Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Seasame Street"

A long-term simulation of urban climate was done using the easily available long-term meteorological data from a nearby synoptic station in a tropical coastal city of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The study aimed at determining the effects of buildings’ height and street orientations on human thermal conditions at pedestrian level. The urban configuration was represented by a typical urban street and a small urban park near the seaside. The simulations were conducted in the microscale applied climate model of RayMan, and results were interpreted in terms of the thermal comfort parameters of mean radiant (Tmrt) and physiologically equivalent (PET) temperatures. PET values, high as 34°C, are observed to prevail during the afternoons especially in the east-west oriented streets, and buildings’ height of 5 m has less effect on the thermal comfort. The optimal reduction ofTmrtand PET values for pedestrians was observed on the nearly north-south reoriented streets and with increased buildings’ height especially close to 100 m. Likewise, buildings close to the park enhance comfort conditions in the park through additional shadow. The study provides design implications and management of open spaces like urban parks in cities for the sake of improving thermal comfort conditions for pedestrians.

In this article, the co-constitution of place and masculinity is examined through a focus on three locations in Hastings, a seaside town on the south coast of England. Certain estates, streets and a square in the town have a reputation for danger, poverty and insecurity, places that ‘respectable’ inhabitants avoid when possible. The estate ranks high on indicators of deprivation whereas the street and the square are dominated by working class young men at particular times of the day and night when drug taking, casual sex and violence are common. Public performances of a version of protest masculinity reinforce the stereotypical reputations of both the spaces and the bodies of young men, exacerbating socio-economic and spatial inequality in the town.

Input of neutral salt, primarily NaCl, from sea spray is an important factor for short-term acidification of surface water, primarily in already acidified areas, because Na may substitute for H+ and cationic aluminium by cation-exchange reactions in the soil. By evaluating the variation of non-marine sodium (Na*) separately it is possible to estimate the major effect of seasalt episodes on the neutralizing capacity (ANC) of stream water. At four long-term monitored Norwegian catchments, the Na* in stream water on average explained 28 ± 4% of the monthly variations of ANC in stream water at Birkenes, and 27 ± 3%, 20 ± 2% and 56 ± 5% of the correspondent variations at Storgama, Langtjern and Kaarvatn, during the respective monitoring periods. The remaining variations in acid neutralizing capacity are explained by the difference between non-marine base cations (ΣCa*,Mg*,K*) and non-marine sulphate (SO4*) and NO3. This paper also indicates that seasalt episodes are probably of greater importance for the periodic variations in ANC of stream water than commonly recognized. During the last years, extreme seasalt episodes have occurred in southern Norway, and more frequently at winter-time, which means that seasalt inputs have played a more important role for the short-term variations of ANC in stream water the last years. This tendency is also strengthened by the fact that there has been a significant decline in the input of acidic sulphur compounds and non-marine base cations in stream water during the last 10-15 years. Because the decline in soil-derived base cations in stream water is somewhat lower than the correspondent decline of sulphate, a slowly improving ANC of stream water should be expected on long-term basis. Seasalt episodes of the same magnitude as those present during the last years, will therefore most likely cause less extreme water-chemical conditions in the years to come. Because the seasalt effect seems to be a short-term effect, there is no reason to claim that these effects may cause long-term acidification, a conclusion earlier drawn from several correspondent studies.

Active mobility, active travel, active transport, and active transportation are synonyms of transport of people that only use their physical activity for the need to travel. The most known forms of active mobility are walking and cycling, though the skateboard, kick scooter or roller skates are also a form of active mobility. The city of Varna is the third largest city in Bulgaria and the largest seaside city in the country. In the high tourist season, the city shows much more street problems than usual. The congestion seems to be greater each and every year and this affects active transportation. As a result of the dominant character of the private car in our everyday life, it seems that the active forms of transport are being neglected. To change this trend an integrated transport policy is required where the pedestrians will be placed in the center of the daily agenda. One of the very important components to support active mobility is the policy framework. It should guarantee that all forms of active mobility have also rights as users of the streets and are not neglected in the planning process. The current study aims to analyze the existing relevant national and local (for the city of Varna) regulations regarding walking and cycling and to evaluate the degree of policy support in order to respect their rights and needs. The existences of the relevant policies and how they are implemented is a matter of the study. The collected data about the regulatory framework is evaluated using the content analysis method.

The tidal stream kinetic energy can be abstracted by the horizontal axial turbine, and most concentrate closing to seaside, where the tidal stream turbine must work near the free surface. The interaction between wave surface and the turbine will affect the turbine performance. In this work, the performance of tidal stream turbine working beneath the free surface was simulated, and the wave was discussed. The results indicated that the turbine depth Fr number is the main factor that affects wave induced by the turbine. As the turbine depth Fr number is less than 1.0, the wave is not apparent, and as the Fr number increased, the wave height rose. By the analysis of turbine performance, it is discovered that the wave will influence turbine efficiency, but the relationship between wave height and turbine efficiency is not regular.

