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1
Donskikh, O. A. (Oleg Alʹbertovich). "Russian philosophy as an expression of Russian national consciousness". Monash University, School of Philosophy, Linguistics and Bioethics, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9108.
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2
Tuminez, Mary Astrid Segovia. "Russian nationalism, 1856-1995 : content, empowerment, and impact on Russian foreign policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10980.
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3
Degirmen, Burcu Fadime. "Russian Diaspora And The Politics Of Russian Nationalism In The Post Soviet Era". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610042/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
This thesis examines how Russian political elites and intellectuals have approached
the issues of Russian nation and diaspora since 1991. This thesis observes that while
Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin claim to advocate a civic definition of a nation in
the boundaries of Russiathey extend the definition of Russian nation to cover the &lsquo
Russian diaspora&rsquo
as well. This thesis argues that the inclusion of the term Russian diaspora in Russian discourse of nationalism has paved the way for developing a consensus about Russia&rsquo
s new identity among its political elites and intellectuals. Accordingly, Russia which is defined as a homeland of ethnic Russians identifies itself as the protector of the rights of Russians in ex-Soviet republics. Moreover, this diasporic politics has been used to legitimate the Russian engagement in the internal and external affairs of post-Soviet states. Nevertheless, as this thesis demonstrates, ethnic Russians residing in the post-Soviet states have significant diversity in terms of their political orientations towards Russia. There are five parts in this thesis. After the introduction, the first chapter explains the role of Russian diaspora in the politics of Russian nationalism under Yeltsin and Putin. While the second chapter examines intellectual approaches to the issues of Russian national identity and diaspora, the third chapter focuses on the conditions of ethnic Russians in the post-Soviet states. The final part is the conclusion.
4
Ingram, Alan Robert. "A nation split into fragments : Russian nationalism and the Congress of Russian Communities". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321960.
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5
Spence, Timothy Michael. "The development of Russian nationalism under Gorbachev (1985-91)". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317922/.
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This thesis examines the development of Russian nationalism under Gorbachev, with special reference to new political organisations. Nationalism is defined as a combination of sentiment, political principle and movement. The political principle 'holds that the political and national unit should be congruent'. For Russia, this was not a straightforward matter: some considered the political unit to be a greater (imperial) Russian state; whilst others considered it to be a Russian national state (based on the RSFSR). In addition, the Russian language has two terms to define the national unit: russkii androssiiskii narod. Russian nationalism existed to a limited degree in the Soviet Union before 1985. Glasnost and perestroika reduced the limitations on expressions of Russian nationalism and provided an opportunity for opinions to coalesce, resulting in the appearance of organised movements. At first, most Russian nationalists welcomed this change, although some soon started to display elements of caution - they were worried about possible threats to their conceptions of the Russian state. This work aims to show that Russian nationalism under Gorbachev was not a unified movement, but a collage of opinions attempting to define the Russian state and its national values. The thesis examines: the development of new groups connected with Russian nationalism; the relationship between Russian nationalism and the centre; the issues which became Russian nationalist causes; and the tendencies which became apparent in Russian nationalism. The thesis contends that Russian nationalism can be divided into three tendencies: imperialist nationalism, concerned with the maintenance of a greater Russian/Soviet state; isolationist nationalism, which sought to establish a specifically 'Russian' state, untainted by foreign influence and separated from the non-Russian Union republics; and liberal nationalism, which respected other republics' independence, was receptive to foreign influence and, yet, was concerned with the Russian national identity of a new Russian state.
6
Demydova, Viktoriia 05064827121. "The Rise Of Russian Nationalism Under Vladimir Putin: 2000 - 2008". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612332/index.pdf.
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The thesis aims to discuss the process of nation-building and discourse of Russian nationalism of the Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2000 - 2008. It focuses on the rise of the nationalism in Russia since 2000 and analyzes discourse of nationalism at the state level, in culture and religious sphere, as well as its representation in various ultra right-wing political movements. The thesis argues that despite the ethnic elements in Vladimir Putin&rsquos discourse of Russian nationalism, his version of nationalism is not ethnic, but rather multiethnic and inclusive that seeks to promote loyalty to the Russian state among the Russian citizens without eliminating their ethnic identities. In fact, Putin&rsquo
s version of nationalism is multidimensional. Unlike ethnicity, religion and other cultural elements, the loyalty to the state constitute the core of this nationalism. The thesis comprises of four main chapters. After the introduction chapter, the second chapter examines the main projects of the Russian nation-building and identity construction that emerged after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, and explains which of them were chosen by the leadership of the republic. The third chapter focuses on the discussion of the nation-building under Boris Yeltsin. The fourth chapter is the analysis of Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s nation-building policy and his discourse of nationalism. The fifth chapter analyses the foreign policy of Vladimir Putin, paying attention to policy towards compatriots in the near abroad, countries of the CIS and West. The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of the thesis.
7
Tanrisever, Oktay Firat. "The politics of Tatar nationalism and Russian federalism, 1992-1999". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1382504/.
