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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Right and left (political science) – history"

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Publicado: 28 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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1

Bergem, Ingeborg Misje. "Left-Wing or Right-Wing Populism?" French Politics, Culture & Society 41, no. 1 (2023): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2023.410102.

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Abstract This article reviews the political views of the Yellow Vest Movement (YVM) and explores whether it can best be described as a left-wing populist movement, understood as being primarily inclusionary and focused on socioeconomic issues, or a right-wing populist movement, understood as being primarily exclusionary and attentive to struggles over ethnic identity. This examination will be done by comparing the YVM's political demands to the presidential programs of the Rassemblement National (RN) and La France Insoumise (LFI), which in this article is used as prototypes on right-wing popul

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2

Dyrberg, Torben Bech. "Right/left in the context of new political frontiers." Studying Identity: Theoretical and Methodological Challenges 2, no. 2 (2003): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.2.09dyr.

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The modern political distinction between right and left has functioned as the symbolic structuring of democratic politics. The significance of this political code lies in the institutionalisation of political discourse as relatively autonomous in relation to cultural and religious discourses in which right as a general rule has been conceived as positive and left as negative. Modern political revolutions marked the transformation of RIGHT/LEFT from a cultural and religious codex of domination/subordination to a political one of parity, which cleared a space for the legitimacy of opposition and

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3

Marantzidis, Nikos, and Rori Lamprini. "Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041005.

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Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schis

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4

Duclert, Vincent. "La sinistra e la destra nella Francia politica." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041002.

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The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing politica

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5

Costantini, Emanuela. "Destra e sinistra in Croazia: una dicotomia possibile?" MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041006.

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The designations of left and right assumed different meanings in Croatia during the Twentieth century. Before the Second World War the national problem was a focal point in Croatian politics. It cut across the political system since it was the focus of action of very different parties. Issues traditionally identifying right and left, such as social action or ideology, emerged very slowly only in the Twenties. In the Communist period right and left were not present in Croatia as alternative political parties, but the use of the two categories was very important for Communist regime. Its self-re

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6

Strand, Michael. "The political unconscious of practice theory: Populism and democracy." Thesis Eleven 158, no. 1 (2019): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619888679.

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This article attempts a self-clarification of practice theory by providing a genetic history of ‘practice’ as a figure in social thought. This locates two different versions of practice theory in Marx’s ‘practical question’ and Hobbes’ ‘Kingdom of Darkness’, respectively, and shows how both historically comprise a practical critique of testing reason. This article examines how the practical critique performs a dialectic of politicization and depoliticization that finds family resemblances and paradoxical alignments between the political left and right. The article evaluates the strength of the

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7

Skorek, Artur. "Political Labels and Post-Politics." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 1 (2021): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360104.

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Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative analysis of the Israeli, Polish, and Hungarian party systems. Using qualitative content analysis, it examines party platforms and politicians’ speeches in order to assess the significance of political labels both in political narratives and academic debate. Two main research topics concerning political systems of the three countries are explored in the article: the

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8

Mudge, Stephanie Lee. "What's Left of Leftism?" Social Science History 35, no. 3 (2011): 337–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011573.

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A novel brand of laissez-faire that lay outside the political mainstream in the early postwar years was broadly hailed at the dawn of the twenty-first century as the common sense of a global age. Yet how to understand neoliberalism as a specifically political thing, especially in the unlikely terrains of Western European and leftist politics, is unclear. This article mobilizes field theory to conceptualize and investigate neoliberal politics in Western democracies, treating the left-right axis as a variable but fundamental organizing dichotomy over which mainstream political parties exert a un

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9

del Palacio, Jorge. "Destra e sinistra in Spagna: il caso della II Repubblica." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041003.

