Siga este enlace para ver otros tipos de publicaciones sobre el tema: Rhetoric – Political aspects.
Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Rhetoric – Political aspects"
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte los 50 mejores artículos de revistas para su investigación sobre el tema "Rhetoric – Political aspects".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Explore artículos de revistas sobre una amplia variedad de disciplinas y organice su bibliografía correctamente.
1
Pamungkas, Adi. "Pemasaran Retorika Politik dalam Iklan Baliho Tokoh Politik Indonesia." Kalijaga Journal of Communication 4, no. 2 (2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/kjc.42.02.2022.
Texto completoResumen
This study subjects to understand how the politicians build identity through the marketing of their political rhetoric in billboard advertisements. The research uses qualitative methods with a substance theory approach to the formation of political identity, especially in the context of political marketing and Aristotle's rhetoric in the form of aspects 1) ethos; morally proper attitude, 2) logos; evidence that can support the argument and 3) pathos; speech that evokes feelings in the audience. The findings explain that the political identity built by various rhetoric aspect. Between the politicians also build different identity according to the consideration of internal aspects of the politicians and external aspects that exist in public. Through the identity built by rhetoric, politicians create their political marketing products then offered to the public so can be consumed as political support and choice.
2
Meland, Ingmar. "“Den høyere retorikk” hos Hume." Rhetorica Scandinavica 22, no. 78 (2018): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52610/nght1386.
Texto completoResumen
Our understanding of David Hume’s philosophy in general can benefit from being read as part of the history of rhetoric. In connection with some relatively new studies of Hume, the article tries to show what makes Hume’s philosophy relevant to political rhetoric today. The starting point is that Hume’s Treatise can be regarded as a rhetorical anthropology and that this anthropology gives us keys to a reading of the essay Of Eloquence. By separating Hume’s rhetorical anthropology from his own philosophical rhetoric, as well as from his views on the art of everyday conversation and political rhetoric, his use of ancient forms and his retrenchment of the gentleman’s ideals of his time are highlighted to offer a fresh perspective on what these aspects of Hume’s philosophy might imply today
3
Dai, Xin. "An Analysis of Identification Theory in Political Fable—A Case Study of Animal Farm." Journal of Innovation and Social Science Research 8, no. 7 (2021): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53469/jissr.2021.08(07).22.
Texto completoResumen
Under the guidance of Burke’s identification theory, this paper analyzes the speech of the old Major in the first chapter of Animal Farm from a rhetorical perspective and finds that the old Major persuades his audience, i.e., the other animals, to gain the identification from two aspects: identification by content and identification by form, thus causing the successful uprising of the animals that follows in the storyline. This study explores the embodiment of rhetoric in political fables and analyzes the rationale embedded in the fable from a new perspective, that of rhetoric.
4
Stroud, Scott R. "Kant, Rhetoric, and the Challenges of Freedom." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 18, no. 2 (2015): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.18.2.0181.
Texto completoResumen
ABSTRACT Kant clearly valued freedom in his moral philosophy, but he also seemed to distance the moral realm from the activities of rhetoric. This article challenges the long-standing concept of Kant as anti-rhetoric, complicating the view that rhetoric had no place in Kant’s philosophy. After examining the centrality of freedom as autonomy in Kant’s moral and political philosophy, this article carefully dissects Kant’s pronouncements on rhetoric in his various works. The conclusion reached is that Kant advances a bifurcated notion of rhetoric, with some uses of communicative means being characterized by freedom-restricting features and other employments foregrounding autonomy-enhancing aspects. This latter sense of communication is what can be identified as Kant’s educative rhetoric given its focus on preserving and promoting the freedom of both rhetor and audience.
5
Gul, Shabnam, Zainab Asif Dar, and Kishwar Munir. "The Interplay of Rhetoric and Voting Behavior in Pakistan: The Perspective of Youth." Global Regional Review V, no. II (2020): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-ii).23.
Texto completoResumen
Political communication is one of the major aspects of any political system. The speeches of politicians, especially the political party leaders, are an important source of political awareness regarding pertinent issues facing any country. However, politicians often rely on political rhetoric to appeal to the emotions of prospective voters. This paper explored the use of political rhetoric in political discourse in Pakistan. Political rhetoric pertains to exaggeration of reality and distortion of facts to change the views and perception of the public. Politicians actively use this as a tool to gain the support of their potential voters in their electoral campaigns. The researchers analyzed the statements of leaders of three major political parties in Pakistan. It has been concluded from this research that politicians focus on populist political rhetoric when they address their voters to garner support rather than educating them about real political, social, and economic challenges. Thus political rhetoric is a significant factor in voting behavior.
6
Nowicki, Michał. "Retoryka i historia w służbie wychowania w Polsce na podstawie analizy skryptu wykładów retoryki w Kolegium Jezuitów w Poznaniu z 1679 roku." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 29 (February 4, 2019): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2013.29.2.
Texto completoResumen
Rhetoric and History in the service of education in Poland on the basis of the script of rhetoric lectures at the College of the Jesuits in Poznan from 1679.The most important subject of the Old-Polish educational system was rhetoric, having roots in the tradition of the Ancient Rome. This statement is very important because of the fact of the orator’s moral and patriotic duties. Owing to this, the lessons’ focus was not only on technical aspects of rhetoric education but also on morality, religion and political knowledge. The article is divided into two main parts. First of them is describing the role of the rhetorical education and the evolution of the connection between rhetoric and history which existed from the 1st century A.D. until the first decades of the 18th century, when history started separating from rhetoric. The second part shows the historical education in practice on the example of the Jesuit College in Poznań. The analysis of this topic was based on the script of rhetoric lectures given in Poznań in 1679. With regard to this manuscript, it could be said that the most important aim of historical education was the patriotic and civil upbringing of the pupils, so that they could participate in political and cultural reality. The history taught in the College in Poznań was mainly connected with Poland and was rather practica
7
MALYGINA, ELENA V., and ANNA M. IVANOVA. "SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN ENGLISH." Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, no. 3 (2021): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2410-7190_2021_7_3_140_148.
Texto completoResumen
The paper examines the issue of political correct (PC) language as deeply rooted in a set of values and beliefs of the Anglo-American democratic ideology. The review of foreign and Russian-language literature enables to specify key cultural prerequisites of the PC phenomenon and shed light on the current state of the problem. We aimed to use a number of examples from academic literature to describe the factors contributing to the popularity of politically correct vocabulary in all spheres of public communication with the focus on different approaches to the euphemistic nature of PC expressions. Empirical research methods were used including targeted selection of theoretical information on the studied issue and practical language material to study the controversial issue of interpretation and rereading of canonical texts through the lens of political correctness. The conclusion was made that classical and academic literature should not be subjected to the current PC rhetoric and ideology.