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The topic of this thesis is Tatarstan's post-Soviet leadership, analysed through its politics of Tatar nationalism and Russian federalism between 1992 and 1999. The main question of the thesis is how Tatarstan's leadership has succeeded in maintaining political power and gaining economic wealth without provoking a backlash both from Moscow and the local Russian population. The thesis argues that Tatarstan's leadership succeeded in maintaining political power and gaining economic wealth through promoting neither the civic nationalism of participating citizens in Tatarstan nor the ethnic nationalism of the Tatar nation bound together by common culture and history, but pragmatic nomenklatura nationalism which demands national autonomy for the Tatars as the only formula for Tatarstan's leadership to secure regional stability against ethnic nationalisms of the Tatars and the Russians in Tatarstan and the adverse regional effects of the federal policies. The thesis considers the weaknesses of the Russian federal centre and Tatarstan's civil society as the main factors enabling Tatarstan's leadership to pursue a politics of survival through manipulating Tatar nationalism and Russian federalism. The thesis begins with an introduction setting out the approach and the argument. The first main chapter examines the historical evolution of Russia's relations with the Tatar elites both in the Tsarist and the Soviet periods. Chapter Two analyses the President of Tatarstan Mintimer Shaimiev's discourse of Tatar nationalism, and demonstrates how Shaimiev's policies served to Tatarise the leading positions in Tatarstan without a backlash from the Russians. Chapter Three deals with Shaimiev's politics of Tatar nationalism vis-A-vis Moscow before and after the conclusion of the power-sharing treaty between Moscow and Tatarstan in 1994. Chapter Four explores society and culture in Tatarstant o account for the weaknesses of Tatar and Russian ethnic nationalisms.The fifth chapter evaluates the stability of Tatarstan's arrangements with Moscow in terms of the trends at the intergovernmental and interethnic levels. The thesis concludes by showing how Tatar nationalism under Shaimiev has accommodated itself with Russian federalism.
8
Ingram, A. R. "'A nation split into fragments' : the geopolitics of Russian nationalism and the Congress of Russian Communities". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604931.
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This thesis is a study of the Congress of Russian Communities (KRO), a Russian nationalist movement which emerged in 1993, aiming to reunite all ethnic Russians within an enlarged Russian state. It is argued that the movement failed in its own terms due to ideological contradictions, organisational weaknesses, and counter strategies on the part of the Russian state, but did have a significant influence on Russian state policy, and constitutes a theoretically important phenomenon in the geopolitics of the post-Soviet states. A theoretical framework is developed through a critical review of work on nationalism, also taking into account literature on critical geopolitics, identity, social movements and the state. Nationalism is framed as a geopolitical strategy closely related to the geopolitics of the state system. In order to understand the context within which the KRO emerged, the geopolitics of Russian identity in the Russian Empire, Soviet Union and early post Soviet period are discussed. The KRO's ideology is analysed in terms of key discourses which forge a specific form of Russian identity and a programme for geopolitical change. This ideology is contrasted with those of other right wing movements and the policies of the Yeltsin administration. The KRO, and much Russian nationalism in general, is shown to be intimately (yet problematically) related to statism, another important post-Soviet ideology. The KRO's challenge for state power is then analysed. The origins, structure and development of the KRO, and the political careers of its key figures are reviewed. The KRO's emergence from within the Russian right wing, its links with pro-Russian organisations across the post-Soviet states, and its role in the forging of government policy are traced. Counter strategies on the part of Russian state institutions are also considered. The high point of the KRO's challenge came in 1995 with the construction of a broad electoral coalition. The political geography of the coalition and the geography of its performance at the elections to the Russian state Duma are examined and explained, both in terms of the KRO's ideology and organisation, and in comparison with competitor organisations. In conclusion, the consequences of the KRO's challenge for Russian nationalism and the geopolitics of the post-Soviet states in general are considered.
9
Usitalo, Steven A. "Lomonosov : forging a Russian national myth". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84204.
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The eighteenth-century natural philosopher Mikhail Vasil'evich Lomonosov (1711-1765) has long been represented by Russian writers and scholars as an encyclopedic figure who not only pioneered the dissemination of a scientific ethos in Russia, but whose own innumerable contributions to science make him eminently worthy of inclusion in a pantheon among the greatest scientific minds. A robust mythology extolling Lomonosov's role in Russian science and culture formed in the years immediately following his death, and would increase in vigor while adapting to changing historical circumstances until well into the twentieth century. This dissertation explores the evolution of Lomonosov's imposing stature in Russian thought from the middle of the eighteenth century to the first decades of the Soviet period. It reveals much about the intersection in Russian culture of changing attitudes towards the meaning and significance of science, as well as about the rise of a Russian national identity of which Lomonosov became an outstanding symbol.The processes by which myths can be used to create and shape historical memory are highlighted throughout this inquiry. At first, Lomonosov was depicted very generally as the pioneering Russian natural philosopher; later his contributions, still broadly framed, were conflated with select institutional agendas; finally historians of various disciplines appropriated his life in order to reinforce their own professional strategies. Even as the myth of Lomonosov grew more elaborate, however, it was the inspiring idea of Lomonosov's heroic determination to propagate science, culture, and education within Russia and his successful struggles against myriad obstacles to achieve this end that remained the primary and enduring biographical element. It is this image with which my study is principally concerned.