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In this paper it is studied the formation of left and right political spaces in Spain during the twentieth century, especially on two stages: the '30s, since the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931 until the end of Civil War in 1939 (the terms left and right are then normally incorporated in the partisan denominations); and the democratic transition of current Spain from 1975 to 2012. Both cases emphasize the difficulty to develop a centre political space and a certain polarization. In the first case this situation led to war. In the second case has articulated a permanent opposition w

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10

Cruciani, Sante, and Massimo Piermattei. "Destre e sinistre in Europa: crisi e ridefinizione delle famiglie politiche." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041007.

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The aim of the paper is to retrace the evolution of "Right" and "Left", and the political cultures linked to them within the European integration process, after the "Fall of the Wall" in Berlin. The paper started with an overview about the milestones of political struggle between Left and Right from the first Community to the direct elections of EP, showing origin and development of parties' role within the EEC/EU, and the building - with its peculiarities - of a supranational level even in the field of political competition. The main part of the paper is focused about the impact - and the cen

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11

Boukala, Salomi. "‘We need to talk about the hegemony of the left’." Journal of Language and Politics 20, no. 3 (2021): 361–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19053.bou.

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Abstract This article seeks to explore the discursive rediscovery of the left menace and the ideological relevance between the far right and the right wing in Greece in times of political turmoil. Drawing on some historical aspects of modern Greece, first, I intend to explain the resurgence of Greece’s divided past. By emphasising references to Gramsci and the ‘hegemony of the left’, the article investigates the discursive construction of ingroups and outgroups on the basis of haunted memories of modern Greek history. By synthesising the Discourse Historical Approach and the concept of Aristot

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12

Ridolfi, Maurizio. ""Al di lŕ della destra e della sinistra"? Tradizioni e culture politiche nell'Italia repubblicana." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041004.

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A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social a

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13

Jou, Willy. "Political cleavages in Serbia: changes and continuities in structuring left–right orientations." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 10, no. 2 (2010): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2010.486947.

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14

Davidson, Alastair. "History, Human Rights and the Left." Thesis Eleven 100, no. 1 (2010): 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513609353709.

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15

DAVID-FOX, MICHAEL. "RELIGION, SCIENCE, AND POLITICAL RELIGION IN THE SOVIET CONTEXT." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 2 (2011): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431100028x.

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The intellectual movement to interpret fascism, Nazism, and Stalinism as “political religions” has generated lively debates and an intensive publication program for over a decade. The scholarly trend has been closely associated with a revival of the concept of totalitarianism, reconfigured to account for the popular appeal and violent fervor of twentieth-century mass movements of the extreme right and left. As theoreticians of political religion have been preoccupied with arguments about the definition of religion and the problems of comparison, two stumbling blocks have become increasingly ap

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16

Aschheim, Steven E. "Nietzschean Socialism — Left and Right, 1890-1933." Journal of Contemporary History 23, no. 2 (1988): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948802300201.

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17

Pavlov, N. "Political Leadership under Conditions of «Chancellor Democracy»." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2011): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-11-25-38.

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In terms of Germany's foreign policy the concept of “chancellor democracy” begins to lose its validity. Nonetheless, the head of the government remains, as before, the leading political actor. In accordance with their own styles and characters each of the chancellors left their mark in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. Many German political scientists and historians are right to understand the “chancellor democracy” as historical concentration of power in the Federal chancellery to the detriment of ministerial principle. Indeed, in all turning points of German history the most im

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18

Tomić, Đorđe. "On the ‘right’ side? The Radical Right in the Post-Yugoslav Area and the Serbian Case." Fascism 2, no. 1 (2013): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201012.

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The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establishment of a nationalist political mainstream. As a consequence of the Yugoslav wars, nationalism gained broad acceptance in most post-Yugoslav societies. This led to the emergence of many radical right groups, the majority of which support the nationalist policies of the Yugoslav successor states. Since the regime changes in most post-Yugoslav states around the year 2000, the nationalist paradigm has shifted towards a new mainstream, combining the promise of EU accession with neoliberal economic ref

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19

Weitz, Yechiam. "Reshaping the Political Order in Israel, 1965–1967." Israel Studies Review 33, no. 3 (2018): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2018.330304.