‘The ‘German band’ as a concept remains integrally associated with German ethnicity in the Australian public mind though such things as the extroverted oom-pah music of present-day Oktoberfest, or the live and recorded oom-pah music in German or ‘Bavarian’-themed venues. However, the costumed ‘German bands’ that were a feature of nineteenth-century British street and seaside resort life also began to appear ubiquitously in various gold-rush era Australian population centres and remained a fixture of Australian street entertainment until the First World War. Gold-rush era chronicler William Kelly described their music as being able to ‘drive swine into anguish’. Yet they had an opposing reputation for excellence in playing Strauss waltzes, polkas and other popular dance music of the era. They were sought after by dance venue, circus and other theatrical entertainment proprietors and were furthermore hired for private balls, picnics, showgrounds and racetrack entertainment. By appearing at German social functions and venues they buttressed pan-German cultural identity and traditions and, for non-Germans, the sight and sound of a disciplined, groomed and costumed German band provided a mildly exciting cultural tourism experience. In blaring street, circus parade or showground mode they, in fact, conformed to the present-day global stereotype of the Bavarian Biergarten oom-pah band. Through foundation research, this article attempts to apply some social, cultural and musicological ‘flesh and bones’ to what has more or less remained the ‘myth’ of the ubiquitous ‘German bands’ (and their not-always-German bandsmen) that sometimes entertained and charmed pedestrians while at other times represented a social and sonic blot on the streetscapes and public spaces of pre-World War I Australia.

In August 2004 seven cases of Escherichia coli O157 infection were identified in children on holiday in Cornwall, southwest England, all of whom had stayed at different sites in the area. Isolates from all seven cases were confirmed as E. coli serogroup O157 phage type 21/28. We carried out a case-control study among holidaymakers who visited the beach. A standardised questionnaire was administered by telephone to parents. They were asked where on the beach the children had played, whether they had had contact with the stream that flowed across the beach, and about their use of food outlets and sources of food eaten. Cases were more likely to have played in the stream than controls (OR [1.72- undefined]). The time spent in the stream by cases was twice spent there by controls. Cases and controls were equally exposed to other suspected risk factors. PFGE profiles for all the cases were indistinguishable. Increased numbers of coliforms were found in the stream prior to the outbreak. Cattle were found grazing upstream. We suggest that the vehicle of infection for an outbreak of acute gastrointestinal illness caused by E. coli O157 was a contaminated freshwater stream flowing across a seaside beach. The onset dates were consistent with a point source. Heavy rainfall in the days preceding the outbreak might have lead to faeces from the cattle potentially contaminated by E. coli O157 contaminating the stream, thereby leading to the outbreak. Control measures included fencing off the part of the stream in which children played, and putting up warning signs around the beach.

Abstract. Changes in the chemistry of bulk precipitation and stream water between 1982 and 2000 are described for small moorland and forest catchments located within Beddgelert Forest in north Wales. Two forest catchments were partially clearfelled in 1984 (D2; 68% and D4; 28%) whilst a third (D3) remained as an unfelled control until autumn / winter 1998/99 when partial felling took place in the headwaters. Over the monitoring period, the annual mean pH of bulk precipitation increased from 4.6 to 5.1 whilst the annual mean non-seasalt sulphate concentration decreased from 0.53 mg S l-1 in 1985 to 0.24 mg S l-1 in 2000. Since 1985, the annual wet deposition flux of non-seasalt sulphur decreased by 50% to 8.4 kg S ha-1 yr–1 in 2000. Annual mean inorganic nitrogen concentrations and annual wet deposition fluxes have remained relatively unchanged since 1982. The decrease in atmospheric sulphur deposition is reflected by decreased annual mean concentrations of non-seasalt sulphur, acidity, aluminium and calcium in all four streams irrespective of clearfelling activities. Annual variations in nitrate-N and potassium concentrations in the forest streams, largely determined by pulses of leaching following forest clearance, had no effect on stream acidity. In common with UK upland catchments, annual mean concentrations of dissolved organic carbon have increased from about 1 mg C l-1 in 1985 to between 1.5 and 2 mg C l-1 in 2000, although there is considerable year to year variability. Two boreholes drilled adjacent to catchments D3 and D4 have confirmed the presence of alkaline, base rich groundwater at Beddgelert. Although the boreholes are only 150 m apart, there are large differences in chemistry suggesting that different groundwater reservoirs have been intercepted providing further evidence of the complexity and heterogeneity of groundwater systems in upland catchments. Keywords: acid deposition, acidification, recovery, forestry, clearfelling, trends, Beddgelert, streams, rainfall