10
Howard, Natalia V. "Kazakh and Russian identities in transition : the case of Kazakhstan". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1907.
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This dissertation concerns the development and interaction of Kazakh and Russian identities in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. My research questions were: (1) what was the character of these identities in 2003/04 (the time of my research); (2) how have these identities interacted to form dominant and subordinate identities, and (3) how can the character of these identities and their interaction be explained? In order to research these questions I used a general questionnaire followed up by open ended interviews of a representative sample of Kazakhstani citizens. While my research findings show continued uncertainty and provisionality in both Kazakh and Russian identities, which confirms the broad trend of previous surveys, they also indicate signs of change in the emergence of more consolidated dominant and subordinate identities in the less Russianised areas like Chimkent and among the younger generation, while by contrast the older generations of Russians, particularly in the more Russianised areas, find it difficult to accept the delegitimation of their dominant status as reflected in the nationalizing policies pursued by the new state. In theoretical terms these findings confirm the importance of the study of ethnic stratification, which has not received sufficient attention in previous research in this area. In explaining these developments I found that the character of the transition and also of the ‘prior regime type’ in Kazakhstan has had a significant effect on ethnic relationships, but also that international factors, such as those presented in Brubaker’s triadic model, and internal factors, elaborated by Schermerhorn and Horowitz, were also important.
11
Hanson-Green, Monica. "Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/99.
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National identity provides the interpretive framework through which foreign policy makers understand their role in the world and the actions of other states, and can also be utilized as a tool to mobilize public support behind foreign policy maneuvers. Foreign policy in turn is both shaped by constructions of national identity, and often used to forge and substantiate the narratives of national identity which best serve the regime’s domestic interests. This thesis will seek to establish the mutually constitutive relationship between national identity and foreign policy through an analysis of the interaction of these elements in the Russian Federation under President Vladimir Putin. Russian national identity will be considered in its formation with respect to the Historical, Internal, and External ‘Others’ in post-Soviet discourse originally identified by the constructivist analysis of Ted Hopf, with particular emphasis on the evolution of identity narratives disseminated from the Kremlin.
12
McDonald, Kristian P. "An investigation into the approach of modern Russian liberal thinkers towards nationalism". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2365/.
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The aim of this study is to show how liberal thinkers have responded to the problems liberalism as an ideology faces in Russia, and to the challenges which Russia is encountering as a country in transition. I will argue that liberals are constantly aware both of their marginalisation (which is seen as being cultural, historical and political) when they react to other ideologies and to those who hold political power, and also of the difficulty of shaping Russia's future along liberal lines. The liberal response to nationalism, therefore, provides a useful model in showing how liberals have reacted to ideologies which are typically regarded as being outside the liberal movement in Russia and also how they have sought to respond to many of the central questions relating to transition. I will show in this study that the response of liberals towards nationalism demonstrates a huge increase in the diversity of the liberal movement from the mid 1990's onwards, as the internal divides amongst liberals have become apparent under the impact of transition. Secondly, liberals have been torn between the possible strategic benefits of combining liberalism with non-liberal elements, weighed against the ideological problems these combinations cause. These dilemmas have left Russian liberalism as an essentially stagnant ideology which remains incapable of forming a united and coherent response both to its own marginalisation and to the challenges faced by Russia.
13
Williams, Kimberly A. "Casualties of cold war toward a feminist analysis of American nationalism in U.S.-Russian relations /". College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8536.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Women's Studies. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
14
Korovianska, Veronika. "Establishing National Identity in the Twentieth-Century China: Traces of Russian and Ukrainian Literature in the New Chinese Literature". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23797.
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Russian literature is traditionally regarded as one that served a model and guide for
Chinese intellectuals in developing their national literature. It is also recognized that Eastern
European literatures drew much attention of Chinese intellectuals in their quest for national
identity and modernization. This thesis is aimed at providing a more detailed look at the Chinese-
Slavic literary discourse of the 1920’s, focusing on Russian literature as a recognized literary
“authority” of the time, and Ukrainian literature as an example of a literature of an oppressed
nation, which went under both Russian and Eastern European “labels” at the time. I argue that
challenged by a deep social and political crisis, Chinese intellectuals were compelled to develop
a unique form of national identity, basing it on two usually mutually exclusive forms of
nationalism, which manifested itself in the literary works of the period.
15
Kovalchuk, Anna. "Narrating the National Future: The Cossacks in Ukrainian and Russian Literature". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22705.
