James, Edwin M. (Edwin Martin). "Rhetoric as Praxis: A Model for Deconstructing Hermeneutic Discourse." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500434/.

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This study proposes a model for the deconstruction of nationalism. Nationalism is a discursive construct. This construct manifests in ideologies and formalizes order. Individuals should question these institutions in order to achieve legitimate societal participation. This criticism can be accomplished through self-reflection. The model demonstrates that sanctioned individual(s) provide interpretations of events. These interpretations recycle authority. The hermeneutic obscures an individual's understanding of the originating fact. Self-reflection allows an individual, such as Malcolm X in the Nation of Islam, to come closer to discovering the original fact. Critiquing the hermeneutic can reveal the imperfections of the message(s). Revealing the imperfections of an ideology is the first step to the liberation of the individual and society.

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5

Peirce, Karen Patricia. "Alternatives to Argumentation : implications for intercultural rhetoric /." Diss., Find on the web, 2006. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu%5Fetd%5F1517%5F1%5Fm.pdf&type=application/pdf.

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6

Gray, Robert John Stephen, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "More than a story : an exploration of political autobiography as persuasive discourse." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 1998, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/73.

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The epideictic discourse of political autobiography offers a powerful means of persuasion to attitude not otherwise available to politicians. In the extended narrative form of political autobiography, the audience's identification with characters, actions and speaker is central to persuasion. Narrative persuades implicitly by disposing the audience favourably to the rhetor and through the "common-sense assumptions" that the audience supplies in order to understand the discourse. The methodological approach used in this thesis, Fantasy Theme Analysis, addresses how the socialization process that is a primary function of epideictic rhetoric takes place. In the analysis, the rhetorical vision of the "game of politics" and two other fantasy themes are identified. The analysis demonstrates that an audience who identifies with this network of fantasy themes would also be influenced attitudinally and ideologically. The author concludes that political autobiography deserves further study because of its potentially important role in political persuasion. vi, 95 leaves ; 29 cm

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7

Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

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8

Dantile, Julius Jabavu Thami. "Uhlalutyo lwee-akhawunti zopolitiko emzantsi Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53704.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the effectiveness and inducement of political rhetoric in South African context. Political discourse has become more significant in South Africa since the sanction of a democratic political dispensation. This study is motivated by the events occurred as from 1998, which demand accounts from those implicated. Comments and reactions pertaining to events such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)- led land grabbing in BredeII, near Kempton Park, Gauteng; the Youth Day incident -16 June 2001; the ongoing tug-of-war between the ANC and its ally, Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) over strategic government policies; and Tony Yengeni's advertised refutation of getting kickbacks from the 'Arms Deal', have been the main focus of this study. These accounts have made it possible to apply Benoit's (1995) integrated image restoration strategies theory, which he developed from a variety of theories developed to understanding why certain utterances are made in certain contexts. The fundamental approach to developing Benoit's integrated theory originates from a constant interest by linguists and communication theorists in particular, and social psychologists in general, to understanding the dynamics of politeness in social context. Chapter 2 of this study presents a theoretical background to the development of politeness theory. Chapter 3 summarises the development of integrated image restoration strategies theory in public and social contexts. Chapter 4 deals with the application of Benoit's integrated image restoration strategies theory through the critical analysis of the abovementioned accounts from a weekly Internet publication, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001, which serve as a platform for the ANC to counteract the pervasiveness of political scandal in South African politics. Tony Yengeni's newspaper advertisement was of great interest as it was the first independent and personally paid public statement by a South African politician since the new democratic dispensation. Through the critical analysis of these accounts, it has been found that South African politicians do make public statements implementing defensive and persuasive strategies in order to protect or restore their images. AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die doeltreffendheid van die uitoefening van politieke retoriek in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Politieke diskoers het toenemend meer betekenisvol geword sedert die invoer van 'n demokratiese bestel. Hierdie studie is gemotiveer deur die politieke diskoers oor gebeure wat sedert 1998 plaasgevind het, waarvoor die geïmpliseerde persone verduidelikings moes aanbied. Kommentaar en response rakende gebeurtenisse soos die Pan-Afrika Kongres grondbesettings in BredeII, naby Kempton Park, Gauteng; die Jeugdag insident op 16 Junie 2001, die voortgaande dispuut tussen die ANC en sy vennoot, Kongres van Suid- Afrikaanse Werkers Unie (COSATU) oor strategiese regeringsbeleid; en Tony Yengeni se ge-adverteerde weerspreking van bevoordeling uit die Wapenkontrakte, vorm die hooffokus van hierdie studie. Hierdie verduidelikings is ondersoek deur die toepassing van Benoit (1995) se geïntegreerde beeld-herstel strategieë teorie, wat ontwikkel het vanuit 'n verskeidenheid teorieë ontwikkel om te verstaan waarom bepaalde uitinge in bepaalde kontekste gemaak word. Die grondliggende benadering in die ontwikkeling van Benoit se teorie het as oorsprong die belangstelling van taalkundiges en kommunikasie-teoretisie in die besonder, en sosiaal-sielkundiges in die algemeen, om die dinamika te verstaan van beleefdheid in sosiale konteks. Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie studie bied die teoretiese agtergrond van die ontwikkeling van beleefdheidsteorie. Hoofstuk 3 gee 'n opsomming van die ontwikkeling van geïntegreerde beeld-herstel teorie in openbare en sosiale kontekste. Hoofstuk 4 doen 'n toepassing van Benoit se beeld-herstel strategieë teorie deur die kritiese analise van die bogenoemde verduidelikings vanaf die Weeklikse Internet bulletin, 'ANC Today' vol. 1 no. 1, 2001, wat as 'n mondstuk dien vir die ANC om 'n teenstand te bied teen die algemeenheid van politieke skandaal in Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Tony Yengeni se koerantadvertensie het groot belangstelling uitgelok omdat dit die eerste onafhanklike en persoonlik-betaalde openbare verklaring was wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse politikus gemaak was sedert die instellingvan die demokratiese bestel. Deur die kritiese analise van hierdie verduidelikings is bevind dat Suid-Afrikaanse politici openbare verklarings maak waarin hulle verdedigende en oorredende strategieë implementeer ten einde hul beeld te beskerm en te herstel. USHWANKATHELO : Olu phando luphonononga ukusebenziseka nokukhuthazeka kokusetyenziswa kobuciko bezopolitiko kwimeko yaseMzantsi Afrika. Idiskhosi yezopolitiko ithande ukubaluleka eMzantsi Afrika ukusukela ngokumiselwa kwenkqubo yolawulo ngedemokrasi. Olu phando lukhuthazwe ziziganeko ezenzeke ukusukela ngo-1998 nezinyanzelise ukunikwa kweeakhawunti ngabo bachaphazelekayo. lintetho neempendulo ezayamene neziganeko ezinjengokurhwaphilizwa komhlaba ngabantu abakhokelwe ngamalungu aphambili e-Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) eBredell ngaseKempton Park, eRhawuntini; isiganeko soSuku loLutsha - 16 Juni 2001; ukuxambulisana phakathi kwe-African National Congress (ANC) kunye nehlakani layo i- Congress of South African Trade Union (Cosatu) ngezicwangciso-nkqubo; kunye nentengiso kaTony Yengeni yokuphika ukufumana izinyobo kuThengo Iwezixhobo, zibe ngumxholo ophambili wolu phando. Ezi akhawunti zenze kukwazeke ukusebenzisa ithiyori ehlangeneyo yobugcisa bokubuyekeza umfanekiso kaBenoit (1995) nayiphuhlise kwiithiyori ezahlukeneyo ezaphuhliselwa ukuqonda kuba kutheni kusenziwa iintetho ezithile ngokweemeko ezithile. Esona siseko singumvulandlela ekuphuhlisweni kwale thiyori kaBenoit sivela kumdla osoloko ukho kwiingcali zolwimi nezonxibelelwano, kunye neesayikholojisti zasekuhlaleni wokufuna ukuqonda ubuchukubhede ngentlonelo kwimeko yasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 2 solu phando sinika imvelaphi yethiyori yokuphuhliswa kwethiyori yentlonelo. Isahluko 3 sishwankathela ukuphuhliswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kwimeko yasesidlangalaleni neyasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 4 sijongene nokusetyenziswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kaBenoit ngohlalutyo Iwee-akhawunti ezixelwe apha ngentla, nezivela kupapasho Iweveki olukwi-Internet, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001 nesebenza njengeqonga le-ANC lokunika izimvo ngeziganeko namanyundululu ezopolitiko eMzantsi Afrika. Intengiso kaTony Yengeni kumaphephandaba yatsala amehlo nanjengoko ibe kokuqala ukwenziwa kwengxelo eloluhlobo ngumpolitiki kweloMzantsi Afrika kweli lixa ledemokrasi. Ngohlalutyo Iwezi akhawunti, kufumaniseke ukuba abapolitiki boMzantsi Afrika bayazenza iingxelo neentetho ezisebenzisa ubugcisa bokuzikhusela nobolukuhlo ngeenjongo zokuzikhusela okanye ukubuyekeza umfanekiso wabo.