8
Sіuta, Halyna. "Precedent statements in contemporary Ukrainian political rhetoric." Culture of the Word, no. 90 (2019): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37919/0201-419x-2019.90.11.
Texto completoResumen
Political rhetoric is a clearly socio-centric discourse. In the texts that exemplify this discourse, there is a manipulative-speculative experience of interpretation the texts of the previous culture. The main aspects of the pragmatics of precedent statements in the texts of political rhetoric are argumentativeness, manipulativeness and polemicality. Political language units of communication are: 1) unknown to the general public (they testify to the intelligence, education of political speakers), 2) recognizable precedent statements. The using of the latter provides the effect of communicative proximity, the realization of the communicative situation in axiological coordinates «one’s own – another’s». The using of precedent statements in the language of the policy and their receptiveness to the target audience is an indicator of the proportionality of individual, social or national cultural spheres.
9
Gineste, Marie-France. "Poetry, power and rhetoric at the end of the 4th C. A.D.: the nuptial poems composed by Claudian on the occasion of the marriage of the emperor Honorius and Marie." Rhetorica 22, no. 3 (2004): 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2004.22.3.269.
Texto completoResumen
AbstractThis study sets about to analyse the complex relations between rhetoric and reality by examining the use of traditional material, both rhetorical and mythological, in the group of nuptial poems written by Claudian in 398 A.D., and to show across the political and religious dimensions of these poems, how the use of topoi in the representation of the present proves to be both mirror and mask of reality. One finds that, in the political domain, Claudian, in consonance with imperial ideology, holds up a lofty mirror to the court and uses rhetorical topics to hide the shadowy aspects of the situation of the western empire controlled by Stilicho; in the religious domain, the poet ignores completely the Christian aspect of this marriage, unlike certain other late authors of epthalamic works, and anchors his poetry strongly in pagan tradition.
10
Frandsen, Finn, and Winni Johansen. "The Rhetoric of Green Hotels." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 14, no. 27 (2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v14i27.25649.
Texto completoResumen
The last two decades have seen environmentalism become a core value in western societies. This evolution, and in particular the rise of environmental consumerism, has not only forced the marketplace to be more responsive to products and services promising environmental responsibility, but has also created new types of communication, including new text genres and a new rhetoric. The purpose of this article is to analyse the environmental rhetoric of green hotels in Denmark. The article briefly presents the differences and similarities between political and commercial green discourse and then discusses the paradoxes of green marketing as reflected in the texts of some of the most important green hotel chains and associations of green hotels in Denmark. The article devotes its analysis to select rhetorical aspects of two genres, the green hotel brochure and the green card or "towel card".
11
GOODMAN, ROB. "The Deliberative Sublime: Edmund Burke on Disruptive Speech and Imaginative Judgment." American Political Science Review 112, no. 2 (2017): 267–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000557.
Texto completoResumen
Is there a case to be made for the value, amidst relatively settled institutions, of unsettling speech—speech characterized by excess, impropriety, and even the uncanny? Much of contemporary deliberative theory would answer in the negative. This article, however, proposes that we can derive a defense of the deliberative value of immoderate speech from an unlikely source: Edmund Burke's theory and practice of the rhetorical sublime. Burke's account of the sublime was developed in response to an eighteenth-century discourse of civility that anticipated the anti-rhetorical strand of contemporary deliberative theory. By reconstructing Burke's response, we can recover a forceful defense of rhetoric in the present. For Burke, the disruptive practice of sublime speech can provoke circumstantial judgment, overcoming deliberators’ aversions to judging. Drawing on Burke's rhetorical practice alongside his aesthetic and linguistic theory, this article upholds a central role in deliberation for rhetoric, even in its unruly and excessive aspects.
12
da Silva Bezerra, Valdir. "Brazil’s viewpoints on international organizations: Political aspects." BRICS Journal of Economics 3, no. 1 (2022): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/brics-econ.3.e81072.
Texto completoResumen
Recent (geo)political tensions, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the rise of nationalism worldwide have brought to the forefront processes of (de)globalization both in social, political, and economic terms. In this context, we place questions: How have Brazil’s views on international organizations changed over the years and why does it matter when it comes to understanding the country’s recent contribution to the processes of (de)globalization? To answer the aforementioned questions, this article discusses some of Brazil’s main points of view on international organizations (IOs) from a historical perspective. Therefore, we aim to analyze the criticism and political positions of Brazil regarding the most relevant IOs over time, from the League of Nations to the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions. Additionally, this paper addresses Jair Bolsonaro’s (de)globalization positions, especially in view of his peculiar foreign policy oriented towards the contestation of the system. As a concluding point, we provide sufficient evidence on Bolsonaro’s political inclination towards processes of (de)globalization based on his contempt for the so-called ‘globalism’, as well as his nationalistic rhetoric.
13
Garver, Eugene. "Deliberative Rhetoric and Ethical Deliberation." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 30, no. 2 (2013): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000538.
Texto completoResumen
Central to Aristotle’s Ethics is the virtue of phronēsis, a good condition of the rational part of the soul that determines the means to ends set by the ethical virtues. Central to the Rhetoric is the art of presenting persuasive deliberative arguments about how to secure the ends set by the audience and its constitution. What is the relation between the art and the virtue of deliberation? Rhetorical facility can be a deceptive facsimile of virtuous reasoning, but there can be more fruitful connections as well. In particular, the experience of judging rhetorical arguments can aid in the development of phronēsis through exercising those aspects of phronēsis that are not so intimately tied to the ethical virtues. Judging the advice given by others leads to excellence in reasoning practically for oneself.
14
van Dijk, Teun A. "War rhetoric of a little ally." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 1 (2005): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.1.04dij.
Texto completoResumen
In this paper we examine some of the properties of the speeches by former Prime Minister José María Aznar held in Spanish parliament in 2003 legitimating his support of the USA and the threatening war against Iraq. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary CDA approach relating discursive, cognitive and sociopolitical aspects of parliamentary debates. It is argued that speeches in parliament should not only be defined in terms of their textual properties, but also in terms of a contextual analysis. Besides an analysis of the usual properties of ideological and political discourse, such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation and other rhetoric devices, special attention is paid to political implicatures defined as inferences based on general and particular political knowledge as well as on the context models of Aznar’s speeches.