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This dissertation investigates nineteenth-century narrative representations of the Cossacks—multi-ethnic warrior communities from the historical borderlands of empire, known for military strength, pillage, and revelry—as contested historical figures in modern identity politics. Rather than projecting today’s political borders into the past and proceeding from the claim that the Cossacks are either Russian or Ukrainian, this comparative project analyzes the nineteenth-century narratives that transform pre-national Cossack history into national patrimony. Following the Romantic era debates about national identity in the Russian empire, during which the Cossacks become part of both Ukrainian and Russian national self-definition, this dissertation focuses on the role of historical narrative in these burgeoning political projects. Drawing on Alexander Pushkin’s Poltava (1828), Nikolai Gogol’s Taras Bulba (1835, 1842), and Taras Shevchenko’s Haidamaky (1842), this dissertation traces the relationship between Cossack history, the poet-historian, and possible national futures in Ukrainian and Russian Romantic literature. In the age of empire, these literary representations shaped the emerging Ukrainian and Russian nations, conceptualized national belonging in terms of the domestic family unit, and reimagined the genealogical relationship between Ukrainian and Russian history. Uniting the national “we” in its readership, these Romantic texts prioritize the poet-historian’s creative, generative power and their ability to discover, legitimate, and project the nation into the future. This framework shifts the focus away from the political nation-state to emphasize the unifying power of shared narrative history and the figurative, future-oriented, and narrative genesis of national imaginaries.
16
Yoder, Audra Jo. "Making Tea Russian: The Samovar and Russian National Identity, 1832-1901". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1240596270.
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Roy, Nina Tamara. "Harvest of memories : national identity and primitivism in French and Russian art, 1888-1909". Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37827.
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This dissertation analyses the convergence of primitivism and nationalism in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century French and Russian art. The discourse of primitivism has yielded a number of critical studies focusing on the artistic appropriation of aesthetics derived from "tribal" arts, Asian arts, medieval icons, outsider art, and peasant arts and crafts. Within that scholarship, modern European art that appropriates the aesthetics of folk arts and themes of the peasantry is frequently considered to be representative of national identity and myth. The artistic elucidation of the peasantry as emblematic of national identity combined with their incorporation into primitivism produces a tension that complicates the conventional, binary structure of the discourse. It is therefore necessary to examine artistic expressions of national myth and the peasantry's absorption into the primitivist discourse, as this indicates a critical point at which issues of nationalism and primitivism converge. In the cultural realm, that juncture is located in the artistic idealisation of peasant cultures, which is indicative of a mythical state of being from which national identity could be rearticulated.The myth of the peasantry as developed in nineteenth century European thought centres around the premise that rural populations were an unchanging element of society whose traditional customs, religious beliefs, and modes of production contrasted sharply with the accelerated changes in urban culture. A critical examination of selected paintings by the French artist Paul Gauguin (1848--1903), the Russian Neoprimitivist Natalia Goncharova (1881--1962), and the French Fauve painter Othon Friesz (1879--1949) within their specific, social contexts reveals the ways in which the modern, artistic maintenance of the rural myth elucidates current political and social issues of nationalism. This underscores the peasantry's symbolism within the nation as representative of a national, collective consciousness and ancestry. The peasantry's incorporation into the primitivist discourse and the cultural articulation of the rural myth are revealed in the paintings The Vision After the Sermon (1888), Yellow Christ (1889), Fruit Harvest (1909), and Autumn Work (1908). The paintings and their respective social contexts situate the peasantry both as constructions within the primitivist discourse and symbols of national identity, thereby disrupting the structure of alterity upon which primitivism is predicated.
18
Bilderback, Barry T. "Nationalism in Rimskii-Korsakov's instrumental music : an analysis of three symphonic works based on Russian themes /". view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018356.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 357-366). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
19
Janack, James Alfred. "The troika of the Russian soul : rhetoric and national identity in the post-Soviet era /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8193.
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Schenk, Caress Rene. "A Typical Country of Immigration? The Russian Immigration Regime in Comparative Perspective". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1274997400.
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21
Cosgrove, Simon Anthony. "Nash sovremennik 1981-1991 : a case study in the politics of Soviet literature with special reference to Russian nationalism". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317818/.
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This study of the Moscow-based, Russian-language 'thick' journal, Nash sovremennik, with special reference to Russian nationalism, in the last decade of the Soviet polity (1981-1991), is based on a distinction between popular and statist Russian nationalist tendencies. In the conditions of an 'imperial state', such as the Soviet Union, it is argued, nationalist ideology exhibited a strong polarisation between a 'popular' tendency, oriented towards the idea of the nation; and a 'statist' tendency, oriented towards the state. The exigencies of Soviet politics meant that both popular and statist nationalist tendencies appeared in the journal in 'truncated' form: the popular nationalist tendency lacked an idea of statehood appropriate to its vision of the nation; and the statist tendency was inhibited from advocating a policy of thorough-going cultural Russification, appropriate to its views of the state. In the Gorbachev period, while Westernisng policies tended to make nationalists of both types oppose reform, the issue of the state was fundamental in determining the conservative political orientation of nationalists. There are five conclusions of the study, with regard to the period 1981-1991: 1 Nash sovremennik played an important role in the articulation of Russian nationalist ideology; 2 the publication policy of Nash sovremennik was strongly influenced by the appointments to the key internal posts, not only of chief editor, but also of deputy chief editor; 3 conservative political elites in the Soviet Union sought to use nationalist ideology to control and limit reform; 4 Russian nationalist ideology was characterised by a marked polarity between statist and popular tendencies; 5 the 'imperial' nature of the Soviet state, and the ethnic heterogeneity of Soviet elites and masses alike, made Russian nationalist ideology unsuitable, as an ideological instrument, for Soviet political elites.