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This article examines the major changes in the Israeli political arena, on both the left and right, in the two years before the 1967 War. The shift was marked by the establishment in 1965 of the right-wing Gahal (the Herut-Liberal bloc) and of the Labor Alignment, the semi-merger of Israel’s two main left-wing parties, Mapai and Ahdut HaAvodah. Some dissatisfied Mapai members broke away from the Alignment and formed a new party, Rafi, under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion. They did not gain nearly enough Knesset seats to take power in the November 1965 election, but Rafi did become part of

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20

Nagy, Kristóf, and Márton Szarvas. "Left turn, right turn - artistic and political radicalism of late socialism in Hungary." Kontradikce 5, no. 2 (2021): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.46957/con.2021.2.4.

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21

Enders, Adam M. "Conspiratorial Thinking and Political Constraint." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no. 3 (2019): 510–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz032.

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Abstract Recent research on conspiracy beliefs reveals that the general predisposition to believe conspiracy theories cuts across partisan and ideological lines. While this may signify that political orientations have no bearing on conspiratorial reasoning, it also may suggest that conspiracy theorists are simply less engaged in traditional left-right politics. In this manuscript, I consider the relationship between conspiratorial thinking and political constraint, or the extent to which individuals have a clear picture of “what goes with what” with respect to the various objects of the politi

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22

Bass, Gary J. "Humanitarian Intervention in the 21st Century." Tocqueville Review 30, no. 1 (2009): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.30.1.17.

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What future is possible for the promotion of human rights after Iraq? George W. Bush’s disastrous misadventure has rightly become the prime exhibit of the folly of military means. The fear of interventionism covers both left and right. For some critics of the Bush administration, human-rights-minded liberals are due particular blame for being useful idiots for the Bush agenda.

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23

Berlanstein, Lenard R. "Radical Left and Radical Right in Urban France." Journal of Urban History 15, no. 2 (1989): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614428901500206.

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24

Bovan, Kosta, Valentino Petrović, and Leon Runje. "Measuring Ideology in the Croatian Context." Politička misao 57, no. 4 (2021): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.4.06.

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The goal of this paper is to examine the relationship between the unidimensional‎ left-right measure of ideology and more nuanced measures of major political‎ ideologies as well as to ascertain the validity of the left-right measure of‎ ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the‎ Croatian context. This was accomplished by deploying an online questionnaire‎ on a convenient, non-representative sample of students from the University of‎ Zagreb, Croatia. The students were recruited via various social media student‎ groups. The paper starts by theoretically explo

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25

Кирчанов, М. В. "«ЭДЕМСКИЙ» ЦИКЛ ГАРРИ ГАРРИСОНА В КОНТЕКСТАХ ИНТЕЛЛЕКТУАЛЬНОЙ ИСТОРИИ АМЕРИКАНСКИХ ПРАВЫХ 1980-Х ГГ." Диалог со временем, № 89(89) (12 грудня 2024): 174–91. https://doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2024.89.89.012.

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Автор анализирует роль научно-фантастической литературы в развитии американских правых политических течений во второй половине 1980-х гг., когда правый политический дискурс оказался в состоянии идеологического и культурного кризиса. Автор полагает, что в контекстах роста популярности левых и либеральных тенденций в американском политическом и интеллектуальном пространствах, векторы актуализации правых консервативных идей сместились в литературу, в т.ч. научную фантастику. Автор полагает, что романы «Эдемского» цикла Гарри Гаррисона актуализируют вовлеченность американских писателей в развитие

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26

Fossati, Fabio. "Italy and European Union enlargement: A comparative analysis of left and right governments." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (2008): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962140.