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9

Longshore, Renee Michelle. "The rhetoric of state assessment: Educational politics in the public school system." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2721.

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In this thesis I explore the rhetoric behind the assessment push nation-wide and, particularly, in California. I take a close look at what politicians, educators, and citizens say about public education and their views of the current educational reform: whether they are speaking in support of or opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. I look specifically at the finances of public education in California, the impact and current outcome of NCLB, and propose new reforms as suggested by those intimately involved in education.

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10

Maseko, Thulani Norman. "The second transition : an analysis of the political rhetoric of the ANC and ANCYL." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020760.

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South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.

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11

Bejar, Ofelia Morales. "Zapatistas: The shifting rhetoric of a modern revolution." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2610.

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This thesis studies the rhetoric of the Zapatista Revolution and social movement through the analysis of Zapatista messages using the method of cluster criticism. It explores changes in the rhetoric of confrontation and the rhetoric of peace used by the Zapatistas to further their cause during the last ten years of the revolution.

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12

Morris, Michael R. "Bitzer's model of the rhetorical situation as examined through restoration rhetoric of the Posse Comitatus and the Republic of Texas." Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1221300.

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This thesis examines Bitzer's model of the rhetorical situation by using it, in combination with elements of Bormann's fantasy theme analysis to perform a criticism of radical right rhetoric. First, it identifies the exigencies that give rise to the sovereignty rhetoric employed by members of the radical right. This analysis then determines whether the speech meets the needs of its intended audience. To accomplish this task, two websites are analyzed: the Posse Comitatus/Christian Identity website and that of the Republic of Texas, a secessionist, common law/sovereign citizen's site. These websites claim to be the official websites of the two organizations. The analysis is a generative analysis, combining Bitzer's model of rhetorical situation with aspects of Bormann's fantasy theme analysis. Through performing the analysis, weaknesses and areas for improvement in Bitzer's model will be identified.Sovereignty and common law rhetoric comes in many variations, but all revolve around a central principle - that there are two classes of citizenship. United States citizenship is conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment and is accepted by participation in programs such as social security (Nagle, 1996). This form of citizenship is subject to extensive regulation and taxation. However, sovereignty rhetoric focuses on state citizenship. This type of citizenship is conferred by common law and can be recaptured by rejecting U.S. citizenship. Advocates of sovereignty argue that state citizens are not subject to most federal laws and cannot be taxed by the federal government.Why study common law/sovereign citizen rhetoric? There is broad crosspollination among extremist groups, and sovereignty rhetoric is a consistent theme for many of these groups (Shapiro, 1995). For example, individuals convicted of abortion bombings have had militia ties, and tax protestors attend preparedness expos' (Tharp & Holstein, 1997). Likewise, events such as the death of Randy Weaver's wife in the 1992 Ruby Ridge standoff, and the 1993 Branch Davidian fire are cited by extremists of numerous ideologies as evidence of a government conspiracy (Dyer, 1997).2 Furthermore, for every camouflage-clothed militia member, there are several amateur attorneys studying old law books, the Constitution and each other's websites in an effort to unravel the meaning of the "true" Constitution (Abanes, 1996).The Posse Comitatus and Republic of Texas websites are useful artifacts because they are clear examples of the types of rhetoric addressed in this study. The present incarnation of the Posse Comitatus merges Posse Comitatus and Christian Identity rhetoric, allowing exploration of the common law rhetoric of both groups through one website. While claiming not to be a militia website, the Republic ofI Preparedness expos offer survivalist training and equipment, firearms, ammunition and common law materials (Tharp & Holstein).Extremists are particularly fascinated by the date April 19, a date on which events ranging from the Revolutionary War to the Branch Davidian fire took place (Stern). In some circles, this date is called Militia Day and has assumed almost religious significance.Texas maintains at least three separate militias and features extensive discussions of common law and sovereign citizen rhetoric.To understand these groups, it is necessary to understand the exigencies that brought them into existence. Bitzer's model of rhetorical situation, with its focus on exigencies, is an excellent tool for understanding the social and economic factors contributing to the growth of these types of groups. However, Bitzer offers only limited insight into how the messages are spread and why people accept them. Bormann's fantasy theme method of analysis helps answer the questions of how the sovereignty/common law message satisfies the rhetorical and psychological needs of the group members. Department of Communication Studies

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13

Sutherland, Roxane Yvonne. "Defusing a Rhetorical Situation through Apologia: Ronald Reagan and the Iran-Contra Affair." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4581.

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This thesis examines the manner in which Ronald Reagan responded to the Tower Commission Report concerning his involvement in the Iran-Contra Affair. It explores the following questions: 1) What were the factors leading to a rhetorical situation as defined by the media and which required Ronald Reagan to provide a public response of self-defense; 2) what strategies of apologia did Reagan employ; and 3) how did the media and the White House characterize the outcome of Reagan's speech? Data for analysis were drawn from nationally recognized newspapers that shaped public perception of the Iran-Contra Affair: The Washington Post, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and The Christian Science Monitor. In addition, The Tower Commission Report and Ronald Reagan's March 4, 1987 speech were used as primary texts. It was found that the events of the Iran-Contra Affair qualified as a crisis, and exemplified an exigence needing a response. The thesis demonstrated that the Iran-contra Affair was an appropriate case for study as a rhetorical situation. Analysis demonstrates how Ronald Reagan made full use of the conventional apologetic strategies of denial, bolstering, differentiation, and transcendence to regain lost credibility; moreover, analysis provides further evidence of the utility of genre criticism.