22
Brunstedt, Jonathan. "Forging a common glory : Soviet remembrance of the Second World War and the limits of Russian nationalism, 1960s-1991". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543710.
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Sperancete, Luiz Fernando Mocelin. "A correção de rumos de uma nação: a Rússia sob o comando de Vladimir Putin". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19654.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This work has as objective contribute to the study of the Russian Federation during the long period in which Vladimir Putin is in the Kremlin’s command (2000-2016), and analyze the main aspects of the correction of direction that the Russian leader has been promoting on the political, economic and social course of the country. To this end, references are made to the selected theoretical aspects from “political realism”, having as key-authors Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Waltz and Nicolau Maquiavel, and to the aspects of historical and social of the Russian’s national identity formation after the 1917’s October Revolution
Este trabalho tem como objetivo contribuir para o estudo da Federação Russa durante o longo período em que Vladimir Putin está no comando do Kremlin (2000-2016), e analisar os principais aspectos da correção de rumos que o líder russo vem promovendo no curso político, econômico e social do país. Para tanto, faz-se referência aos aspectos teóricos selecionados do “realismo político”, tendo como autores-chave Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Waltz e Nicolau Maquiavel, e aos aspectos histórico e sociais da formação da identidade nacional russa após a Revolução de Outubro de 1917
24
Kranking, Glenn Eric. "Island People: Transnational Identification, Minority Politics, and Estonia's Swedish Population". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1243961966.
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Little, Jackson D. "In the Shadow of the Horseman: The Petrine Era and the Search for Russian Nationhood, 1811-1941". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1365609931.
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Dzurák, Ivan. "Ruské menšiny v Lotyšsku a Estonsku a pobaltsky nacionalizmus". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77398.
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The thesis focuses on inter-ethnic relations in Latvia and Estonia. The aim of this paper is to analyze the position of members of Russian speaking minorities in social and political landscapes of the two Baltic countries. First chapter is devoted to the settlement evolution of Russian speaking population in Latvia and Estonia. Second part of the thesis provides a comparison of current Latvian and Estonian legal regulations related to citizenship, state language and protection of the rights of members of ethnic minorities. Last chapter analyzes the conditions of origin and spread of nationalism in Latvia and Estonia and the activity of nationalist subjects in the Latvian and Estonian political systems.
27
Kalinová, Olga. "Geopolitická příslušnost Ruska v současném ruském diskurzu". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197252.
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The question of Russia's geopolitical affiliation has been a cause of centuries long debate, whether Russia belongs to Europe or to Asia. From the geographical point of view, Russia is predominantly situated in Asia. From cultural and civilisational points of view, Russian people tend to lean towards Europe, even though they capture elements of both civilizations. By examination of the most prominent Russian schools of thought, mainly of geopolitical nature (Slavophilism, Westernism, Atlantisms, Eurasianism, etc.) the work seeks to systemize the answers to this question. At the same time, it seeks to determine through analysis of the contemporary Russian foreign policy, which of these ideological leanings plays a dominant role in foreign policy discourse in Russia since 2000. Thanks to identification of this priority direction and by determining the primary orientation of Russian foreign policy in a particular region, the aim of this work is finally to answer the following question: What is Russia: Europe, Asia, or a separate continent of Eurasia?
28
Petronis, Vytautas. "Constructing Lithuania : Ethnic Mapping in Tsarist Russia, ca. 1800-1914". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Södertörn : Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis ; Södertörns högskola ; Almqvist & Wiksell [distributör], 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7163.
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Marsh, Clayton E. "Germany and Russia: A Tale of Two Identities: The Development of National Consciousness in the Napoleonic Era". Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors161762574001347.
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Kristensen, Lars Lyngsgaard Fjord. "Russians abroad in postcommunist cinema". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1015.
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Hellsing, Rydergård Erika. "Nationalism as opposition in Russia –a historical comparison". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Slaviska språk, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-151673.
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During the 19th century, nationalism was generally connected to ideas of democratisation and the contestation of power and status quo. In Russia, there was an ongoing struggle between Official Nationalism, aimed at preserving the empire, and cultural nationalism. This essay is an inquiry into the differences and similarities between how the 19th century Slavophiles and contemporary Russian national democrats, exemplified by Aleksei Naval’nyi, view the Russian nation. The focus is on how the Russian nation is defined, how the two nationalist visions relate to competing views of the Russian nation, and how the idea of a Russian nation is used as part of a vision for social and political change. The essay finds that although “the Other” against which the Russian nation is defined differs in the two historical cases, the use of nationalism to frame an opposition against the regime and to advocate social and political change is persistent across time. However, because of its excluding tendencies, in the cases studied here cultural nationalism is found to be wanting as a basis on which to build a democratic form of government.
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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Poltical culture and nationality in Russian-Ukrainian relations". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34813.pdf.
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Rossman, Vadim Joseph. "The antisemitic arguments of Russian nationalists : varieties of anti-liberalism /". Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Brewin, Jennifer Ellen. "Navigating 'national form' and 'socialist content' in the Great Leader's homeland : Georgian painting and national politics under Stalin, 1921-39". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290266.