Abstract 1991-2017 the Southeast coast of the Baltic Sea area, Lithuania, Latvia and Kaliningrad Region of the Russian coastal habitats was very intense, often chaotic variety of recreational facilities and areas of privatization and urbanization. These processes significantly influenced the character of the recreational landscape of Palanga, Jurmala and other resorts and coastal areas, as well as the expression of the urban structure and architecture of seaside towns, Ventspils, Liepaja, Giruliai, Melnragė, Karklė, Šventoji, Curonian Spit and other settlements. After a quarter of a century, some tendencies of the recreational environment and the evolution of the cultural landscape identity can be noticed. Recently, several projects for the improvement of recreational infrastructure and architectural environments have been implemented in Lithuania with the assistance of the European Union Structural Funds. Unfortunately, the results of the projects are not always positive. The planning of coastal settlements is often overlooked by good long-term planning experience. This article analyses the impact of changes in the quality of the Lithuanian recreational territorial system in the South-Eastern Baltic and the region’s recreational potential. Palanga resort areas dominated by architectural chaos and recreational quality of the environment tended to deteriorate, especially experts poorly assessed the central Basanavičiaus street. The changes in cultural landscapes are influenced by a whole range of methodological and practical factors: insufficiently effective research and modeling methods, unjustified privatization of state property, huge flows of individual automobiles, faults in the formation of recreational greenery. Based on the research of the recreational system of the coastal region of the long-term seaside, it can be concluded that in recent years the quality of the environment of many coastal zones of Lithuania has lost important qualitative components, deteriorated the quality of public spaces and increased urban and architectural chaos.

The study investigates apartment’s façade thermal performance with neo-minimalist architectural style in Penang, Malaysia. Neo-minimalist style is considered as the most popular style in Malaysia in 2010s. The style is rediscovering from early modern minimalist movement with a design concept “less is more”. It applies minimal and efficient design of architectural character in defining form and space. Penang Island the second most important city in Malaysia after Kuala Lumpur. It is located at the north-western part of the country. The first case studies is the Light Linear apartment which has sixteen stories located on the east cost of Penang Island at Pantai Street, Penang. The second case study is BayStar apartment building, the eleven stories building tis located in Bayan Lepas at the seaside facing Jerejak Island. In order to conduct this study Fluke Ti20 thermal imager was used to capture thermal images for the west facades of the selected case study hourly from 12:00 to 6:00 pm on 15th March 2017. The study finds that the recessed wall, balconies and the shading devices were the important elements to provide shades on the façades for good thermal performance.

Archaeological records documenting the timing and use of northern Great Barrier Reef offshore islands by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples throughout the Holocene are limited when compared to the central and southern extents of the region. Excavations on Lizard Island, located 33 km from Cape Flattery on the mainland, provide high resolution evidence for periodic, yet sustained offshore island use over the past 4000 years, with focused exploitation of diverse marine resources and manufacture of quartz artefacts. An increase in island use occurs from around 2250 years ago, at a time when a hiatus or reduction in offshore island occupation has been documented for other Great Barrier Reef islands, but concurrent with demographic expansion across Torres Strait to the north. Archaeological evidence from Lizard Island provides a previously undocumented occupation pattern associated with Great Barrier Reef late Holocene island use. We suggest this trajectory of Lizard Island occupation was underwritten by its place within the Coral Sea Cultural Interaction Sphere, which may highlight its significance both locally and regionally across this vast seascape.

In Australia, Canary Island Date Palms Phoenix canariensis are ubiquitous, widely planted as ornamental trees in private gardens and along streets and seaside promenades. Seeding freely, a single female palm can produce up to 30,000 fleshy drupes annually. Pied Currawongs Strepera graculina, which can swallow several drupes whole in a single feeding event, present as a major vector in the plant’s dispersal. Based on observations of feeding behaviour as well as an examination of resulting regurgitated pellets, this paper discusses critical factors that influence the performance of Pied Currawongs as a vector of palms. Pied Currawongs exhibit drupe selection preferences, which seem related to a drupe’s ripeness and nutritional value, and a feeding behaviour that consists of short bouts of consumption, followed by longer periods of digestion at nearby perches. As increased ripening of the fruit correlates with an increased maturation of the seed, resulting in a higher germination rate, and as repeated use of nearby perches increases the density of regurgitated seeds, such behaviour has implications on the effectiveness of Pied Currawongs as dispersers of Canary Island Date Palms.