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This article explores the attitudes of Italy's ruling and opposition parties towards the European Union (EU) enlargement process in Central and Eastern Europe. It shows that during both left (1996–2001) and right (2001–2006) governments there was a convergence between conservative and constructivist political platforms. In the first case, support for the Balkan countries (i.e., Slovenia, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia) and Turkey was based on their economic (penetration of Italian firms) and political (stabilisation of a difficult area) potential. In the second case, support was justified for both

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27

Neuber, Michael. "Mainstreaming the Radical Right?" German Politics and Society 41, no. 2 (2023): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410206.

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Abstract In Germany, tens of thousands of people took to the streets to demonstrate against the government's measures to handle the covid-19 pandemic. These protests started in the spring of 2020. What makes these protests puzzling is their unusual heterogeneous political composition and ambiguous symbolism. This article argues that protesters used the pandemic (and calls for “freedom” from restrictions) to bridge left- and right-wing movement frames. Importantly, though, the amplification of radical right strands of populist discourse played a central role in this frame-bridging. These argume

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28

Hodgson, Katharine. "“I am to be Read Not from Left to Right, but in Jewish: From Right to Left:” the poetics of Boris Slutsky." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 12, no. 2 (2013): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2013.820544.

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29

Rensmann, Lars. "Divided We Stand." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (2019): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370304.

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Germany continues to face an inter-regional political divide between the East and the West three decades after unification. Most strikingly, this divide is expressed in different party systems. The right-wing populist Alternative for Germany and the left-wing populist Left Party are considerably more successful in the eastern regions, while German centrist parties perform worse (and shrink faster at the ballot-box) than in the West. The article discusses empirical evidence of this resilient yet puzzling political divide and explores three main clusters of explanatory factors: The after-effects

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30

Huang, Philip C. C. "Beyond the Right-Left Divide: Searching for Reform from the History of Practice." Modern China 36, no. 1 (2009): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700409349574.

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31

Olsen, Jonathan. "The Left Party Thirty Years After Unification." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (2019): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370403.

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The story of Die Linke (Left Party, or LP) over the past thirty years reflects the incomplete project of politically unifying the two halves of Germany. Over the course of its history, the LP has been transformed from a desperate holdover from the communist era, to a populist representative of eastern identity in the decade after unification, and finally to a modern, all-German radical left party. Since 2015, however, the LP has found itself threatened in its eastern German heartland by the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which is attempting to supplant the LP as the voice of east

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32

Neuberger, Benyamin. "Democratic and Anti-democratic Roots of the Israeli Political System." Israel Studies Review 34, no. 2 (2019): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340204.

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This article explores the ideological underpinnings of the major Jewish political camps in Israel and the Yishuv—the left, the Orthodox, the national right, the bourgeois center—and evaluates the extent to which they are compatible with liberal democracy as commonly understood in the West. It also analyzes quasi-democratic and non-democratic aspects of older Jewish traditions based on the Torah, the Talmud, and the Halakhah. While the history of Zionism and the Zionist movement contained definite democratic components, Israel’s political system was shaped by a range of anti-democratic traditio

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33

Boris, Eileen. "On the Importance of Naming: Gender, Race, and the Writing of Policy History." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 1 (2005): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0003.

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Twenty years ago, just as the study of policy was emerging out of the morass of political history, historians of women rediscovered the state. What I will name the policy turn challenged a kind of intellectual separate sphere in which women's history addressed home, family, and intimate life and left to other historians everything else. The policy turn shifted attention from Carroll Smith Rosenberg's “Female World of Love and Ritual” without losing the self-activity and focus on female difference that investigations of women on their own terms had supplied. It answered the “Politics and Cultur

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34

Waites, Matthew. "“Homosexuality and the New Right: The Legacy of the 1980s for New Delineations of Homophobia”." Sociological Research Online 5, no. 1 (2000): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.432.