15
Amakali, Justina Meluwa Latenda. "Persuasive speech acts in the Namibian National Assembly." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 7, no. 2 (2016): 1205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v7i2.5156.
Texto completoResumen
This paper examined the speech acts used by Namibian Members of Parliament (MPs) during parliamentary proceedings. The main aim of this paper was to explain speech acts and show their intended persuasive effects in parliamentary discourse. Austin (1962) introduced three types of speech acts, locutionary, illocutionary and perlocutionary. The paper attempted to critically demonstrate how MPs use persuasion strategies in their debates. These speech acts were uttered through assertives, directives, commissives, expressives, and declaratives, as classified by Searle (1969). A qualitative approach was used in this paper whereby the Hansard were used to collect data. A purposeful sampling focusing on some MPs was used. This paper was guided by two theories, Austins Speech Act Theory and Aristotles Theory of Rhetoric. The need to apply rhetorical skills in debates is widely advocated for. Although not all members of parliament have a wide knowledge of rhetoric, acquiring and employing skills on rhetoric are prominent aspects of parliamentary debates. The findings of the paper revealed that members of parliament have the potential to use a variety of persuasive strategies in their speech acts by means of some rhetorical devices. It was concluded that most MPs deliberately make use of these speech acts as a persuasive mechanism in their discourse. Being the first study in parliamentary discourse in Namibia with regards to rhetoric, it is considered to be unique and adds value in the field of linguistics. It also serves as a pioneering research to researchers in political rhetoric.
16
Padilla, José David. "New Rhetoric and the Socio-Rhetorical Method: As a Modern Approach to Biblical Literary Criticism." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 7 (2020): 178–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.77.8596.
Texto completoResumen
The new rhetoric studies the discursive practices present in a text and tries to understand them as a literary method to persuade a specific audience to accept a new law or change their behavior, assuming a worthy moral, philosophical or religious truth. The new rhetoric covers the literary or rhetorical analysis of discourse while analyzing the elements proper to the social and cultural milieu of its intended audience. The aid of the human sciences, especially cultural anthropology and the sociology of religion, is necessary to capture better the world the loci of the speaker and the audience of the text. The method, which combines social and anthropological analysis with the new rhetorical analysis, is called social rhetoric. The social rhetoric analysis aims to hit the socio-cultural context in which the texts were conceived, especially when the text does not give any clues of it. In Biblical interpretation, these two forms of literary analysis will help to understand the relationships existent between the author of a discourse and its readers (the intended audience). Such an approach will not only study the social history and social aspects where the books of the Bible were born, but will also see the rhetoric of the texts as an essential component of the text’s social, political, cultural, and ideological context. After all, the Word of God became flesh and dwelt in a particular culture, with a specific language and in a precise historical time.
17
Clarke, Michael. "Kant's Rhetoric of Enlightenment." Review of Politics 59, no. 1 (1997): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027157.
Texto completoResumen
This article examines Kant'sWhat is Enlightenment?andThe Conflict of the Facultieswith a view to recovering certain neglected aspects of his defense of freedom in the public use of reason. Kant's arguments in the two works are the most tangible expression of the concern with the scope and limits of reason in politics that runs throughout his political philosophy. Yet the political purpose and rhetorical strategy of that defense has received less attention than it deserves. Kant contends the possibility of establishing ends set by reason as critical standards in politics depends on rulers being persuaded that their interests are best served by cooperating with philosophers. The famous distinction inWhat is Enlightenment?between the public and private uses of reason proposes the terms of this cooperation. InThe Conflict of The FacultiesKant makes similar arguments in defense of the university. He presents it as an institution that exists to serve governments but that can also pursue enlightening ends if government grants it the freedom to do so. The article attempts to show Kant's awareness of enduring conflicts between reason and authority in politics, and it argues that his defense of the public use of reason addresses them in a way that is still worthy of our attention.
18
Bartolucci, Valentina. "Terrorism rhetoric under the Bush Administration." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (2012): 562–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.05bar.
Texto completoResumen
In this paper I examine some of the properties of the speeches by former U.S. President George W. Bush framing the issue of terrorism as the most pressing menace humanity is facing and some of the consequences of the selective appropriation of the discourse on terrorism initially instantiated by Bush. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary Critical Discourse Analysis approach relating discursive and socio-political aspects of U.S. presidential discourses on terrorism in the Bush era. Parallel to an analysis of common characteristics of political discourse, such as ‘us’ versus ‘other’ representations, the device of over/less characterisation, hyperboles and repetitions, attention is also directed towards the socio-political effects deriving from the ways in which ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorists’ have been represented by the presidential discourse on terrorism that condition the contemporary life of individuals and groups all around the world.
19
Davenport, Christian, and Marci Eads. "Cued to Coerce or Coercing Cues? An Exploration of Dissident Rhetoric and its Relationship to Political Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.4671141747x2k660.
Texto completoResumen
This article explores whether and how state repression is influenced by a social movement organization's rhetoric; and, conversely, if dissident rhetoric is responsive to authorities' repressive efforts. These relationships are examined with data generated from several newspapers within the Bay area, across 253 weeks from 1969 to 1973, concerning rhetoric of the Black Panther Party (BPP) as well as police and court repression directed against the Panther organization. The results of the statistical analysis are mixed. Several aspects of BPP rhetoric increase both police and court-ordered repression, albeit at different magnitudes and lags. Moreover, results disclose that only police repression influences the discussion of particular topics in the Panther newspaper—the same topics that induce protest policing (again, across different lags). The analysis complements existing research on the conflict-repression nexus, but it also forces us to consider state-dissident interactions in a more comprehensive manner.
20
Bendrat, Anna, Agnieszka Budzyńska-Daca, Agnieszka Kampka, Ewa Modrzejewska, and Maria Załęska. "Retoryka w Polsce po 1989 r. Przegląd kierunków badań." Poradnik Językowy, no. 10/2021(789) (December 28, 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/porj.2021.10.2.
Texto completoResumen
This paper is dedicated to the development of rhetoric in Poland after 1989 taking into account adaptation processes at two levels: communication practices and research refl ection. The sociopolitical transformations have enabled an unrestricted development of rhetorical activities, which were impracticable in the former Eastern Bloc countries: advertising and marketing, political debates, civic engagement, academic freedom. The adaptation has taken place at the level of communication habits of citizens and rhetorical practices of rhetoric researchers themselves. The study adopts the descriptive methodology and focuses on several aspects: the process of internal differentiation of rhetorical studies, the infl uence of the American rhetorical criticism on the studies, the rhetorical perspective in linguistic research, media studies, and politics. The paper emphasises the cultural characteristics of Polish rhetorical studies, which draw inspiration from three main sources: 1) Old Polish oratory and its modern analyses from the perspective of literary studies; 2) analyses of the propaganda of the times of the Polish People’s Republic, including the media; 3) modern concepts from the areas of argumentation, rhetorical criticism, discourse analysis, and media studies. The overview shows that, after 1989, rhetorical studies can be described as a self-organising system cre ated by dense intertextual relations, relationship networks, and institutional frameworks rather than as a compilation of sparse individual works.