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14

Hensley, Colton Dwayne. "Maximal Proposition, Environmental Melodrama, and the Rhetoric of Local Movements: A Study of The Anti-Fracking Movement in Denton, Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062840/.

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The environmental problems associated with the boom in hydraulic fracturing or "fracking," such as anthropogenic earthquakes and groundwater contamination, have motivated some citizens living in affected areas such as Denton, Texas to form movements with the goal of imposing greater regulation on the industry. As responses to an environmental threat that is localized and yet mobile, these anti-fracking movements must construct rhetorical appeals with complicated relationships to place. In this thesis, I examine the anti-fracking movement in Denton, Texas in a series of three rhetorical analyses. In the first, I compared fracking bans used by Frack Free Denton and State College, Pennsylvania to distinguish the argumentative claims that are dependent on the politics of place, and affect strategies localities must use in resisting natural gas extraction. In the second, I compare campaign strategies that use local identity as a way of invoking legitimacy, which reinforces narrative frameworks of environmental risk. In the third, I conduct and analyze interviews with anti-fracking leaders who described the narrative of their movement, which highlighted tensions in the rhetorical construction of a movement as local. Altogether, this thesis traces the rhetorical conception of place across the rhetoric of the anti-fracking movement in Denton, Texas, while seeking to demonstrate the value of combining rhetorical criticism with rhetorical field methods.

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15

Colunga, Jeannie Marie. "We have nothing to fear but tropes themselves: Rhetoric in the speeches of Franklin Delano Roosevelt." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/701.

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16

Wang, Jiayan. "A study of speech acts in U.S. presidential candidate." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1367.

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17

Garcia-Sheets, Maria. "An ideological criticism of David Duke's rhetoric of racism and exclusion." Scholarly Commons, 1999. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/525.

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This study focuses on the rhetoric of racial politics and the ideology of exclusion it produces. This study analyzes the political rhetoric constructed by David Duke, white supremacist, disavowed neo-Nazi, Ku Klux Klan member, and former Louisiana State Representative. The topics of affirmative action, reverse discrimination, immigration, and welfare were chosen for analysis. Using ideological criticism, this study reveals the role Duke pays in America's increasingly exclusionary political environment. Specifically, this study uses the concepts employed by Louisa Martin Rojo in exploring the rhetorical process of demonization which is used to turn someone or something into an enemy. The process needed to demonize an enemy involves two rhetorical strategies: division and rejection. Division establishes the opposing categories in the conflict, manifesting itself as an arguments between "us verses them" or "good verses evil." Rejection further demonizes the enemy by rhetorically marginalizing, segregating, or creating a negative image about them. Through his rhetoric, Duke strives to provoke feelings of resentment by utilizing demonization to reject and divide whites from minorities. In his rhetoric, Duke excludes people of color from society by portraying affirmative action as minority special privilege, reverse discrimination as white exclusion, welfare as a bastion of illegitimacy, and immigration as the downfall of American culture. Attempting to exclude minorities from society, Duke moves beyond Rojo's concept of demonization and uses scapegoating to blame minorities for America's social ills. By using people of color as a scapegoat, Duke effectively excludes them from participating in the debate over social concerns.

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18

Carlton, Rebecca Lynne. "Was the torch passed? : a fantasy theme analysis of the presidential campaign rhetoric of John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Robert Francis Kennedy." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834154.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the 1960 presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy and the 1968 presidential campaign of Robert F. Kennedy in order to analyze the similarities and differences that exist in their campaigns and their rhetoric. Specifically, the study examines the primary campaign rhetoric of the candidates and determines the rhetorical vision and fantasy themes that are created in three speeches from each campaign. The following research questions are proposed: What are the differences and similarities between John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy, in terms of their presidential rhetoric, their presidential campaigns, and their rhetorical visions? Does Robert Kennedy's rhetoric seem to be an extension of his brother's rhetoric or does it stand as his own?The study selects three speeches from each campaign as artifacts. The first speech by each candidate was the announcement of his candidacy. The second followed soon thereafter, before primary election results were a factor. The last speech reviewed in each campaign occurred after primary election results were announced, and the candidates had achieved success and failure in their campaigns.Fantasy theme analysis is employed to determine the fantasies that exist in the rhetoric and the rhetorical vision that is presented in each campaign. The analysis finds that each vision is comprised of four fantasy themes. The findings reveal that Robert Kennedy's rhetoric and rhetorical vision act as an entity separate from John Kennedy's, with unique goals and a different focus. Department of Speech Communication

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19

Binhas, Lynda. "La construction de l'économique comme objet sociologique, le discours politique patronal et syndical de 1945 à 1988." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0020/NQ47596.pdf.

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20

Hogan, Kevin. "The pit, the field and the edifice : a rhetorical analysis of the commemorative 9/11 Ceremonies of September 11, 2002." Scholarly Commons, 2006. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/642.

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This thesis analyzes the eulogistic and ideological rhetoric generated by the commemoration ceremonies recognizing the first anniversary of the events of September 11, 2001. By evaluating these ceremonies generically through a set of established epideictic criteria, a comparison and contrast of form and style in relation to their varying situations and rhetorical constraints was achieved. The intentional introduction of deliberative aspects to epideictic rhetoric was also a focus of this study in an attempt to discern the ideological frameworks employed by the various rhetors responsible for the content of the day's events. By analyzing the tokens and ideographs embedded in the rhetoric of the commemorative speakers, the ideological purposes of the planners and rhetors of the ceremonies were revealed. As a nationally televised, ceremonial event, the 9/11 commemoration failed. The mixed messages contained in the eulogies and the lack of a planned rhetorical strategy resulted in an emotionally engaging but fragmented exercise in public discourse.

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21

Castineira, Benítez Teresa Aurora. "Exploring political, institutional and professional discourses in Mexico: a critical, multimodal approach." Australia : Macquarie University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/70422.