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This thesis examines the interaction of Georgian painting and national politics in the first two decades of Soviet power in Georgia, 1921-1939, focussing in particular on the period following the consolidation of Stalin's power at the helm of the Communist Party in 1926-7. In the Stalin era, Georgians enjoyed special status among Soviet nations thanks to Georgia's prestige as the place of Stalin's birth. However, Georgians' advanced sense of their national sovereignty and initial hostility towards Bolshevik control following Georgia's Sovietisation in 1921 also resulted in Georgia's uniquely fraught relationship with Soviet power in Moscow in the decades that followed. In light of these circumstances, this thesis explores how and why the experience and activities of Georgian painters between 1926 and 1939 differed from those of other Soviet artists. One of its central arguments is that the experiences of Georgian artists and critics in this period not only differed significantly from those of artists and critics of other republics, but that the uniqueness of their experience was precipitated by a complex network of factors resulting from the interaction of various political imperatives and practical circumstances, including those relating to Soviet national politics. Chapter one of this thesis introduces the key institutions and individuals involved in producing, evaluating and setting the direction of Georgian painting in the 1920s and early 1930s. Chapters two and three show that artists and critics in Georgia as well as commentators in Moscow in the 1920s and 30s were actively engaged in efforts to interpret the Party's demand for 'national form' in Soviet culture and to suggest what that form might entail as regards Georgian painting. However, contradictions inherent in Soviet nationalities policy, which both demanded the active cultivation of cultural difference between Soviet nationalities and eagerly anticipated a time when national distinctions in all spheres would naturally disappear, made it impossible for an appropriate interpretation of 'national form' to be identified. Chapter three, moreover, demonstrates how frequent shifts in Soviet cultural and nationalities policies presented Moscow institutions with a range of practical challenges which ultimately prevented them from reflecting in their exhibitions and publications the contemporary artistic activity taking place in the republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. A key finding of chapters four and five concerns the uniquely significant role that Lavrenty Beria, Stalin's ruthless deputy and the head of the Georgian and Transcaucasian Party organisations, played in differentiating Georgian painters' experiences from those of Soviet artists of other nationalities. Beginning in 1934, Beria employed Georgian painters to produce an exhibition of monumental paintings, opening at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow in 1937, depicting episodes from his own falsified history of Stalin's role in the revolutionary movement in Transcaucasia. As this thesis shows, the production of the exhibition introduced an unprecedented degree of direct Party supervision over Georgian painting as Beria personally critiqued works by Georgian painters produced on prescribed narrative subjects in a centralised collective studio. As well as representing a major contribution to Stalin's personality cult, the exhibition, which conferred on Georgian painters special responsibility for representing Stalin and his activities, was also a public statement of the special status that the Georgians were now to enjoy, second only to that of the Russians. However, this special status involved both special privileges and special responsibilities. Georgians would enjoy special access to opportunities in Moscow and a special degree of autonomy in local governance, but in return they were required to lead the way in declaring allegiance to the Stalin regime. Chapter six returns to the debate about 'national form' in Georgian painting by examining how the pre-Revolutionary self-taught Georgian painter, Niko Pirosmani, was discussed by cultural commentators in Georgia and Moscow in the 1920s and 30s as a source informing a Soviet or Soviet Georgian canon of painting. It shows that, in addition to presenting views on the suitability of Pirosmani's painting either in terms of its formal or class content, commentators perpetuated and developed a cult of Pirosmani steeped in stereotypes of a Georgian 'national character.' Further, the establishment of this cult during the late 1920s and early 1930s seems to have been a primary reason for the painter's subsequent canonisation in the second half of the 1930s as a 'Great Tradition' of Soviet Georgian culture. It helped to articulate a version of Georgian national identity that was at once familiar and gratifying for Georgians and useful for the Soviet regime. The combined impression of cultural sovereignty embodied in this and other 'Great Traditions' of Soviet Georgian culture and the special status articulated through the 1937 exhibition allowed Georgian nationalism to be aligned, for a time, with support for Stalin and the Soviet regime.
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Messina, Claire. "My address is the Soviet Union : Russian migration, nationalization and identity in the Russian, Soviet and post-soviet space". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005IEPP0003.
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Cette thèse se propose d'éclairer les liens existant entre les mouvements migratoires des populations russes des républiques soviétiques et post-soviétiques et le processus de nationalisation dans ces républiques. On s'interroge tout particulièrement sur les raisons de l'inversion de tendance des mouvements migratoires russes, centrifuges au milieu du XVIe siècle jusqu'au milieu de la décennie 1970-1970, centripètes ensuite. Selon l'auteur, cette inversion s'explique par le fait que le processus de nationalisation des républiques, commencé dès le XIXe siècle, atteint un point de rupture dans le dernier tiers du XXe siècle. La réflexion sur l'identité des migrants russes développe l'idée que ces derniers n'ont pas une identité ethnique, russe, mais une identité supra-ethnique, soviétique, qui fait d'eux les prototypes de l'homme soviétique.
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Whiting, Miriam. "Globalism vs. nationalism: The pragmatics of business naming in Tomsk, Russia". The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1228718917.
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Kosygina, Larisa Vladimirovna. "The Russian migration regime and migrants' experiences : the case of non-Russian nationals from former Soviet republics". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/650/.