AbstractThis research focuses on the reconstruction of the morphological modifications of the coastal floodplain of Rapallo (Eastern Liguria, NW Italy) due to human intervention since the eighteenth century. By the second half of the nineteenth century Rapallo became a popular tourist destination: as a consequence, the urban development of the floodplain started and became very intense after Second World War, strongly modifying former landforms.The study was carried out using multi-temporal cartographic and photographic comparison, the analysis of geo-thematic cartography and documentation from the Basin Master Plan and the town plan of Rapallo, the interpretation of cores from regional database and field data from direct urban surveys. Man-made landforms were mapped and classified using the new geomorphological legend which is in progress in the framework of the Working Groups on “Cartography” and “Urban Geomorphology” of the Italian Association of Physical Geography and Geomorphology (AIGEO).The main significant morphological changes were stream diversions and channeling, excavations and filling, quarry activities, embankments along the shoreline and overurbanization. Human interventions, in addition to local geomorphological and climate features, increased flood hazard and risk, which historically affected the city of Rapallo.

Historically, Hawaiian lands were divided into ahupua‘a, adjacent watersheds stretching from mountains to sea. While communities once farmed, cared for, and sustained a spiritual land ethic toward ahupua‘a holistically from mauka (mountainside) to makai (seaside), today many are no longer the clean and productive watersheds they once were as these traditional practices have fallen away. In He‘eia, an ahupua‘a on the island of O‘ahu, several nonprofit organizations are working to revitalize a cohesive ahupua‘a management system that can serve as a model for other ahupua‘a in Hawai‘i and around the Pacific, as well as serve as an example of holistic management practices in the twenty-first century. In the uplands, one organization works to restore the ahupua‘a’s stream by removing invasive plant species and replanting native flora. In the kula lands (flatlands), another group works to restore the wetland that filters inflow into the bay by planting kalo (taro) and revitalizing traditional Hawaiian polyculture. At the seashore, a third nonprofit is working to restore an 800-year-old fishpond with the intent to promote food security while conducting research on Hawaiian history and water quality. All three groups run extensive educational programs for locals and visitors of all ages and work to keep pollutants out of the watershed and stream as it flows downhill and out onto the reef. By weaving modern technologies, tools, and information together with stories, songs, and attitudes that embody deep and ancient ties between mankind and land, this creative and cooperative management is returning food security, sustainable culture, and resilience to the hands of the community.

AbstractAnalyses of the first aircraft multi-frequency, Polarimetric synthetic aperture radar (SAR) data acquired over the southwestern Greenland ice sheet are presented. Data were collected on 31 August 1989 by the Jet Propulsion Laboratory SAR using the NASA DC-8 aircraft. Along with curvilinear patterns associated with large-scale morphologic features such as crevasses, lakes and streams, frequency and polarization dependencies are observed in the P-, L-and C-band image products. Model calculations that include firn grain-size and volumetric water content suggest that tonal variations in and between the images are attributable to large-scale variations in the snow-and ice-surface characteristics, especially snow wetness. In particular, systematic trends in back-scatter strength observed at C-band across regions of changing snow wetness are suggestive of a capability to delineate boundaries between snow facies. Ice lenses and ice pipes are the speculated cause for similar trends in P-band back-scatter. Finally, comparison between SEASAT SAR data collected in 1978 and these airborne data collected in 1989 indicate a remarkable stability of surface patterns associated with the locations of supraglacial lake and stream systems.

AbstractAnalyses of the first aircraft multi-frequency, Polarimetric synthetic aperture radar (SAR) data acquired over the southwestern Greenland ice sheet are presented. Data were collected on 31 August 1989 by the Jet Propulsion Laboratory SAR using the NASA DC-8 aircraft. Along with curvilinear patterns associated with large-scale morphologic features such as crevasses, lakes and streams, frequency and polarization dependencies are observed in the P-, L-and C-band image products. Model calculations that include firn grain-size and volumetric water content suggest that tonal variations in and between the images are attributable to large-scale variations in the snow-and ice-surface characteristics, especially snow wetness. In particular, systematic trends in back-scatter strength observed at C-band across regions of changing snow wetness are suggestive of a capability to delineate boundaries between snow facies. Ice lenses and ice pipes are the speculated cause for similar trends in P-band back-scatter. Finally, comparison between SEASAT SAR data collected in 1978 and these airborne data collected in 1989 indicate a remarkable stability of surface patterns associated with the locations of supraglacial lake and stream systems.