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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Faculty of Human Sciences, Department of Linguistics, 2009. Bibliography: p. 210-223. General introduction -- A multimodal analysis of the 2006 Mexican presidential campaign billboards -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO: a multimodal analysis -- General conculsions. This is a thesis composed of three studies linked by a common critical multimodal approach to the analysis of the data. Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional framework was drawn on in order to explore the social practice, discursive practice and text dimensions of the discourses in question. The first two studies focus on printed texts in Mexican Spanish, whereas the third study addresses spoken interaction in English with occasional code switching to Spanish. -- Study 1: A Multimodal Analysis of the 2006 Mexican Presidential Campaign Billboards - This is a joint study (with my colleague Michael Witten and approved by my supervisor and the Department of Linguistics at Macquarie) which analyzes the political discourse of the multimodal and multisemiotic texts that the three major political parties involved in the 2006 Mexican presidential elections produced and extensively distributed through the medium of public billboards. We investigate how these parties express their particular ideologies, construct and convey social identities and relationships, and construct relations of power between themselves and the readers/viewers of these texts, through the medium of billboards. As indicated in the preamble, the methodological framework addresses these issues drawing on Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional model of analysis while employing a variety of qualitative techniques, tools, and approaches. -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting - Following the theme of multimodal critical discourse analysis, this study examines the institutionalized discourses of obligation and prohibition at the Library of the Language Faculty (LEMO)*of a public university in Mexico. Six different texts pertaining to various genres ranging from a protocol to notices were examined. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools such as those drawn from ethnography, critical discourse analysis, and systemic functional linguistics are utilized in the analysis of the data. Power relations between the institution and the library users are examined as well as the conditions of text production and reception, the latter through an ethnographic component. An emphasis is placed on the linguistic text. -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO - This study investigates one of the gatekeeping practices at the Language Faculty of a public university in Mexico (see above). The particular practice concerned consists of the professional examinations (vivas) that students have to take in order to obtain their degrees of 'Licenciatura en Lenguas Modernas' (BEd in Modern Languages) in the English Teaching section of the university. This study focuses on the professional discourse(s) utilized by both candidates and examiners by means of analyzing the texts of four recorded professional examinations. This study chiefly draws on Goffman's (1959) dramaturgical concepts of 'frontstage' and 'backstage', where the analysis of the frontstage work addresses the Question-and-Answer section of the examinations, and the analysis of the backstage work addresses the subsequent deliberations among the examiners concerning the performance of the candidates. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools are again drawn upon, such as ethnographic analysis, interactional sociolinguistics and critical discourse analysis. (* Facultad de Lenguas) Mode of access: World Wide Web. xii, 233 p. : ill. (some col.)

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Nicolas, Loïc. "La rhétorique et sa critique: à la rencontre du discours et de la liberté." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209942.

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L’objet de cette thèse est d’engager une discussion concernant l’épistémologie de la discipline rhétorique et de formuler des propositions visant à la refonder. En partie spéculative, la réflexion que je mène à partir des travaux de Chaïm Perelman notamment, rattache cette antique discipline à la « raison pratique ». Une raison agissante qui donne l’occasion d’assumer et d’affronter l’indétermination du monde – sans pour autant faire de cette indétermination un chaos, ni en prendre ombrage pour sombrer dans le relativisme. Dans cette perspective, la rhétorique se trouve conçue comme un dispositif propre à accompagner les hommes dans le difficile exercice d’une liberté citoyenne. Une liberté au sens fort, ancrée dans la pratique du politique, telle que l’entendaient les Anciens.Je m’efforce tout d’abord de montrer que, dès l’origine, la rhétorique a représenté une compétence nouvelle, mais aussi une occasion unique de dire, d’habiter et de séculariser le monde. Ma démarche consiste donc à réfléchir l’émergence de la rhétorique dans la Grèce ancienne. À ce titre, j’analyse la fonction politique, sociale, symbolique, attribuée à la parole dans cette Cité démocratique dont elle a accompagné l’invention. Parole qui s’est vue accorder une place inégalée :comme support et comme condition de l’action citoyenne. Pourtant, force est de constater que, malgré ce succès, la rhétorique a très vite été dénoncée comme un art de tromper, de mentir, de dissimuler ses lacunes. Des générations de philosophes, d’hommes d’Église ou de scientifiques se sont attachés à démonter son fonctionnement, sa dynamique, à décrier son enseignement et, finalement, à souhaiter son évincement. C’est pourquoi, je m’intéresse aux critiques qui ont été adressées à la parole rhétorique depuis l’Antiquité jusqu’au XIXe siècle. Par là, j’entends donner une vision nouvelle de cette antique « fonction » du langage, par-delà la synthèse de ses caricatures.En outre, mon propos s’attache à mettre en lumière les lieux communs sur lesquels se fonde notre relation au discours. Dans une optique qui va d’Aristote à Perelman, je défends l’idée selon laquelle la rhétorique ne constitue pas (comme on pourrait le penser) une méthode pour apprendre à vivre ensemble dans la paix des mots, mais, avant tout, une façon de pratiquer la critique avec et contre l’autre :l’adversaire. Et ceci afin de prendre des décisions dans le monde contingent des affaires humaines. Or, c’est justement au titre de sa fonction agonistique que la rhétorique a perdu sa place et son sens dans nos démocraties. Face à cela, l’enjeu de mon travail est de mettre en évidence, après Perelman, l’existence d’une raison tout à la fois une et plurielle. En effet, la multiplicité des voies possibles, leur antagonisme, n’est pas le signe d’une raison anarchique et inconséquente, le signe d’une raison hantée par la déraison. Il s’agit, au contraire, d’une chance offerte à la raison de se mettre à l’épreuve et de risquer la liberté. Du reste, perdre cette dimension agonistique, la dénoncer, la condamner comme irrationnelle, ainsi que le font les théories normatives de l’argumentation, revient à manifester la coupure entre le langage et les ressources critiques de la rhétoriques qui permettent de faire de nos prises de parole un moyen et une ressource de l’émancipation. Doctorat en Langues et lettres info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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23

Davis, Lori Leigh. "The Kimberley Process and Certificate Scheme : a classical Aristotelian rhetorical analysis of the international tripartite regime against conflict diamonds." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14255.

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Established in 2003, the Kimberley Process (KP) is a binding agreement; backed by the United Nations, that unites civil societies, state actors and the diamond industry to safeguard ‘conflict' diamonds from entering legitimate rough diamond trade around the world. The unique international tripartite organization is voluntary but mandates state participants to abide by the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) minimum requirements in order to stem the financing or wars against legitimate governments. This study represents the first to explore the communications within the KP. The linguistic turn relies on Classical rhetoric theory with an emphasis on Aristotle's three appeals of persuasion (“pisteis”): ethos, logos and pathos of elite actors in the KP. As for the precise nature of the contribution to rhetorical analysis, this project is best characterised as an application of Classical principals of rhetorical analysis, rather than as a development of theory. A comprehensive literature review of the KP and KPCS is another distinctive contribution. Furthermore, this academic endeavour offers a unique method as shown in the observation of a KP Intersessional meeting. Supplementing the qualitative inquiry, semi-structured interviews were conducted with all of the KP groups and included a wide sample of civil society international and national non-government organizations, state actors and industry members otherwise not represented in previous empirical efforts on the subject. The data chapters achieve the primary aim to add to the understanding of the KP. Firstly, the civil societies engage in boycott rhetoric using ethos and negative pathos. As for state actors, the KP Chair exhibits charismatic leadership rhetoric, while ‘recognized' established states use logical reasoning, the ‘outlier' states evoke positive pathos. Lastly, the diamond industry experts appeal to negative emotions, the World Diamond Council to logos, and De Beers to positive emotional appeals. Combined, the rhetoric shows (a) how KP rhētors use different rhetorical strategies; (b) which in turn shape distinct discourses; (c) and contain dissimilar claims; (d) points to different motivations; (e) highlight different identities; (f) reveal key characteristics, and; (g) the nature of relationships within the KP. The organization rhetorical analysis also entails how the multiple KP leaders view the KP and KPCS and change. While the rhetoric helps demonstrate the constraints surrounding the KP and KPCS it also underlines the primary human rights and human security in which they all share. This thesis provides an extended critical view of the rhetoric by connecting Aristotelian pisteis with different conceptions of power outlined by French and Raven (1959) and Lukes (2005/1974). Combined, the rhetoric helps to explain the ways the KP attempts to achieve their specific political and economic goals while also building relationships with their stakeholders. Rhetoric is a worthwhile theory and methodological approach in order to explore organizations. The KP, and other international organizations provide an opportune arena for further rhetorical attention.