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This thesis explores how the Russian migration regime is reflected in migrants' experiences and identities. The conceptual framework developed in the thesis is informed by the theory of structuration. On the basis of this theory and the analysis of primary empirical data, the thesis seeks to refine the understanding of the concepts of 'migration regime', 'social exclusion' and 'territorialisation' of identity. The empirical research conducted for the thesis focuses on the period 2002-2009 and on the experiences and identities of a particular group of migrants, namely, former Soviet citizens from former republics of the USSR, who are currently living in post-Soviet Russia without Russian citizenship. The thesis explores and analyses, on the one hand, the structures which constitute the Russian migration regime and, on the other, the stories told by interviewed migrants about their lives in Russia. The thesis argues that the current migration regime of the Russian Federation represents 'a differentiated system of othering' and shows that this system is informed by two processes - nation-building and racialisation. It also argues that differentiations institutionalised in the Russian migration regime affect the social exclusion of migrants and through this the 'territorialisation' of their identities.
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Osipova, Zinaida. "Engineering a Soviet Life: Gustav Trinkler's Bourgeois Revolution". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588365551985983.
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Renner, Andreas. "Russischer Nationalismus und Öffentlichkeit im Zarenreich 1855-1875 /". Köln : Böhlau, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376353768.
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Blackburn, Matthew. "National identity, nationalist discourse and the imagined nation in post-Soviet Russia". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30590/.
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This thesis attempts to account for post-Soviet Russian national identity and nationalism ‘from below’, employing the ‘thick descriptions’ of the nation reproduced by ordinary Russians across social and generational lines. It examines the current equilibrium in mainstream nationalist hegemonic discourse, shedding light on the vitality of the nation as an ‘imagined community’. In doing this, nationalism is viewed as a set of discursive formations that make claims about how or what the nation is or should be. A central aim in this research is to highlight what discursive constructions are shared or contested across a representative sample of the Russian population. In order to offer a meaningful assessment of nationalist discourse, this research employs ethnographic fieldwork driven by a grounded theory approach. With fifteen months of fieldwork in three Russian cities, this permitted room for exploration and siginificant redirection of the research focus. This helped reveal the interconnections between certain common, foundational elements of national identity and the structure of a dominant nationalist discourse. Previous research has often focused on the challenges of Russian nation-building given the complicated heritage bestowed by the Romanov and Soviet empires. This thesis identifies certain historical and cultural factors vital to the shaping of Russian national identity today. It also identifies a current hegemonic nationalist discourse and unpacks how it is relevant to the majority. This dominant discourse is built on certain myths and versions of normality, much of which takes the late Soviet as ‘normal’ and the wild nineties as ‘abnormal’. The thesis also explores how the above is contested. What is argued is that, at the current moment, the challenge of anti-hegemonic nationalist discourses is, for many people, neutralised by the appeal of a particular geopolitical vision. This research outlines how visions of the nation are weaved into commonly shared notions of identity and underlines how the current status quo is held together.
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Utz, Raphael. "Russlands unbrauchbare Vergangenheit : Nationalismus und Aussenpolitik im Zarenreich /". Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9783447057387.
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Gabowitsch, Mischa. "Le spectre du fascisme : le nationalisme russe et ses adversaires, 1987-2007". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0067.
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Cette thèse montre comment, en 1987-2007, la nationalisme russe a été défini, conceptualisé, étudié, et combattu en Russie et dans plusieurs pays occidentaux. La littérature scientifique sur le nationalisme russe post-soviétique est d'abord présentée dans son ensemble. Trois approches sont analysées en détail : l'étude comparée des fascismes, la « société incivile » et la socioanalyse des partis ultranationalistes. Nous étudions l'héritage conceptuel et culturel qui structure les représentations actuelles du nationalisme russe en Russie et expliquons la prégnance du discours antifasciste. Nous analysons ensuite l'évolution des termes du débat en Russie (nationalisme, fascisme, racisme, tolérance etc. ) et le rôle des ethnographes dans les transferts terminologiques. Sont enfin décrites des trajectoires de chercheurs et militants antifascistes dans la période post-soviétique. La conclusion propose une analyse comparée du discours antifasciste post-soviétiqueThis thesis shows how, in 1987-2007, Russian nationalism has been defined, conceptualized, studied and fought in Russia and several Western countries. I analyze the scholarly literature on post-Soviet Russian nationalism and specifically three approaches: the comparative study of fascism, "uncivil society," and the socio-analysis of ultranationalist parties. I go on to study the conceptual and cultural baggage that structures contemporary representations of Russian nationalism in Russia, and try to explain the strength and peculiar features of antifascist discourse there. I study the evolution of the terms of the debate (nationalism, fascism, racism, tolerance etc. ) and specifically the role of ethnographers in introducing new terms. I then discuss anti¬fascist organizations and activists in post-Soviet Russia, and end with an analysis of Russian anti-fascist discourse that compares it with anti-fascism in Germany and anti-racism in France and the United States
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Konstantin, Sheiko. "Lomonosov's bastards Anatolii Fomenko, pseudo-history and Russia's search for a post-communist identity /". Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20050120.113353/index.html.