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This article addresses the relationship between the New Right and the politics of homosexuality in the United Kingdom. It begins by outlining recent political conflicts surrounding attempts to equalise the ‘gay age of consent’ and to repeal Section 28 of the Local Government Act (1988). The article then examines the New Right's relationship to homosexuality in the 1980s, and the history of socio-political analyses of this relationship. It is argued that pro-gay left theorists have tended to homogenize the New Right of the 1980s, with negative consequences for the analysis of more recent right-

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35

Rori, Lamprini, Vasiliki Georgiadou, and Costas Roumanias. "Political Violence in Crisis-Ridden Greece: Evidence from the Far Right and the Far Left." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 40, no. 1 (2022): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2022.0009.

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Raos, Višeslav. "Ideology, Partisanship, and Change." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.01.

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This paper analyzes changes in the Croatian party system in the 1990-2016 period by looking at trends in the ideological makeup of voters of the main center-right (HDZ) and center-left (SDP) parties. An assessment of changes in voter self-placement on a left-right scale has shown a gradual increase in the ideological distance among voters of these parties. Further, the paper detected a trend towards an increase in the share of self-declared far-right voters among HDZ voters and far-left voters among SDP voters. In addition, an analysis of categorical ideological identification has demonstrated

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37

Adhikari, Kanshi Prasad. "Nepali Communist and Their Internalized Cultural Values." Academia Research Journal 2, no. 1 (2023): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/academia.v2i1.52348.

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The communist political leadership in Nepal is the subject of this article, which focuses on their ideology and practices. Despite the fact that they identify as communists and support ideal political systems that feature equality, freedom, citizenry, the rule of the working class, and universal human rights, their internalized cultural values are centered on the hegemonic domination of one cultural group, gender, kinship, religion, area, and also serve the interests of power and wealth. The main features of communist political leadership are factionalism, opportunism, anarchy, individualism,

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38

Laxer, Emily. "“We are all republicans”: Political Articulation and the Production of Nationhood in France's Face Veil Debate." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (2018): 938–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000348.

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AbstractIn July 2010, following a year-long nationwide debate over Islamic veiling, the French government passed a law prohibiting facial coverings in all public spaces. Prior research attributes this and other restrictive laws to France's republican secular tradition. This article takes a different approach. Building on literature that sees electoral politics as a site for articulating, rather than merely reflecting, social identities, I argue that the 2010 ban arose in significant part out of political parties’ struggles to demarcate the boundaries of legitimate politics in the face of an ul

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39

Barany, Darren. "Saving Society from the ‘Presumption of Reason’: Classical Conservative and New Right Anti-Welfarism in Post-War America." Critical Sociology 37, no. 6 (2011): 779–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920510380949.

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This article clarifies some of the contradictions of post-war American conservatism. It chiefly investigates and critiques the traditionalist (i.e. classical) conservative origins of the anti-statism and anti-welfarism of the American New Right and some of the main outlets from which its ideas were mobilized during this period. This brief intellectual and political history explains some of the origins of the anti-statism and anti-left populism which are so visible in today’s conservative movement and which significantly inform contemporary policy discourse. The article concludes that while a f

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40

Dewiel, Boris. "Athens versus Jerusalem: a source of left-right conflict in the history of ideas." Journal of Political Ideologies 9, no. 1 (2004): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356931032000167463.

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41

Beriss, David. "Paris is Not Responding: Views on the French Condition, Colloquia at New York University’s Institute of French Studies, Spring, 1985." Tocqueville Review 7, no. 1 (1986): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.309.

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When the Socialists arrived in power in 1981, the word of the day was changement, and the people dancing in the streets of Paris seemed to indicate an exuberant optimism for the political and economic future. Now, with the 1986 legislative elections approaching, the Right seems almost certain to win; public opinion appears to have swung against the Left in power. If people take to the streets today, whether they be angry parents d’élèves or workers, they are more than likely to be protesting against the Socialists. Has the Left in power proved to be incompetent? Have they mismanaged political

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42

Beriss, David. "Paris is Not Responding: Views on the French Condition, Colloquia at New York University’s Institute of French Studies, Spring, 1985." Tocqueville Review 7 (January 1986): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.309.