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Davis, Shannon Renee. ""The Buck Stops With Me" : An Analysis of Janet Reno's Defensive Discourse in Response to the Branch Davidian Crisis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279086/.

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This study provides a genre analysis of Janet Reno's apologia in response to the Mt. Carmel disaster. Discussions of the events leading up to the crisis, Reno's rhetorical response, and relevant situational constraints and exigencies are provided.

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25

Larin, Lauren Marie. "Regulating Pavement Dwellers: the Politics of the Visibly Poor in Public Space." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3471.

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Many researchers argue the increasing reliance on sit/lie ordinances to regulate homeless people's use of public space is one in a suite of neoliberal policies that shape the geographies of public space in cities to serve the needs of global capital. However, these policies are developed at the local, not global, level as specific actors make claims in the public sphere that communicatively shape policy formation. Through comparative case study, this research asks, how do different actors, situated in specific local and global contexts, influence the adoption of sit/lie ordinances? I examine two cases of policymaking in Portland and San Francisco. I use discourse analytic strategies and thematic coding of newspapers, archival documents, and key informant interviews to look at policy-making processes as they occur in their political, social, and economic contexts. I focus especially on the role of language in policy-making, policy-making arenas, and actions of grassroots actors, drawing from three interdisciplinary literatures to develop an explanatory theory of policy-making. I find the four interrelated explanatory factors in policy-making were: the actors (neoliberal and right-to-the-city); the tactics they use; the policy talk they use; and the policy arenas. First, political processes provide windows of opportunity and determine arenas for political activities. The different policy arenas (citizen election, committee, council led, litigation, etc.) influence the audience that the actors care about, and thus the policy talk. Additionally, elected officials have a determining effect on which arenas they use, which in turns structures the opportunities for policy talk. Second, the arena influences the depth to which resisters can discuss the issues with the wider public and decision-makers. This may explain why the right-to-the-city frame may not have been used as much as the academic literature might suggest. Resisters find it much harder to use this framing with the general public or elected officials because it takes too much time to explain to those unfamiliar. Instead, they rely more on concepts that may be more familiar like the dependent poor and unequal impact of the law on minority groups. Third, I find local actors have different positions in the global economy, however on the local level their different avenues and strategies of involvement are due to local conditions rather than global ones. The location in the global political economy seems to be less important than local political decision making contexts and the actions of individuals who are locally powerful due to their economic status and political connections. This suggests room for resisters to use local politics to resist these ordinances, without having to take on the entire global economy. Finally, actors use different narratives to influence decision makers and each other, responding and shifting to competing frames over time. The change over time is important, as it shows how policy debates change based on influences from different actors. My findings suggest the framing of the original necessity for the policy can influence the policy trajectory, but actors can and do respond and successfully shift policy talks over time. The dissertation concludes with additional implications for grassroots practice based on these theoretical findings.

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Parks, Ryan William. "Rhetorical strategies of legitimation : the 9/11 Commission's public inquiry process." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2470.

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This research project seeks to explore aspects of the post-reporting phase of the public inquiry process. Central to the public inquiry process is the concept of legitimacy and the idea that a public inquiry provides and opportunity to re-legitimate the credibility of failed public institutions. The current literature asserts that public inquiries re-legitimise through the production of authoritative narratives. As such, most of this scholarship has focused on the production of inquiry reports and, more recently, the reports themselves. However, in an era of accountability, and in the aftermath of such a poignant attack upon society, the production of a report may represent an apogee, but by no means an end, of the re-legitimation process. Appropriately, this thesis examines the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process. The 9/11 Commission provides a useful research vehicle due to the bounded, and relatively linear, implementation process of the Commission’s recommendations. In little more than four months a majority of the Commission’s recommendations were passed into law. Within this implementation phase the dominant discursive process took place in the United States Congress. It is the legislative reform debates in the House of Representatives and the Senate that is the focus of this research project. The central research question is: what rhetorical legitimation strategies were employed in the legislative reform debates of the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process? This study uses a grounded theory approach to the analysis of the legislative transcripts of the Congressional reform debates. This analysis revealed that proponents employed rhetorical strategies to legitimise a legislative ‘Call to Action’ narrative. Also, they employed rhetorical legitimation strategies that emphasised themes of bipartisanship, hard work and expertise in order to strengthen the standing of the legislation. Opponents of the legislation focused rhetorical de-legitimation strategies on the theme of ‘flawed process’. Finally, nearly all legislators, regardless of their view of the legislation, sought to appropriate the authoritative legitimacy of the Commission, by employing rhetorical strategies that presented their interests and motives as in line with the actions and wishes of the Commission.

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Bittencourt, Rodrigo do Prado 1984. "Lina e o poder do erro : ensinamentos de uma personagem de João Guimarães Rosa." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270105.

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Orientador: Mário Luiz Frungillo Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T10:32:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bittencourt_RodrigodoPrado_M.pdf: 570719 bytes, checksum: b34aad4dc718b9dd967052de186aef46 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 Resumo: Este texto busca estudar os aspectos políticos, históricos e sociais trabalhados por João Guimarães Rosa em "A estória de Lélio e Lina", texto presente em Corpo de Baile. Para isso, se analisará como as palavras e ações de Lina servem para resgatar a ordem de um mundo em transformação. Ao se perceber em pleno encontro do moderno com o tradicional na zona rural de Minas Gerais no final do século XIX e início do XX, Lélio sente-se perdido. Ele precisa de Lina para se situar em meio ao dinamismo da História e poder formular/reformular seu papel enquanto agente e sujeito de sua vida. As referências que o texto faz aos processos de transformação histórica são o objeto da pesquisa. O que insere este trabalho na linha de análise dos componentes históricos e sociais presentes na obra de Rosa e, sem desprezar os outros enfoques analíticos, busca analisar tal obra em meio à cultura e à época em que ela se desenvolveu e ver o que ela tem a dizer a respeito de seu mundo Abstract: This text aims to study the political, historical and social aspects worked by João Guimarães Rosa in his novel "A estória de Lélio e Lina", present in the book Corpo de Baile. To achieve this, it going to analyze how the words and actions of Lina serve to rescue the order of a changing world. Finding himself in full meeting of modern and traditional in rural Minas Gerais in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Lelio feels disoriented. He needs Lina to keep strong himself amid the dynamism of the History and can to formulate / reformulate its role as agent and leader of his life. The references that this text makes to the processes of historical transformation are the object of the research. So, this study falls in line with the analysis of social and historical components present in the books of Rosa and, without neglecting the other analytical approaches, this article seeks to analyze these works in the contexts of the Culture and the History in which his Literature developed itself and see what she has to say about their world Mestrado Teoria e Critica Literaria Mestre em Teoria e História Literária

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Weinblum, Sharon. "The management of security and democracy in political discourse: an analysis of the competing discursive articulations of the security-democracy nexus in the Israeli Parliament." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209748.