21
BOUZEKRI, Mohammed, and Mohammed SALAMI. "THE RHETORIC OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE: A SIMEO - PRAGMATIC APPROACH." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 05 (2021): 330–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.5-3.31.
Texto completoResumen
The main step in this research assumes that political discourse should be treated as a convincing speech that pleads the different means of linguistic and non-linguistic argumentations to influence and induce the recipient, where we will discuss political discourse in terms of semiotic and pragmatics behaviors that take it out of a normal nature to a different coding. We will also see it as a new organization of semantic units at the heart of the culture incubating meanings, as accessing and reviving them, but it is done by digging into the memory of the political, and evoking - as much as possible - its cultural dimensions, which can only be done by activating the semantic power. From this perception, everything that is politicized can refer to a particular human situation that is culturally framed, through certain cultural conditions but with the need to know the semantic relationships that allow us to move from direct reporting cases to various possible inspirational and dynamic aspects.
22
Curran, Eleanor. "Hobbes on Equality: Context, Rhetoric, Argument." Hobbes Studies 25, no. 2 (2012): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02502003.
Texto completoResumen
It is often argued that Hobbes’s arguments for natural and political equality are used instrumentally. This paper does not argue against the instrumental arguments but seeks to broaden the discussion; to analyse aspects of Hobbes’s arguments and comments on equality that are often ignored. In the context of the anti-egalitarian arguments of leading contemporary royalist commentators, Hobbes’s arguments and remarks are strikingly egalitarian. The paper argues, first, that there is an ideological disagreement between Hobbes and leading royalists on equality. Second, that Hobbes believes in natural equality as well as using the arguments for equality instrumentally.
23
Byshok, Stanislav O. "Migration and Recent Aspects of Right-Wing Populist Discourse in Europe." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (2020): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-3-443-457.
Texto completoResumen
Intensifying migration processes in the West are reflected in certain changes in the discourse of European right-wing populist and nationalist parties. Along with anti-mass migration sentiments, rhetoric of these political forces demonstrates new elements related to the topics of the clash of civilizations (Huntington), as well as civilizational solidarity - the ideas of civilizationism (Brubaker). In the context of global transformations and changes in the ethno-cultural landscape of the continent, European nationalists became less prone to tradition for their ideology thesis of intra-European animosity. On the other hand, it tend to rhetorically transform, and usually extend, the boundaries of imagined community of the European fortress, which needs to be defended. Principal dichotomy of todays European right-wing populist rhetoric is represented by the secular post-Christian community (us) and seemingly archaic and fundamentalist migrant community from Muslim countries (the others).
24
Schutte, Paul. "Political rhetoric used by the main parties in the final debate before the 1999 election." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 20, no. 2 (2022): 36–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v20i2.1860.
Texto completoResumen
In order to identify the rhetorical characteristics of the participants, this study aimedto describe, interpret and evaluate the verbal strategies and tactics used by the fivedebaters who participated. The Eclectic Approach within the experiential perspectivewas used.Pahad revealed an idiosyncratic rhetorical style. Leon lived up to his party's overallstrategy: "To Fight Back". He mostly used the strategy of attack and pinpointed thecauses of identified problems in no uncertain terms. Van Schalkwyk appeared to be theman with the facts. Of all the debaters, he made the most use of substantial evidenceand proof. Ngobane interacted very Little with his fellow debaters. This is in Line withhis view that opposition parties should rather "move towards consensus politics, ... butnot come and attack the government". Viljoen did not once identify himself with hisparty. He created the image of the political advisor who stands above party politics.Despite identified negative aspects of the debaters' style and the imperfect format,debate should always be on the political agenda. Rigorous inquiry towards politicaland moral truth should be at the core of the rhetoric of a democracy to improve thequality of debating and argumentation, in order to enrich democracy and to allowcitizens to make well-informed decisions.
25
Nilsson, Bo, and Anna Sofia Lundgren. "‘For a living countryside’: Political rhetoric about Swedish rural areas." European Urban and Regional Studies 25, no. 1 (2016): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776416679216.
Texto completoResumen
The expression ‘a living countryside’ is often used to characterize the goal of Swedish rural politics. In this article the use of the expression in 170 non-government bills related to Swedish rural politics is analysed using discourse theory. On a general level, the expression was found to be empty of meaning and open for use by different and often opposing political parties proposing different and sometimes antagonistic measures. However, there were aspects of it that flirted with positively charged notions of Swedish national identity. It was also clear that the discursive struggle for a living countryside was also part of a party-political struggle. Further, the fantasy of a living countryside performed an ideological function in that it under-communicated how rural areas are generally and structurally subordinated to urban centres in ways that reach far beyond easily performed measures and political party quarrels.
26
Aleshina, Ekaterina Yuryevna. "Political Discourse as Sliding Mode Manifestations." International Journal of Applied Research in Bioinformatics 12, no. 1 (2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijarb.2022010102.
Texto completoResumen
The article considers the problem of political discourse transformation as exemplified by European (British&Russian) political rhetoric of the 20th century. Considered is the complex nature of political discourse comprising both its variable and invariable aspects reflecting discursive constancy and change which are regarded as manifestations of the sliding mode usually applicable to exact sciences phenomena. The major factors of transformation depend on social change caused by dramatic events in history, namely political conflicts. The invariable part of political discourse is concentrated around the text structure with dicteme as the main information and structure unit of the text and discourse. The variable part is determined by factors of speech regulation including target content of the utterance, status of the speaker and the listener, pre-supposition and post-supposition. Genre and register specificity of political discourse as its constant characteristics reflect the change. Conclusions offer some generalizations Virtual Learning offer for Biologic Informatics aspects
27
Kim, Jeongyeon. "War Metaphors and COVID-19." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 6 (2022): 903–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.6.44.6.903.