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Utz, Raphael. "Russlands unbrauchbare Vergangenheit Nationalismus und Aussenpolitik im Zarenreich". Wiesbaden Harrassowitz, 2006. http://d-nb.info/989997847/04.
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Iivonen, Jyrki. "Independence or incorporation ? : the idea of Poland's national self-determination and independence within the Russian and Soviet socialism from 1870s to the 1920s /". Helsinki : Finnish institute of international affairs, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355004319.
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Yastrebtseva, Anastasia. "L'état face à la question des universités : analyse comparative des politiques universitaires en Russie et en France". Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040178.
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Cette thèse est destinée à examiner les débats sociaux et philosophiques en leur liaison avec l'actualisation de la « question de l’Université » dans la politique interne de la Russie dans les XIXe et XXe siècles. L'idée de l'Université a été transférée en Russie d'abord de l'Allemagne, puis de la France, tout comme la philosophie russe a été un produit intellectuel passionnant mais emprunté, né de la rationalité occidentale. Cependant l'appareil philosophique occidental n’avait en Russie qu’un caractère instrumental et il a été utilisé en priorité pour la solution de problèmes non philosophiques mais plutôt sociaux, religieux et culturels. L'analyse comparative des politiques universitaires russe et française sous le prisme des discours philosophiques propres à ces deux traditions intellectuelles, permet d'éclaircir l'originalité des modèles d'enseignement général et surtout des modèles universitaires dans leur liaison avec les finalités politiques de ces deux paysThis thesis examines socio-philosophical discussions related to actualization of « University » as part of Russian public policy in XIX - XX centuries. The University as an idea was brought to Russia from the outside just as Russian philosophy was engendered by Western European rationality. Although a product of the western thought, Russian philosophy was mostly applied focusing on social, religious and cultural problems of the Russian society. Comparative analysis of Russian and French public policy seen through the prism of their respective philosophical discourse reveals unique characteristics of educational and university models and their connection to the policy goals.- Key words: university, nationalism, multiculturalism, academic freedom, autonomy, academic ethics, tolerance
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Janmaat, Jan Germen. "Nation-building in post-Soviet Ukraine educational policy and the response of the Russian-speaking population /". Utrecht : Amsterdam : KNAG ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2000. http://dare.uva.nl/document/83402.
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Lemonte, Marco Vallada. "Profetas do apocalipse: os autores ocidentais com visão \'catastrofista\' sobre o problema das nacionalidades na URSS". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-14062017-084858/.
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O desmantelamento da URSS foi um dos processos políticos mais importantes do século XX, tendo sido causado, em grande medida, pelas demandas por independência, oriundas do seu tipo mais importante de entidades federadas, as Repúblicas. Antes da Perestroika eram poucos os especialistas, mesmo dentre os chamados sovietólogos ocidentais, aqueles que arriscariam fazer previsões sobre um possível e iminente colapso, seguido de desintegração, do poderoso Estado soviético, cuja estatura política, militar e demográfica era capaz de rivalizar com os Estados Unidos ao menos desde o término da II Guerra mundial. Neste trabalho apresentamos e analisamos o trabalho de autores ocidentais que chegaram a cogitar a possibilidade de fragmentação política do Estado Soviético, levando em consideração a gravidade da questão etnonacional para a antecipação de um cenário desintegracionista, analisando quais fatores influenciaram no menor ou maior grau de precisão dos cenários prospectivos traçados.The dismantling of the Soviet Union was one of the most important political pro-cesses of the twentieth century, having been caused, to a large extent, by demands for independence arising from its most important type of federated entities- the Republics. Before perestroika there were few western specialists, even among the so-called \"sovietologists\", who would risk making predictions about a possible and imminent col-lapse, followed by desintegration, of the mighty Soviet State, whose political, military and demographic stature was able to rival the United States at least since the end of World War II. In this paper we present and analyze the work of western authors who have come to consider the possibility of political fragmentation of the Soviet State, taking into ac-count the seriousness of the ethnonational question for the anticipation of a disintegra-tionist scenario, analyzing which factors influenced the lower or greater degree of accu-racy of the prospective scenarios which they designed.
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Laruelle, Marlène. "Mythe aryen et rêve impérial dans la Russie du XIXe siècle /". Paris : CNRS éd, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400325735.
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Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Lettres, sciences sociales et humaines--Paris--INALCO, 2002. Titre de soutenance : Le mythe aryen en Russie au XIXe siècle : la création d'une cosmogonie nationale, entre science et idéologie.Bibliogr. p. 193-216. Index.
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Bachmann, Klaus. ""Ein Herd der Feindschaft gegen Russland" : Galizien als Krisenherd in den Beziehungen der Donaumonarchie mit Russland (1907-1914) /". Wien : München : Verl. für Geschichte und Politik ; R. Oldenbourg, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38898363c.
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Texte remanié de: Diss.--Historische Fakultät--Universität Warschau, 1999. Titre de soutenance : Die ruthenische Irredenta. Die ukrainische Nationalbewegung und die Aussenpolitik der Donaumonarchie 1907-1914.Bibliogr. p. 274-290.