The paper deals with the analysis of the toponyms of the historical Klaipėda region (Ger. Memelland), the northern part of former East Prussia. Research material comes from historical and cartographic sources of various periods. The accessibility of these sources enables marked expansion of the data that was used by the initiators of this theme in the middle of the twentieth century. A fairly small seaside territory (2,735 ha in the mainland), in which the concept of the regional park is directly related to the protection of cultural heritage, was selected for research. Methods of diachronic and comparative linguistics, as well as of geolinguistics, are combined with analysis of historical and genealogical data. Special attention is paid to the traces of fifteenth-to-eighteenth-century migration from Courland in the onomastics in the Klaipėda region. The problem of regional lexical identification, investigation of the chronology of the documentation of names, and the search for specific linguistic features addressed in the paper allow raising the hypotheses of the origin and the interaction of languages. The actualisation of historical and obsolete names for the needs of the Baltic, historical, and cultural studies is approached as an important issue. In the sixteenth century, the northern part of Prussia was a zone of intensive contacts of the Baltic languages. The personal names recorded here at that time point to undisputed links between the dialects of Courland and north-western Lithuanians. Now it is difficult to say which part of the toponyms has reached us from the old Curonians and which toponyms immigrated from Courland – not only due to the hypothetical nature of the reconstructed system of close languages, but also because analysis is made complicated by varying orthography in German characters. In the seventeenth century and later, the expansion of Latvian onomastics in the Klaipėda region decreased, but even then, there would appear names the etymology of which is more transparent in Latvian and not Lithuanian. The influence of Curonian and neo-Curonian (the Kursenieku language) is stronger in the seaside territories of fishermen and in the locations where fishermen became assimilated in the farmers’ community. However, the names of the villages situated at some distance from the sea are more frequently related to Lithuanian anthroponyms. In the northern part of the Klaipėda region, German toponyms were rare exceptions even during the period of intensive germanization. Although in the early twentieth century, the origin of the official oikonyms used in the Lithuanian and German environment often differed, the absolute majority of German oikonyms are of Baltic origin. Lituanization of the names of villages was a natural result of the residents’ assimilation process. In the process of the reconstruction of historical toponyms, it is possible to form a reserve list of names, part of which could be brought back for ‘the second life’ by giving these names to streets, parts of the regional park, hotels, and other objects.

Abstract. Recent dramatic events have allowed significant progress to be achieved in coastal flood modelling over recent years. Classical approaches generally estimate wave overtopping by means of empirical formulas or 1-D simulations, and the flood is simulated on a DTM (digital terrain model), using soil roughness to characterize land use. The limits of these methods are typically linked to the accuracy of overtopping estimation (spatial and temporal distribution) and to the reliability of the results in urban areas, which are places where the assets are the most crucial. This paper intends to propose and apply a methodology to simulate simultaneously wave overtopping and the resulting flood in an urban area at a very high resolution. This type of 2-D simulation presents the advantage of allowing both the chronology of the storm and the particular effect of urban areas on the flows to be integrated. This methodology is based on a downscaling approach, from regional to local scales, using hydrodynamic simulations to characterize the sea level and the wave spectra. A time series is then generated including the evolutions of these two parameters, and imposed upon a time-dependent phase-resolving model to simulate the overtopping over the dike. The flood is dynamically simulated directly by this model: if the model uses adapted schemes (well balanced, shock capturing), the calculation can be led on a DEM (digital elevation model) that includes buildings and walls, thereby achieving a realistic representation of the urban areas. This methodology has been applied to an actual event, the Johanna storm (10 March 2008) in Gâvres (South Brittany, in western France). The use of the SURF-WB model, a very stable time-dependent phase-resolving model using non-linear shallow water equations and well-balanced shock-capturing schemes, allowed simulating both the dynamics of the overtopping and the flooding in the urban area, taking into account buildings and streets thanks to a very high resolution (1 m). The results obtained proved to be very coherent with the available reports in terms of overtopping sectors, flooded area, water depths and chronology. This method makes it possible to estimate very precisely not only the overtopping flows, but also the main characteristics of flooding in a complex topography like an urban area, and indeed the hazard at a very high resolution (water depths and vertically integrated current speeds). The comparison with a similar flooding simulation using a more classical approach (a digital terrain model with no buildings, and a representation of the urban area by an increased soil roughness) has allowed the advantages of an explicit representation of the buildings and the streets to be identified: if, in the studied case, the impact of the urbanization representation on water levels does indeed remain negligible, the flood dynamics and the current speeds can be considerably underestimated when no explicit representation of the buildings is provided, especially along the main streets. Moreover, on the seaside, recourse to a time-dependent phase-resolving model using non-stationary conditions allows a better representation of the flows caused by overtopping. Finally, this type of simulation is shown to be of value for hazard studies, thanks to the high level of accuracy of the results in urban areas where assets are concentrated. This methodology, although it is currently still quite difficult to implement and costly in terms of calculation time, can expect to be increasingly resorted to in years to come, thanks to the recent developments in wave models and to the increasing availability of LiDAR data.