Texto completoResumen
This study analyzes the rhetoric of governments and the media through the concept of war metaphor in the context of COVID-19 pandemic, and examines its impact on democracy. War metaphors used as political rhetoric on COVID-19 are characterized by responses toward infected subjects based on the dichotomous division of good and evil or activation of wartime response system against an enemy. War rhetoric can take place as a strategy whereby a state intervenes and persuades extensively in the political and economic sectors. In the midst of COVID-19 pandemic, the war rhetoric by political leaders even showed aspects that go against democracy. In Hungary, the prime minister attempted his long-term seizure of power, while in Sri Lanka, government opponents were subjected to control. It came to a point where the basic procedures of democracy could not be implemented as elections were postponed or canceled in several countries. War metaphors eventually affects an individual’s daily life as well. The public perception of a crisis situation as a wartime situation entails the risk of easily accepting or taking for granted exceptional measures and restrictions on their freedom. This study points out that this approach eventually produces conflicts between marginalized groups and classes and also reinforces exclusive nationalism.
28
Powers, Paul R. "You Say You Want a Reformation? Parsing the Ubiquitous Rhetoric of an “Islamic Reformation”." Comparative Islamic Studies 4, no. 1-2 (2010): 37–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v4i4.1-4.2.37.
Texto completoResumen
The ideas of an “Islamic Reformation” and a “Muslim Luther” have been much discussed, especially since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. This “Reformation” rhetoric, however, displays little consistency, encompassing moderate, liberalizing trends as well as their putative opposite, Islamist “fundamentalism.” The rhetoric and the diverse phenomena to which it refers have provoked both enthusiastic endorsement and vigorous rejection. After briefly surveying the history of “Islamic Reformation” rhetoric, the present article argues for a four-part typology to account for most recent instances of such rhetoric. The analysis reveals that few who employ the terminology of an “Islamic Reformation” consider the specific details of its implicit analogy to the Protestant Reformation, but rather use this language to add emotional weight to various prescriptive agendas. However, some examples demonstrate the potential power of the analogy to illuminate important aspects of religious, social, and political change in the modern Islamic world.
29
Dahamshe, Amer. "Palestinian Arabic versus Israeli Hebrew Place-Names: Comparative Cultural Reading of Landscape Nomenclature and Israeli Renaming Strategies." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (2021): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0258.
Texto completoResumen
This article compares Palestinian (Arabic) and Israeli (Hebrew) names of natural features in Palestine/Israel. Based on postcolonial reading and critical toponymy, I argue that despite the dominance of the Jewish nationalist narrative the nomenclature includes ‘intermediate categories’ that attest to subversive linguistic practices, bottom-up communication aspects, and sociocultural realities. These aspects are analysed through five main categories: unification; uniqueness; male rhetoric replacing female identity; sanitization; and linguistic imitation. The article adds to the literature largely focused on the political aspect of the Jewish settlement names that replaced Palestinian names in that it shows how Zionist naming of natural features included the cultural perspectives of the Palestinian names in order to appropriate them for internal Jewish cultural needs.
30
Andryukhina, T. V. "CROSS-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF METAPHORICAL FRAMING IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(46) (February 28, 2016): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-1-46-63-69.
Texto completoResumen
The article examines cross-cultural aspects of metaphorical framing in political discourse. The author notes the importance of conceptual metaphor in framing the conceptual domain of politics, political discourse as a whole, its perception as well as political reality itself. The author shares an opinion that the metaphorical structure of basic concepts of a nation always correlates with its fundamental cultural values. However, the examination of political discourse from the cross-cultural perspective reveals the cases of metaphor uses that don't meet the requirements of cultural coherence and may lead to negative cognitive and communicative consequences. Along with admitting a wide discrepancy between metaphorical models in western and oriental political discourse, the author gives some examples of metaphorical coherence as well as its violation in a number of basic metaphors in American, British and Russian political discourse. To illustrate how cross-cultural factors determine the specific character of metaphorical framing, the article analyses the dynamic character of metaphorical models that can realize diverse scenarios in different national varieties of political discourse. An observation is made about the dependence of metaphoric scenarios in different national varieties of political discourse on the cultural, historical, social and political components of the national cultural cognitive map. The latter is heterogeneous as it is structured by the objectified individual, group, and national verbal and nonverbal experience. This explains, for instance, why there are examples of similarity as well as discrepancy between metaphorical framing in ideologically different party varieties of political discourse within the national political discourse as well as in the rhetoric of politicians belonging to different generations. The observations are illustrated by cross-linguistic data proving the dynamic character of metaphorical models, their variability and potential for conveying new meaning nuances that reflect culture-specific characteristics of the political situation in discourse.
31
Rizki, Izzatul, Bustami Usman, Iskandar Abdul Samad, Asnawi Muslim, and Masrizal Mahmud. "Rhetorical pattern of political advertisement in Aceh." Studies in English Language and Education 6, no. 2 (2019): 212–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/siele.v6i2.13851.
Texto completoResumen
The Indonesian government has adapted the genre-based approach designing curriculum, thus both English teachers and students need to master the genre aspects: the objective or social function of a text, text structure, and language features. This study aimed at describing the rhetorical pattern of Irwandi Yusuf – Nova Iriansyah’s posters during the gubernatorial election in 2017. The object of this study was the strategies used to convince the argument or namely rhetorical pattern. The design of this study was descriptive qualitative research. To obtain the data the researchers used document as an instrument in this study. The result of this study revealed that the posters applied ten strategies: form-based strategy, emotion-based strategy, attention management strategy: use of dramatic statement, using repetition in the form of image and slogan, sketch model participation, detailed benefit change, self-efficacy realized via image, offer further information or services strategy: indirect offers, use slogan, refers to a broader picture, refer to the legal status of the campaign. These strategies that were implemented in the candidates’ poster was to convince the message relied on the poster to the target readers. Further, the strategies implied have followed some strategy offered by Barron (2012). Therefore, different advertisement, as well as a poster from the different region, have a different pattern in organizing the ideas and in convincing the target readers. In conclusion, by exploring the rhetoric of the local advertisement, it can expand the material of teaching text structure, language feature and social function of the advertisement text from a different region or country due to the genre is socially constructed.
32
Delgado Marulanda, Alba Lucía. "La polémica en el discurso del expresidente colombiano Álvaro Uribe Vélez: Los argumentos ad hominem y su función como configuradores del enemigo político, el "terrorismo"." Cuadernos de Lingüística Hispánica, no. 22 (December 2, 2013): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/0121053x.2157.