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When the Socialists arrived in power in 1981, the word of the day was changement, and the people dancing in the streets of Paris seemed to indicate an exuberant optimism for the political and economic future. Now, with the 1986 legislative elections approaching, the Right seems almost certain to win; public opinion appears to have swung against the Left in power. If people take to the streets today, whether they be angry parents d’élèves or workers, they are more than likely to be protesting against the Socialists. Has the Left in power proved to be incompetent? Have they mismanaged political

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43

Sakwa, Richard, David Collins, Jon Smele, and Ronald Kowalski. "Bolshevism of the Left and Right." Russian Review 51, no. 3 (1992): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131121.

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44

Šťastná, V., and P. Kokaisl. "The Czechoslovak Press of 1919–1938 about Subcarpathian Rus." Rusin, no. 66 (2021): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/66/4.

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The article examines the position of the Rusins as well as political and social conditions in Subcarpathian Rus in 1919–1938 as reflected by the Czechoslovak press, namely the two main dailies on the left and right side of the political spectrum. The authors analyze the discursive elements of the Czechoslovak Lidové noviny (a rightwing pro-government newspaper) and Rudé právo (a left-wing, predominantly antigovernment newspaper). Subcarpathian Rus was a subject of peace negotiations after the collapse of Austria-Hungary in WWI, and its territory was annexed in 1919 to the newly formed Czechosl

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45

Wheatley, Jonathan. "Restructuring the policy space in England: The end of the Left–Right paradigm?" British Politics 10, no. 3 (2015): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2015.35.

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46

Kolonitskii, Boris, and Konstantin Godunov. "From the History of Civil War Language Development: “Kornilovshchina” and Legitimation of Political Violence." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2022): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.17.

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Introduction. The article examines some of key words used by Russia’s opposing political forces in 1917. Method. Using methodological tools of the Cambridge Cambridge school of intellectual history the authors study the meaning of words “Kornilovites”, “Kornilovism” and “Kerenshchina”. The authors study the different contexts of political statements and of political usage of these words. Analysis. The rhetorical design of the conflicts that preceded the Kornilov affair influenced the course of this political crisis: people of different views assumed that the crisis is inevitable, and it would

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47

Lewis, Anthony. "Nanny knows best." Index on Censorship 24, no. 5 (1995): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209502400525.

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48

Spektorowski, Alberto. "The Ideological Origins of Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina, 1930-43." Journal of Contemporary History 29, no. 1 (1994): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949402900106.

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49

Mete, Vittorio. "New wine in old bottles? Italy's divided political culture." Modern Italy 13, no. 4 (2008): 481–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802300274.

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Italians and politics, edited by Marco MaraffiBologna, Il Mulino, 2007332 pp., €26.00 (paperback), ISBN-978-88-15-11491-4Where is the victory? Voting in 2006, described by Italians, edited by ITANESBologna, Il Mulino, 2006241 pp., €13.00 (paperback), ISBN-88-15-11486-6Left and right: Psychological roots of political differences, edited by ITANESBologna, Il Mulino, 2006182 pp., €12.00 (paperback), ISBN-88-15-10911-0‘Incomplete’ is the adjective usually used to qualify the Italian political transition that started in the early 1990s. Fifteen years is a long time in politics: as has been noted (C

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Cheles, Luciano. "Le immagini vaganti. Migrazioni iconografiche tra destra e sinistra." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041008.

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Parties frequently appropriate propaganda images from other movements, which all too often belong to the opposite end of the political spectrum. This article considers the main forms of visual appropriation and illustrates them with examples drawn from Italian and French post-war propaganda. It argues that the phenomenon is widespread especially among right-wing parties, which tend to adopt the imagery created by well-established political organisations to legitimate themselves, to present themselves to the voters in a more modern and appealing way or to attempt a dialogue with them. The techn

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