Abstract. Recent dramatic events have allowed significant progress to be achieved in coastal flood modelling over recent years. Classical approaches generally estimate wave overtopping by means of empirical formulas or 1-dimensional simulations, and the flood is simulated on a DTM (Digital Terrain Model), using soil roughness to characterize land use. The limits of these methods are typically linked to the accuracy of overtopping estimation (spatial and temporal distribution) and to the reliability of the results in urban areas, which are places where the assets are the most crucial. This paper intends to propose and apply a methodology to simulate simultaneously wave overtopping and the resulting flood in an urban area at a very high resolution. This type of two-dimensional simulation presents the advantage of allowing both the chronology of the storm and the particular effect of urban areas on the flows to be integrated. This methodology is based on a downscaling approach, from regional to local scales, using hydrodynamic simulations to characterize the sea level and the wave spectra. A time series is then generated including the evolutions of these two parameters, and imposed upon a time-dependent phase-resolving model to simulate the overtopping over the dike. The flood is dynamically simulated directly by this model: if the model uses adapted schemes (well-balanced, shock-capturing), the calculation can be led on a DEM (Digital Elevation Model) that includes buildings and walls, thereby achieving a realistic representation of the urban areas. This methodology has been applied to an actual event, the Johanna storm (10 March 2008) in Gâvres (South Brittany, in western France). The use of the SURF-WB model, a very stable time-dependent phase-resolving model using NLSW equations and well-balanced shock-capturing schemes, allowed simulating both the dynamics of the overtopping and the flooding in the urban area, taking into account buildings and streets thanks to a very high resolution (1 m). The results obtained proved to be very coherent with the available reports in terms of overtopping sectors, flooded area, water heights and chronology. This method makes it possible to estimate very precisely not only the overtopping flows, but also the main characteristics of flooding in a complex topography like an urban area, and indeed the hazard at a very high resolution (water heights and vertically integrated current speeds). The comparison with a similar flooding simulation using a more classical approach (a Digital Terrain Model with no buildings, and a representation of the urban area by an increased soil roughness) has allowed the advantages of an explicit representation of the buildings and the streets to be identified: if, in the studied case, the impact of the urbanization representation on water heights does indeed remain negligible, the flood dynamics and the current speeds can be considerably underestimated when no explicit representation of the buildings is provided, especially along the main streets. Moreover, on the seaside, recourse to a time-dependent phase-resolving model using non-stationary conditions allows a better representation of the flows caused by overtopping. Finally, this type of simulation is shown to be of value for hazard studies, thanks to the high level of accuracy of the results in urban areas where assets are concentrated. This methodology, although it is currently still quite difficult to implement and costly in terms of calculation time, can expect to be increasingly resorted to in years to come, thanks to the recent developments in wave models and to the increasing availability of LiDAR data.

The fabled Northwest Passage and Northern Sea Route that were once the quests of early Western explorers are now increasingly sea ice–free, with routine vessel transits expected by midcentury. The potential impacts of this novel vessel traffic on endemic Arctic marine mammal (AMM) species are unknown despite their critical social and ecological roles in the ecosystem and widely recognized susceptibility to ice loss. We developed a vulnerability assessment of 80 subpopulations of seven AMM species to vessel traffic during the ice-free season. Vulnerability scores were based on the combined influence of spatially explicit exposure to the sea routes and a suite of sensitivity variables. More than half of AMM subpopulations (42/80) are exposed to open-water vessel transits in the Arctic sea routes. Narwhals (Monodon monoceros) were estimated to be most vulnerable to vessel impacts, given their high exposure and sensitivity, and polar bears (Ursus maritimus) were estimated to be the least vulnerable because of their low exposure and sensitivity. Regions with geographic bottlenecks, such as the Bering Strait and eastern Canadian Arctic, were characterized by two to three times higher vulnerability than more remote regions. These pinch points are obligatory pathways for both vessels and migratory AMMs, and so represent potentially high conflict areas but also opportunities for conservation-informed planning. Some of the species and regions identified as least vulnerable were also characterized by high uncertainty, highlighting additional data and monitoring needs. Our quantification of the heterogeneity of risk across AMM species provides a necessary first step toward developing best practices for maritime industries poised to advance into this rapidly changing seascape.