Texto completoResumen
En este trabajo nos detenemos a estudiar, determinar y describir dos aspectos, en el marco de la retórica y la argumentación, como un estudio alternativo que centra el disenso como objetodinámico de estudio. Primero, los rasgos y momentos polémicos del discurso del presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez, el 25 de julio de 2010, en el Fuerte Militar de La Macarena (Meta-Colombia). Segundo, la contribución de los argumentos ad hominem, a la configuración del enemigopolítico, a través del signo ideológico «terrorismo». La polémica, por lo tanto, se presenta como una de las modalidades de la argumentación que genera una transgresión de las fronteras instaladas en los estudios retóricos y argumentativos orientados, hasta el momento, en el marco de la persuasión y el consenso.Palabras clave: Retórica, Discurso Polémico, Discurso Político, Análisis del Discurso, La Macarena, Álvaro Uribe.AbstractThe aim of the present article is to study, determine and describe two aspects related to the study of controversy. In the first place: we will identify the controversial characteristics and moments ofAlvaro Uribe’s speech delivered on July 25th in La Macarena military base (Meta, Colombia). Secondly, we will analyze the contribution of arguments ad hominem to configure the political enemy, through the ideological sign of «terrorism». Consequently, controversy, is presented as one of the modalities of argumentation, transgressing the boundaries of rhetorical and argumentative studies, which, to this date have focused on persuasion and consensus. Therefore, we adopt Amossy’s proposal, which considers the study of controversy, through rhetoric and argumentation as an alternative study, that focuses on dissension as a dynamic object of study. Key words: Rhetoric, controversial discourse speech, political discourse speech, discourse speech analysis, La Macarena, Álvaro Uribe.
33
Park, Jinyoung. "Corporatist Institutions and Militant Actions." European Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (2018): 324–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01702007.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract Drawing on data from archives and fieldwork in Myanmar, a country in political change from a five-decade authoritarian regime to a quasi-civilian one, this study explores the reasons for a prevalence of corporatist aspects at the early stage of reforms. The early introduction of corporatism in Myanmar diverges from other Asian countries that experienced transitions accompanied by labour militancy, and only later embraced corporatism when political power shifted to elected pro-labour parties. This article argues, first, that corporatism prevails in the rhetoric of the labour movement and in Myanmar’s industrial relations institutions, while labour militancy has simultaneously increased; second, corporatism in Myanmar has few historical precedents but has recently been promoted primarily by the International Labour Organisation (ILO); and third, while corporatism has failed to bring about industrial peace, the rhetoric and institutions of corporatism may limit the political potential of Myanmar’s labour movement by restricting unions’ activities to economic concerns.
34
Bereznyakov, D. V., and S. V. Kozlov. "Russia as the Constitutive Other in the Presidential Rhetoric of Petro Poroshenko." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 6 (2022): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-6-69-78.
Texto completoResumen
The article reconstructs basic ideological aspects of the image of Russia as a negative Constituent Other in the political rhetoric of the Ukrainian president P. Poroshenko. Drawing on all 315 texts of public speeches and appeals made by P. Poroshenko during his presidency, the article shows that rhetorical construction of the image of Russia relies on the basic concept of “empire”. Imperial status is presented as an essential characteristic of Russia, which does not depend on any historically defined phase of its development (including Soviet modernization and the post-Soviet period) and manifests itself in the effort of the negative Other to liquidate Ukraine’s status as subject actor of international relations and as an independent nation state. Modeling Russia’s image as a constant and atemporal aggressor and a source of threats implies casting in fixed permanent terms its influence on Ukraine as colonial policy, inclusive of the present phase of Russian-Ukrainian relations.
35
Pénet, Pierre. "Rhetorical Metrics Building Securities Regulation in America’s Era of Booms and Busts, 1890-1940." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 01 (2019): 69–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000031.
Texto completoResumen
AbstractHow do regulators regulate with metrics? This article offers a rhetorical approach to this question, using early U.S. securities regulation as a case in point, and reliance on credit ratings as empirical illustration. A rhetorical approach challenges economists’ claim that metrics are limited to providing technical guidance to policy formation: the fact is that the role of metrics in regulation can be appreciated only if technical and social aspects are considered together. A rhetorical perspective also fills an important gap in sociological studies of “co-production” that claim that procedural deliberation enhances the legitimacy of regulation but underemphasize the role of quantification when procedural rules are lacking. This article suggests that rhetoric is not suboptimal or irrational but a vital form of deliberation in contexts of uncertainty, when decision-making requires some amount of persuasion outside a procedural context. I observe that metrics can be a powerful vehicle of rhetorical change. Two components of rhetorical metrics are highlighted. First are cognitive clutches, or the capacity to shift prevailing models of attention. Second are actionable arguments, the capacity to embed cognitive deviance into a compelling argument for change. I conclude with reflections on the legacy of rhetorical decisions on current policy debates.
36
Zylberman, Lior, and Adriana Taboada. "The Age-Impunity Rhetoric in Trials for Crimes Committed during the Argentinian Genocide (1975–1983)." International Criminal Law Review 22, no. 1-2 (2021): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10087.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract Since the reopening of the trials for the crimes committed by the last military dictatorship, new aspects have emerged on the scene, one of them being the age-impunity rhetoric. In its visual dimension, we understand this rhetoric to mean the representation of the perpetrators that has been taking shape in recent years, enabling them to be exempted from guilt and responsibility for the crimes committed by virtue of their advanced age. We argue that the visual configures a certain aesthetic that provides a scaffolding for impunity and its naturalization. In order to enter into the construction of this representation, we will put in tension the pair seen-unseen through photographs and editorials in the written press.
37
Dadabaev, Timur. "Afghanistan in 2018." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (2019): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.114.
Texto completoResumen
Three aspects symbolize the state of affairs in and around Afghanistan in 2018: the fragmentation of domestic political actors, the increasing desecuritization of rhetoric with respect to Afghanistan by neighboring countries, and the diversification of Afghanistan’s global partners. While the US strategy showed signs of stalling amid increasing violence and the fragmentation of local actors, there are changes in the attitude of neighboring states.
38
Arofah, Kurnia. "Rhetorical Analysis of Hate Speech: Case Study of Hate Speech Related to Ahok’s Religion Blasphemy Case." Mediator: Jurnal Komunikasi 11, no. 1 (2018): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.29313/mediator.v11i1.3119.