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This dissertation departs from the common understanding that the democratic challenge is to strike the right balance between security and democracy; rather it asserts that the relations between security and democracy are discursively constructed by political actors. The dissertation takes as case study a state where the security discourse has been acute and omnipresent since the very beginning of its establishment: Israel. Drawing on discourse theory premises and narrative analyses, the research enlightens how the security-democracy nexus is articulated in political discourse. The study offers a careful analysis of a set of debates held within the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, over laws and decisions taken in the name of security and that generated discussions over democratic values and principles. The main focus of the analysis is the post-second intifada laws, but the study also offers account of previous discursive articulations at play in the 1980s. Indeed, the understanding of the discursive articulations of the security democracy nexus would not be possible without digging into the roots of its discursive articulations. The overall work gives a detailed account of the way the dominant narrative, by articulating security and democracy in a "defensive democracy" story, has reproduced and reshaped the boundaries of the Israeli polity. Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Safar, Imad. "Discours et solutions au paupérisme régional arabe." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210809.

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Le constat évoqué à propos des peuples arabes, acteurs passifs d’un contexte de paupérisation, est centré sur ses orientations futures à travers l'impact déterminant des discours idéologiques.L’entrée du monde arabe dans l’ère moderne a tourné au désastre, entravant son accès à la modernité en l'éloignant peu à peu d’une idée de progrès. L’effort de dépassement d'une logique de crise perpétuelle s'orientera inévitablement vers la recherche d’un idéal commun en mesure de conférer une stabilité vitale pour cette région soumise à des siècles d’instabilité. Parmi les choix futurs des populations arabes, l'une des alternatives pourrait être l'éradication du contexte de misère via l’instauration d’un mode de production démocratique. Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation philosophie info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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30

Zhao, Geng Ping Holly. "Rhetorical devices and translation in political discourse :a case study of Xi Jinping : The Governance of China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954472.

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Rhidenour, Kayla. "Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of ." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.

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This study examined the ideograph of <collateral damage> through an analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric as well as visual photographs of Iraqi civilian deaths. The project argues that the psycho-dynamic rhetoric of the Bush Administration during a time of visual censorship lead to the dehumanization of Iraqi civilian deaths during the War in Iraq. The method consisted of a textual analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric and continued with a content analysis of news media's photographs. The author argues that critics gain a deeper understanding of the disappearing dead phenomenon of Iraqi civilians by examining ideographic fragments of psycho-dynamic rhetoric.

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Kyser, Tiffany S. "Folked, Funked, Punked: How Feminist Performance Poetry Creates Havens for Activism and Change." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2192.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010. Title from screen (viewed on July 19, 2010). Department of English, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Karen Kovacik, Peggy Zeglin Brand, Ronda C. Henry. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-83).

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Paparouni, Evgenia. "La rhétorique des institutions européennes: le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.

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Abstract (version française suit)Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.RésuméQuoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. Doctorat en Langues et lettres info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Del-Grosso, Marc-Olivier. "The perception of islam by political parties : a comparative analysis of the rhetorical and perceptive schemes used in Australia and France." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0003.

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La perception de l'islam dans les deux pays s'inscrit dans deux contextes historiques très différents, qui ont forgé des systèmes de contraintes et de ressources propres. Les dynamiques de ces contextes sont de deux natures, endogène et exogène. Endogène, d'abord, pour l'histoire migratoire et les conditions d'installation spécifiques des populations musulmanes dans les deux pays. Les dynamiques exogènes découlent de la prise en charge par les autorités publiques. En analysant l'islam sous ce prisme multidimensionnel, cette thèse sert trois objectifs respectivement épistémologique, méthodologique et heuristique. D'un point de vue théorique, la thèse montre que la perception de l'islam par les partis politiques illustre la nécessité d'articuler des processus de surdétermination structurelle et des modalités d'objectivation dans l'approche sociologique. En termes pratiques, cela implique l'exploration de nouvelles manières de trianguler les outils qualitatifs et quantitatifs pour combiner les dimensions microsociologiques, mésosociologiques et macrosociologiques, de même que diachronicité et synchronicité des constats empiriques. Ce faisant, la comparaison examine comment deux "types" de traditions légales-politiques ont modelé différentes réponses à la question de l'intégration des musulmans dans les cadres cognitifs et axiologiques du pays, et permet de mettre en perspective des discours et des représentations sur la période 2001-2015. La thèse montre la pertinence limitée de dualismes traditionnels comme l'opposition droite/gauche sur cette question et suggère des postures alternatives pour dépasser ces biais The perception of Islam in France and Australia revolves around two very different socio-historical contexts, which produced differentiated systems of constraints and resources for political parties. The structuring dynamics of these contexts are both endogenous and exogenous. The endogenous ones include the migratory history and the specific conditions of settlement of Muslim populations in both countries. The exogenous dynamics ensue from the public authorities' management. In analysing Islam under this multidimensional prism, this thesis serves three purposes: an epistemological one, a methodological one and a heuristic one. From a theoretical point of view, it shows that the perception of Islam by political parties epitomises the necessity of articulating structural overdetermination processes and modalities of objectivation in the sociological approach. In practical terms, this involves exploring new ways to triangulate qualitative and quantitative tools for combining microsociological, mesosociological and macrosociological dimensions, as well as the diachronicity and synchronicity of empirical observations. In doing so, the comparison examines how two "types" of legal-political traditions have shaped different answers to the same question of integrating Muslims within the axiological and cognitive frameworks of the country, and further enables putting into perspective party discourses and representations on the period 2001-2015. It shows the limited relevance of traditional dualisms like the Left/Right opposition on this issue and suggests alternative analytical stances to overcome their biases

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35

Feller, Amanda Elizabeth. "Dialogue and Critical Thinking in Personal Action." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4962.

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A common criticism of U.S. citizens today, whether as voters or students or workers, is that they are "lazy and apathetic". It is important to explore the validity of this criticism. This thesis begins with the premise that there are two prerequisites for citizenship in a democracy: (1) that citizens be willing to participate and (2) that citizens are able to participate. The purpose of this research is to examine a particular set of perspectives regarding social conditions which consistently impact the two aforementioned prerequisites. This examination addresses social conditions that undermine a person's ability to participate meaningfully and it addresses perspectives on alternative social conditions which support personal action. Included in this set of perspectives are relevant concepts and ideas derived from Socrates, John Locke, Karl Marx, Anthony Giddens, and Michael Lerner. These prominent thinkers provide likely, but not exclusive examples of how certain themes commonly emerge regarding social conditions and their relationship to communication. Each of these sources, in different ways and to different degrees, demonstrates how social conditions commonly encourage ideology that can undermine personal action. Additionally, each theorist indicates the need for dialogue and critical thinking to penetrate these social conditions and ideologies, thus providing the keys to encouraging personal action. Once established, the potential for dialogue and critical thinking is discussed with regard to several important social arenas and systems of American culture: mass media, education, the workplace, and government. The true test of whether or not Americans are willing to participate depends upon the nature and extent of their ability to participate. As the promotion of dialogue and critical thinking is necessary to assure the second, an exploration of these capacities is necessary to begin assessing the first.