As part of a systematic analysis of Seasat radar altimetry data to obtain Antarctic ice fronts and ice-shelf elevations north of lat. 72° S., Fimbulisen (between long. 12°W. and 08°E.) and the Amery Ice Shelf (around long. 72°E.) are mapped. Interactive computer analysis is used to examine and correct the altimetry range measurements and derive the ice-front positions. Surface elevations and ice-front positions from radar altimetry are compared with ice fronts, ice rises, crevasse zones, and grounding lines identified in Landsat imagery. By comparison of the visible features in imagery and the computer-contoured elevations from radar altimetry, the radar-elevation mapping on some ice rises is confirmed, but some spurious contours are also identified. During the interval between the 1974 Landsat imagery and the 1978 radar altimetry, the central part of the Amery Ice Shelf front advanced 1.5 ± 0.6 km/a, which is in agreement with the ice-velocity measurements of 1.1 ± 0.1 km/a (Budd and others 1982), suggesting negligible calving in the central part of the ice shelf. The undulating surface and small mean slope from the grounding line to about lat. 70°S. suggest a zone of partial grounding similar to Rutford Ice Stream, On Fimbulisen, some previously unmapped ice rises are identified. The ridge of the Jutul-straumen ice tongue is shown to be about 20 m above the surrounding ice and laterally expanding as it flows northward to the ice front. Icebergs within the sea ice and a zone of shore-fast ice are also identified with the same technique used to map the ice-shelf front.

As part of a systematic analysis of Seasat radar altimetry data to obtain Antarctic ice fronts and ice-shelf elevations north of lat. 72° S., Fimbulisen (between long. 12°W. and 08°E.) and the Amery Ice Shelf (around long. 72°E.) are mapped. Interactive computer analysis is used to examine and correct the altimetry range measurements and derive the ice-front positions. Surface elevations and ice-front positions from radar altimetry are compared with ice fronts, ice rises, crevasse zones, and grounding lines identified in Landsat imagery. By comparison of the visible features in imagery and the computer-contoured elevations from radar altimetry, the radar-elevation mapping on some ice rises is confirmed, but some spurious contours are also identified. During the interval between the 1974 Landsat imagery and the 1978 radar altimetry, the central part of the Amery Ice Shelf front advanced 1.5 ± 0.6 km/a, which is in agreement with the ice-velocity measurements of 1.1 ± 0.1 km/a (Budd and others 1982), suggesting negligible calving in the central part of the ice shelf. The undulating surface and small mean slope from the grounding line to about lat. 70°S. suggest a zone of partial grounding similar to Rutford Ice Stream, On Fimbulisen, some previously unmapped ice rises are identified. The ridge of the Jutul-straumen ice tongue is shown to be about 20 m above the surrounding ice and laterally expanding as it flows northward to the ice front. Icebergs within the sea ice and a zone of shore-fast ice are also identified with the same technique used to map the ice-shelf front.

Mechanisms, methodological tools and structure of a training complex of light-colored modeling of the urban environment are developed in this paper. The following results of the practical work of students are presented: light composition and installation, media facades, lighting of building facades, city streets and embankment. As a result of modeling, the structure of the light form is determined. Light-transmitting materials and causing characteristic optical illusions, light-visual and light-dynamic effects (video-dynamics and photostatics), basic compositional techniques of light form are revealed. The main elements of the light installation are studied, including a light projection, an electronic device, interactivity and relationality of the installation, and the mechanical device which becomes a part of the installation composition. The meaning of modern media facade technology is the transformation of external building structures and their facades into a changing information cover, into a media content translator using LED technology. Light tectonics and the light rhythm of the plastics of the architectural object are built up through point and local illumination, modeling of the urban ensemble assumes the structural interaction of several light building models with special light-composition techniques. When modeling the social and pedestrian environment, the lighting parameters depend on the scale of the chosen space and are adapted taking into account the visual perception of the pedestrian, and the atmospheric effects of comfort and safety of the environment are achieved with the help of special light compositional techniques. With the aim of realizing the tasks of light modeling, a methodology has been created, including the mechanisms of models, variability and complementarity. The perspectives of light modeling in the context of structural elements of the city, neuropsychology, wireless and bioluminescence technologies are proposed. Conclusions are given on the environment-forming and transforming significance of artificial light and light technologies in the space of modern city. Light-colored modeling identity is expressed in methodical and figurative-artistic continuity in the use of techniques of light composition and optical art. The use of light composition contributes to the expression of local identity by means and techniques of light composition in the context of the image, “genius loci” using the example of the Vladivostok seaside city. Identity in psychology is expressed in the personal selection of the techniques of light composition, which are used in light-colored modeling.