Texto completoResumen
The discussion about hate speech is not something new. However, recently it becomes phenomenon that widely spoken. As something that naturally comes out as a human nature. Nowadays hate speech tends to be harmful because it is supported by new media such as online media and social media. This research try to discuss about hate speech related to religion blasphemy accusation that drags, Basuki Tjahaya Purnama known as Ahok into jail. This paper used qualitative method and rhetoric analysis to analyze the hate speech in online media news related to Ahok’s case. The results are, hate speech came from content posted in website such as online political opinion and news. From ethos aspect, most of the hate speech neglected the ethos aspect which provides the credibility and trustworthiness of the source.; from the pathos aspect, the author of the news are choosing words that triggered anger and negative emotion from its audience; from the logos aspect, most of the hate speech draws it’s readers to logical fallacy due to the lackness of facts of its conclusion claim. The Hate speech rhetoric neglects the ethos and logos aspects and it mostly rely on pathos aspect to persuade its readers for hating.
39
Hase, Johanna. "Repetition, adaptation, institutionalization—How the narratives of political communities change." Ethnicities 21, no. 4 (2021): 684–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796820987311.
Texto completoResumen
At times when migration and diversity are politically salient and controversially discussed, the rhetoric of staying ‘as we are’ is widespread. But how do ‘we’ actually change and how would ‘we’ know when it happens? Based on the premise that political communities are the products of narratives of peoplehood, this paper explores how such narratives evolve over time. It conceptualizes different modes of balancing narrative continuity and change. These modes – repetition, adaptation, and institutionalization – are illustrated with reference to evolving German narratives of peoplehood centring around (not) being a country of immigration. The paper argues that all modes lead to some degree of change in narratives of peoplehood. Against the backdrop of different understandings of the core of a narrative, it further discusses when such changes fundamentally affect who ‘we’ are. Overall, the paper invites scholars, policymakers, and citizens to think critically about the essential aspects of their political communities’ narratives and to be aware of the stories that ‘we’ are told and that ‘we’ tell ourselves.
40
Georgalidou, Marianthi. "Addressing women in the Greek parliament." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 5, no. 1 (2017): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.5.1.02geo.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract In accordance with numerous studies highlighting aspects of political and parliamentary discourse that concern the rhetoric of political combat, verbal attacks and offensive language choices are shown to be rather common in the context of a highly adversarial parliamentary system such as the Greek. In the present study, however, the analysis of excerpts of parliamentary discourse addressed to women reveals not just aspects of the organization of rival political encounters but, as far as female MPs are concerned, aggressive and derogatory forms of speech that directly attack the gender of the addressees. Drawing on data from video-recordings, the official proceedings of parliamentary sittings, and the media (2012–2015), the present study investigates aggressive/sexist discourse within this context. The theoretical issues addressed concern the impoliteness end of the politeness/politic speech/impoliteness continuum in the light of extreme cases of conflict in political/parliamentary discourse.
41
Abbots, Emma-Jayne, Karin Eli, and Stanley Ulijaszek. "Toward an Affective Political Ecology of Obesity." Cultural Politics 16, no. 3 (2020): 346–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-8593550.
Texto completoResumen
This article argues for an affective approach to obesity that destabilizes the conceptual boundaries between the biological and the social aspects of food, eating, and fatness. Its approach foregrounds visceral experience, attends to food both inside and outside the body, and explores how bodies labeled “obese” consume their political, economic, and material environments. This approach is termed affective political ecology. The authors’ aim is to draw attention to how the entanglements between the physiological and social aspects of eating tend to be absented from antiobesity public health rhetoric. By exploring a range of ethnographic examples in high-income countries, they illuminate how such interventions often fail to account for the complex interplays between subjective corporeal experience and political economic relations and contend that overlooking an individual’s visceral relationship with food counterproductively augments social stigma, stresses, and painful emotions. They demonstrate, then, how an approach that draws together political economic and biomedical perspectives better reflects the lived experience of eating. In so doing, the authors aim to indicate how attending to affective political ecologies can further our understanding of the consumption practices of those in precarious and stressful social contexts, and they offer additional insight into how the entanglement of the biological and the social is experienced in everyday life.
42
Krouk, Dean. "The Montage Rhetoric of Nordahl Grieg’s Interwar Drama." Humanities 7, no. 4 (2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h7040099.
Texto completoResumen
This essay explains the modernist montage rhetoric of Nordahl Grieg’s 1935 drama Vår ære og vår makt in the context of the playwright’s interest in Soviet theater and his Communist sympathies. After considering the historical background for the play’s depiction of war profiteers in Bergen, Norway, during the First World War, the article analyzes Grieg’s use of a montage rhetoric consisting of grotesque juxtapositions and abrupt scenic shifts. Attention is also given to the play’s use of incongruous musical styles and its revolutionary political message. In the second part, the article discusses Grieg’s writings on Soviet theater from the mid-1930s. Grieg embraced innovative aspects of Soviet theater at a time when the greatest period of experimentation in post-revolutionary theater was already ending, and Socialist Realism was being imposed. The article briefly discusses Grieg’s controversial pro-Stalinist, anti-fascist position, before concluding that Vår ære og vår makt represents an important instance of Norwegian appropriation of international modernist and avant-garde theater.
43
Munro, Rolland. "Belonging on the Move: Market Rhetoric and the Future as Obligatory Passage." Sociological Review 46, no. 2 (1998): 208–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00117.
Texto completoResumen
Recent neglect of the concept of belonging may be traced to its subsumption under matters of locality or kinship (concepts that have left its theorising rather static and underdeveloped), as well as to theoretical understandings which try to keep distinct a logic of belonging from a logic of the market. In reworking a sociological tradition that formerly associated the work of managers with a specific responsibility to induce conditions of belonging, at least within bureaucratic organisations, the present study examines closely the rhetoric deployed in a large private sector organisation alongside its invention of ‘internal’ markets. Adopting a consumption perspective, the paper argues that a ‘rubbishing’ of the past within organisations may be being aimed at undermining aspects of members' belonging, especially matters of tradition, loyalty and custom. In so much as these aspects once offered themselves as ‘resources’ for managers' accounts (to themselves, their colleagues and their superiors), their effacement as resources can be understood as helping reframe accounts in ways that not only colonise the present and characterise the future, but sustain ambiguities vital to the imposition of pseudo-market relations, such as those between ‘purchasers’ and ‘providers’.
44
Birke, Lynda, and Jane Smith. "Animals in Experimental Reports: The Rhetoric of Science." Society & Animals 3, no. 1 (1995): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853095x00035.