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36

Menuet, Laetitia. "Le discours sur l'espace judiciaire européen : analyse du discours et sémantique argumentative." Phd thesis, Université de Nantes, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00133442.

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La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l'Union européenne sur l'espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l'analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l'expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L'objectif est de définir comment s'élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l'identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l'espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d'analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu'il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d'un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d'un discours sécuritaire et celle d'un discours sur l'État de droit et la démocratie.

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37

Préaux, Céline. "Le déclin d'une élite: l'évolution du discours communautaire public des francophones d'Anvers et des anglophones de Montréal." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209907.

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La communauté nationale constitue le sujet d’analyse de départ de nombreuses études historiques contemporaines. Depuis la Révolution française, la nation, acteur légitimateur de l’État souverain, est considérée comme l’incarnation et l’expression d’une identité collective, elle-même composée de celle de la multiplicité des citoyens qui la constituent. Aussi, dès cette époque, les historiens se sont-ils attachés à édifier des histoires « nationales », coïncidant bien souvent avec une quête des éléments fondateurs essentiels de la nation. La doctrine élitiste et la tradition stato-nationaliste se sont longtemps conjuguées pour privilégier l’image de nations homogènes, faisant de ces histoires « nationales » en réalité l’histoire de la nation symboliquement majoritaire de l’État-nation censé représenter la diversité de ses citoyens. Or, la démocratisation et la diversification des sociétés occidentales ont progressivement invalidé ces postulats. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale la nécessité se fait ressentir de redéfinir la nation sur la base de la reconnaissance de son assise populaire et de la diversité de sa composition. Ce besoin se traduit par un intérêt croissant accordé aux minorités nationales, tant dans le monde politique que dans la communauté scientifique. Toutes les minorités ne bénéficient toutefois pas de cet élan, si bien que certaines restent encore largement ignorées à l’heure actuelle. Notre étude se penche sur deux d’entre elles :les francophones de Flandre et les anglophones du Québec, grands laissés pour compte des historiographies respectivement belge et canadienne. L’évolution de ces anciennes minorités dominantes, autrefois « définisseurs de situation » en Belgique et au Canada, est pourtant fondamentale pour comprendre les conflits linguistiques qui ont occupé (et occupent encore) ces pays. Elle est déterminante pour la forme que prennent les identités flamande et québécoise et, partant, les nations belge et canadienne. La comparaison de ces deux minorités permet, quant à elle, de cerner la complexité et la spécificité des nationalismes flamand et québécois. Partant du postulat que les nations sont des constructions sociales imaginées, cette étude a pour ambition de retracer les étapes de la formation nationale en Flandre et au Québec, en se concentrant sur le rôle de l’altérité dans celle-ci. Elle se focalise sur l’analyse des discours des minorités et des majorités dans ces régions, conçus comme des actes de définition identitaire interactifs et interdépendants. Elle se penche sur les villes d’Anvers et de Montréal, lieux de cristallisation des débats communautaires respectivement en Flandre et au Québec. Enfin, elle considère les périodes charnières au cours desquelles les majorités en ces régions se lancèrent à la « reconquête » de « leur » société, sanctionnant par là même la minorisation effective des francophones de Flandre et des anglophones du Québec. Ouvrant la porte d’un domaine laissé en friche, nous espérons ainsi donner une impulsion nouvelle à la recherche historique en Belgique et au Canada, en faisant (re)découvrir l’histoire de ces sociétés sous un angle inédit. Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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38

Raymond, Lucie. "La construction médiatique de la revendication « antisystème » : enquête sur les stratégies de création et de renouvellement d’une (im)posture journalistique et politique." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=http://theses.paris-sorbonne.fr/2020SORUL071.pdf.

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Cette recherche interroge la construction médiatique de la revendication « antisystème » sur une période de plus de trente ans (1990-2020). Notre problématique questionne les modalités de construction et de renouvellement de la « posture antisystème », en lien avec les transformations de l’écosystème médiatique au sein duquel évoluent les figures porteuses de cette revendication. Pour ce faire, nous proposons, dans un premier temps, d’identifier et de classer les figures de l’« antisystème » pour examiner, dans un second temps, leurs trajectoires médiatiques et discursives. Trois principaux axes analytiques guident cette démarche. En premier lieu nous montrons comment une rhétorique du ressentiment permet aux acteurs de l’« antisystème » de construire une double image de « combattant » et de « victime » du « système ». Nous proposons ensuite d’étudier le potentiel médiagénique des figures étudiées, c’est-à-dire la manière dont elles s’adaptent aux supports et aux formats par lesquels elles sont médiatisées. Nous examinons ainsi les procédés sémio-discursifs qui permettent aux « antisystème » d’interagir avec les grands médias d’information qu’ils critiquent par ailleurs, tout en déployant une « panoplie » communicationnelle sur l’internet. Enfin, nous proposons d’étudier la manière dont les personnalités de l’« antisystème » construisent des espaces numériques « contre-informationnels » pour imposer une vision du monde en lien avec leur idéologie politique This research questions the media construction of the "anti-system" claim over a period of more than thirty years (1990-2020). Our thesis problematic questions the modalities of construction and renewal of the "anti-system posture", in connection with the transformations of the media environment within which these figures evolve. We first work on identifying and classifying the « anti-system » figures; we then examine their media and discursive trajectories. Three main analytical points guide this analysis. We first demonstrate the building of a rhetoric of resentment, which allows the anti-system actors to present themselves as both “fighters” and “victims” of “the system”. We then study the mediagenic potential of these figures: we therefore analyse their ways of adapting to the media and formats in which they are mediated. We thus examine the semio-discursive processes through which the "anti-system" interact with the major information media they are criticising, while deploying at the same time a communicational "panoply" on the Internet. We finally study their construction of “counter informational” spaces online, to spread their vision of a world in line with their political ideology

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39

Globetti, Suzanne. "Ideological campaign rhetoric and its effects." 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3110615.

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40

Whitehall, Geoffrey Alexander Wallace. "Moving grammars of the political beyond sovereign thought and action /." Thesis, 2004. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=813772391&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1233968198&clientId=23440.

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41

Palmer, Scott Aaron. "Al Gore Jr. and the rhetoric of self-disclosure." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/36124.