Texto completoResumen
AbstractIn this paper, we analyze the ways in which the use of animals is described in the "Methods" sections of scientific papers. We focus particularly on aspects of the language of scientific narrative and what it conveys to the reader about the animals. Scientific writing, for example, tends to omit details of how the animals are cared for. Perhaps more importantly, it is constructed in ways that tend to minimize what is happening to the animal; thus, animal death is obscured by euphemisms, omission, or circumlocutions. What is done to animals is, moreover, often subordinate in the text to the details of experimental procedures and apparatus. We consider how such writing supports a particular kind of image of the "animal" in science, and also creates an impression that what happens to animals is somehow devoid of human agency. This impression, we argue, contributes to the way science is perceived by a wider public.
45
Sujoko, Anang, Muhtar Haboddin, and La Ode Machdani Afala. "Anies Baswedan’s Rhetoric amid Political Polarization for COVID-19 Handling in Jakarta, Indonesia." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 38, no. 3 (2022): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2022-3803-04.
Texto completoResumen
Political leaders worldwide used a diverse model of communication during the COVID-19 pandemic. Rhetoric becomes an important aspect to comprehend the particular elite communication model. This article discusses Anies Baswedan’s political rhetoric in COVID-19 handling wherein some cases contradict central government policies. Given the increasing political polarisation in Jakarta, Baswedan has become one of the most controversial actors in the national political arena. We use a political rhetorical analysis approach to understand Baswedan’s political actions and rhetoric. Furthermore, we determine that Baswedan’s model of rhetoric political communication is consistent and different from most political elites whose deliberative style is more dominant. Baswedan appears to employ a different type of rhetoric when countering the central government’s opinion and gaining public support. In the former, Baswedan primarily applies the type of bureaucratic rhetoric, which tends to be more technical. Conversely, Baswedan tends to choose the rhetorical style of advice when narrating the idea of handling the COVID-19 outbreak. Moreover, the COVID-19 outbreak provides important momentum for Baswedan to improve his image as an elite political personality and as the governor of Jakarta. Our study significantly contributes to understanding rhetoric as an important model for elite political communication in the face of crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, and comprehending rhetoric’s impact on the elite and society. Keywords: Political rhetoric, Anies Baswedan, political polarisation, COVID-19, Jakarta.
46
Matar, Dina. "The Power of Conviction: Nassrallah's Rhetoric and Mediated Charisma in the Context of the 2006 July War." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 1, no. 2 (2008): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398608x335793.
Texto completoResumen
AbstractThis paper addresses two inter-related aspects of Hizbullah's political communication strategies: the mediated charisma of its Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nassrallah and his religious-political discourse. It focuses on two of his political speeches that framed the July 2006 war with Israel, widely seen as a Hizbullah victory that enhanced its popularity among Arab and Muslim populations within and outside of Lebanon. The paper starts with an overview of the group's transformation from an Islamist resistance movement into a powerful political party in Lebanon and outlines Nassrallah's rise in power and authority. It then assesses Nassrallah's mediated charisma and political-religious discourse and highlights the ways in which both draw on historical and cultural repertoires to produce a hyper-populist narrative that appeals to the intended audience—Lebanese nationals—in a particular historical moment. These cultural repertoires, what Foucault calls ‘episteme’, provide meaning and legitimacy to discourses and worldviews. The paper concludes that Nassrallah's mediated charisma and his political-religious discourse provide compelling forms of rhetorical political communication that can be effective in specific contexts.
47
Noor, Firman, Sarah Nuraini Siregar, Ridho Imawan Hanafi, and David Sepriwasa. "The Implementation of Direct Local Election (Pilkada) and Money Politics Tendencies: The Current Indonesian Case." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (2021): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i2.31438.
Texto completoResumen
Circulating debates concerning the intense influence of direct local election towards money politics remains ongoing among Indonesian scholars. This article demonstrates several aspects indicating the relationship between direct local election (Pilkada) and money politics. In more specific rhetoric, current practices in money politics tend to occur before and during the election day, engaging political actors, voters, and soaring capital. As the novelty of this article, the findings reveal that the likelihood of money politics would most occur within the environment where the existing regulation encourages corruption. Hence, people have less concern to support a fair election, inevitably due to the weak law enforcement, exacerbated by disengagement of political parties.
48
Macarthur, John. "Urbanist rhetoric: problems and origins in architectural theory." Architectural Research Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1996): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135500001056.
Texto completoResumen
‘Urbanism’ has become a familar posture among architects, so familiar that it has recently become a target for ridicule. The actual developments of cities today make the neo-Sitte-esque contextualism of the 1970s look even more Utopian than the International Style. There are many and varied socio-economic and political determinants in many differing situations which might explain the hopes of the past and their distance from the realities of the present. However, much of the problem with urbanism is not to do with actual urban conditions or the success or failure of particular projects, but rather with how the concept of urbanism was framed in the architectural profession and academy. It ought still to be possible to develop a few operative concepts and a way of having a shared discourse on the architectural aspects of city sites. But at the moment we are caught between vast rhetorical claims for such work as ‘theory’; and a new naturalism that sees the city as generic global and beyond architecture. These notes are intended as a provocation both to the institutionalisation of urbanism and to the idea that it has become passé.
49
Ochs, Elinor, and Sally Jacoby. "Down to the wire: The cultural clock of physicists and the discourse of consensus." Language in Society 26, no. 4 (1997): 479–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500021023.
Texto completoResumen
ABSTRACTThis study examines how deadlines and time limits for conference talks organize the discourse of consensus among collaborating experimental and theoretical physicists in a university laboratory Six months of videotaped observations, including two cycles of conference talk preparation, indicate that, as the date of an upcoming conference nears, several things happen (a)Co-authoring physicists usually have not achieved agreement on all aspects of the findings (b)They nevertheless direct their energies to constructing a hybrid presentation rhetoric that satisfies the co-authors and fits the talk to the official conference talk time limit (c) In the process of working through matters of rhetoric – what to say, what to display visually, what to leave out, and in what order the information should be presented – the physicists construct a working consensus on matters of physics theory and experimental data explaining the properties and dynamics of the physical universe (Scientific discourse, consensus, temporal organization, rhetoric )
50
Wilson, R. "K-Films in the Classroom: Exploring New Media Ethnography Using the Korsakow System." Practicing Anthropology 31, no. 4 (2009): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.31.4.m01gwx68p51853x9.
Texto completoResumen
In this paper I look at how new media techniques could contribute to the authoring of ethnographies in anthropology courses. Immersive, navigable ethnographies make new imaginative worlds and political configurations possible. I argue that anthropologists should challenge logocentric discourses not only through our theories and our rhetoric, but also through our modes of representation as well. After briefly reviewing some key aspects and metaphors associated with new media, I offer examples of how we use the Korsakow hypermedia software package in my course on new media ethnography.