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Senator Al Gore Jr. was elected Vice-President of the United States on November 3, 1992. During many of his public speeches, Gore utilized a speaking style that differed radically from the style he used in other political campaigns of his life. This style, which will be called the "rhetoric of self-disclosure," can be characterized as consisting of a particular language style that is associated with the self-help movement that became popular in the United States during the 1980's. This language consists of phrases and terms such as "co-dependency," "dysfunction," "dysfunctional families," "denial," and others. In an attempt to understand the uses and effects of this rhetorical device, the theories of Edwin Black are used as a critical model. A combination of two theories, specifically the theories of secrecy and disclosure and the second persona, produced a unique critical methodology that generated insight into Gore as a speaker, and the applications of this unique rhetorical style. A literature survey provides information not only about Gore's political and personal history, but also about the growth and success of the self-help movement in the United States. Included in this review were a number of public addresses given by Gore in the 1992 campaign, his book Earth in the Balance: Ecology and the Human Spirit, and discussions of the self-help movement and therapy groups. The critical evaluation of Gore's public address provides a number of conclusions. The rhetoric of self-disclosure is rhetorical strategy that has never been used in American Presidential politics and is a radical departure from other, more accepted forms of presidential rhetoric. Also, the use of this strategy gives insight into the character of Gore as a person, a speaker, and a national political leader. Graduation date: 1994

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42

Alvarez, Juan. "La palabra y el fuego. Insulto, política y cultura en la historia de Colombia." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D88W3BG1.

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This dissertation examines the discomfort around the insult in different specialized languages, analyzing the relationship between insult, politics, and culture in the history of Colombia. When viewed as an element of discourse, the insult illuminates certain critical events and subjects in the history of the nation. The insult is understood in a wide variety of ways --as direct enunciation of offending words, as the imminent failure of communication, as the staged claim of being offended, or as verbal and performative tool for electoral purposes. This dissertation analyzes a heterogeneous corpus of political, historiographic, journalistic, religious, legal, literary, proselytizing, pamphleteering, and digital primary sources. It spans the period from the Independence crisis at the beginning of nineteenth century to the digital architecture that enables online comment sections of mass media site in the twenty-first century. Each chapter reflects on one or two specialized language that, according to certain individuals or events, develop mechanisms to relegate the insult, and, from them, strategies and tactics are detailed in terms of its exploitation, containment, control, revitalization, overflow, and even involuntary stimulus.

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43

Jennings, William Paul 1967. "Models of citizenship : rhetoric, Americans, and their civic institutions." 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/12069.

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Kaufman, Heather L. "Competing Frames? The War on Terror in Campaign Rhetoric." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/997.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2007. Title from screen (viewed on June 6, 2007) Department of Sociology, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-122)

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45

Andrews, Cheri L. "Victory in Vietnam Committee's Manichean rhetoric : an analysis of the campaign to recall Idaho Senator Frank Church." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/37232.

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The purpose of this study is to illuminate the role, the function, and the ironic outcome of the Victory in Vietnam Committee's campaign pamphlet to recall Senator Frank Church of Idaho in 1967. The VVC's political strategy was to build credibility with the media through the recall pamphlet. The analysis of the recall pamphlet shows the failure of the Victory in Vietnam Committee to adapt to the intended audience, the media. The pamphlet is further evaluated in the context of manichean rhetoric to highlight the unethical use of credibility building techniques and the ultimate goal of the VVC to stifle Church's dissent with respect to the Vietnam War. The irony of the Victory in Vietnam Committee's explanatory pamphlet is that instead of helping to oust Church by exposing his faults, it caused the downfall of the Victory in Vietnam Committee. Graduation date: 1992

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46

Bruno, Edward Louis. "Reverend Jesse Jackson's rhetorical strategy : a case for the functional role of Narratio." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/35776.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate the rhetorical strategies used by Reverend Jesse L. Jackson from the 1970's to the 1990's. Specifically, this study examines Jackson's use of narrative to empower himself, his constituency, and his political ideologies without possessing a traditional political platform. Jackson raised political and social consciousness regarding the positions he held by telling persuasive, strategically constructed narratives. By examining Jackson's narrated approach to politics, arguments can be constructed to demonstrate how Jackson rhetorically operates from an unorthodox platform in the political arena. A functionalist view of narrative, as defined by Lucaites and Condit (1985), is applied to Jackson's 1984, 1988, and 1992 Democratic National Convention addresses in order to account for "tangible" objectives being carried out by the narrative discourse form. In doing so, the study argues that Jackson's narratives initially functioned: to empower Jackson and the Rainbow Coalition; to bolster public approval ratings of Jackson from 30% to 54%; and later to promote Statehood for Washington D.C. Graduation date: 1994

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47

Davis, Amanda Jean 1980. "Unveiling the rhetoric of torture : Abu Ghraib and American national identity." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3833.

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This dissertation is guided by three central questions: Why did the Abu Ghraib photographs fail to generate widespread opposition to the Iraq War among U.S. citizens? How did U.S. political leaders, news media, and entertainment media rhetorically manage the impact of the violence at Abu Ghraib? Finally, what can the tortures at Abu Ghraib tell us about commitment to national identity and justifications for violence? I argue that the primary rhetorical, ideological work of national violence against a foreign other is to create and protect national identification that deflects potential critique of national policy and discourages alternative allegiances (e.g., those of race and class). In support of this argument, I analyze four sets of texts surrounding the scandal. First, I analyze the Abu Ghraib photographs. These photographs, revealing torture of Iraqi detainees by U.S. troops, posed a serious challenge to American national identity and the prevailing rationale for war: namely, that the U.S. would liberate Iraqis from a torturous dictator and the threat of terrorism. The remaining types of discourse, then, can be seen as rhetorical attempts at damage control, containing and softening the edges of the visual records of violence against an enemy Other. For example, the second set of discourses I examine contains the legal memoranda outlining U.S. "coercive interrogation practices" dating back to September 2001. I compare these documents to the political speeches made by public officials during the 2004 presidential campaign. These texts, I argue, provide insight into the Abu Ghraib scandal's political context and illustrate how the scandal was ultimately managed by the Bush administration as a matter of private authority and prerogative rather than public accountability. Third, I explore mainstream media reports concerning Abu Ghraib in order to come to a better understanding of how violence is framed for public consumption. And finally, I analyze depictions of the torture within the popular television series 24. Because 24's plotline deals with issues of torture and terrorist threat, I argue that it can help us better understand both the social climate in which the Abu Ghraib scandal emerged and our current climate in which torture is still very much an issue. text

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Campos, Joseph H. "The state, terrorism, and national security discourse forging the state in a time of terror, in the face of fear /." Thesis, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=913513431&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1236900678&clientId=23440.

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49

Ford, Jonathan W. "Google in China : examining hegemonic identification strategies in organizational rhetoric." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3621.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) The author employs Hoffman and Ford’s method for analyzing organizational rhetoric to examine the discourse of Google, Inc. Employing a hybrid method, built on rhetorical criticism which incorporates elements of organizational communication theory, the analysis examines identity rhetoric present in Google’s discourse regarding its operations in China. Using this approach, the author leverages the method to critically examine hegemonic aspects of the discourse in order to examine how Google constructs its Western consumer based audience regarding online privacy and free speech.

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50

Nemoto, Yoko. "China's view of its place in the world : nationalism and revolution in Chinese rhetoric of the 1960s." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147248.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Rhetoric – Political aspects"

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