Terletak di sekitar Selat Madura, Kabupaten dan Kota Probolinggo merupakan habitat dari vegetasi mangrove, tetapi keberadaan hutan mangrove di lokasi ini sebagian besar telah dikonversi menjadi areal pertambakan. Vegetasi mangrove yang tersisa tumbuh hanya di pematang tambak dan di sekitar bagian pantai. Potamididae merupakan satu-satunya famili dari gastropoda dimana semua anggotanya hanya dapat ditemukan berasosiasi dengan vegetasi mangrove. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui komposisi spesies keong Potamididae di areal pertambakan Probolinggo. Penelitian dilakukan pada bulan Februari dan April 2013 menggunakan metode Purposive Random Sampling di tujuh stasiun penelitian. Identifikasi spesies keong Potamididae dilakukan terutama berdasarkan karakter morfologi cangkang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa delapan spesies keong Famili Potamididae ditemukan pada lokasi ini. Keberadaan vegetasi mangrove, jarak terdekat dengan garis pantai, suhu, salinitas dan pola arus serta pasang surut air laut dicatat sebagai faktor pendukung pertumbuhan dan perkembangan keong di lokasi penelitian. Hasil dari penelitian ini diharapkan dapat membuka peluang penelitian selanjutnya untuk mengetahui peran dan pengaruh keong Potamididae bagi kesehatan ekosistem habitat mangrove di area pertambakan.COMPOSITION OF POTAMIDID SNAILS IN THE MANGROVE ECOSYSTEM OF PROBOLINGGO POND AREA, EAST JAVA. Located around Madura Strait, Probolinggo City and Regency is a home for mangrove vegetation, but the mangrove forest in this are mostly has been converted into aquaculture ponds. The mangrove relic grows in the pond embankment and the narrow strip along the seaside. Potamididae is the only family of gastropods in which all members can only found associated with mangrove vegetation. The aim of this research was to determine species composition of potamidid snails in the pond environment of Probolinggo. The research was conducted in February and April 2013 using Purposive Random Sampling method in seven sampling stations. The species identification of the snails was based primarily on morphological shell characters. The results showed that eight species of Family Potamididae were found at the sites. The presence of mangrove trees, the distance to nearest coastline, temperature, salinity, and the pattern of ocean current and tide seemed to support the snails to grow and thrive in the study sites. The results of this study are expected to open up opportunities for further research to determine the role and influence of potamidid snails on the ecosystem health of mangrove habitat in the pond environment.

For tropical seaside cities, the net advection heat flux plays a significant role in local urban heat island (UHI) formation during the nocturnal time. However, the net advection heat flux is usually neglected in conventional modelling methods. An improved urban canopy model (UCM) has been developed to simulate the UHI effect in the tropical seaside cities. The model was proposed by introducing an adaptive approach to estimate the airflow rate inside a street canyon. Furthermore, the airflows in multiple connected street canyons were also considered. The improvements of the proposed model were validated with experiments conducted in a typical tropical seaside city, Sanya, China. In summer, the maximum error between the measured data and the simulation result of the conventional model was 0.68°C, which was reduced to 0.21°C with the proposed model. In winter, the maximum error was reduced from 0.84°C with the conventional model to 0.49°C with the proposed model. The experimental studies also showed that the UHI in summer (0.5–1.1°C) was greater than that in winter (0.4–0.5°C). On summer nights, wind flow along the streets had a greater mitigation effect on UHI formation than that in the daytime.

THE FOLLOWING portraits of Miloš Forman and Saul Zaentz celebrate from a personal perspective the extraordinary film accomplishments by this masterful director-producer team on the occasion of Lifetime Achievement Awards given by Film By the Sea Festival in the Dutch seaside resort cities of Vlissingen and Scheveningen. Miloš Forman and Saul Zaentz, invited by festival director Leo Hannewijk and international co-director Steve Klain, were honoured as well by leading personalities of the Netherlands and the European Union. Indeed, this single event scored as one of the festival highlights of the year. Miloš Forman - Auditions and Adaptations My first meeting with Miloš Forman took place in April 1968 - a couple hours after I had been thrown out of the Variety office on 43rd Street for daring to "sign myself on" as a future correspondent. To get rid of me, Bob Landry, the benevolent desk editor, sent me over...

The invasive macroalga Rugulopteryx okamurae represents an unprecedented case of bioinvasion by marine macroalgae facing the European coasts. Since the first apparition of the species in the Strait of Gibraltar in 2015, its fast dispersion along the introduced habitats constitutes a real challenge to develop monitoring strategies that ahead of its impacts. The present study uses three different approaches to address impacts on the benthic ecosystems, at the same time offers relevant data for future management actions in El Estrecho Natural Park (PNE). Information obtained by monitoring permanent sentinel stations revealed a significant loss in resident species coverage after the moment of maximum growth in 2017. Thus, despite coverage of R. okamurae did not strongly varied in the latter years, impacts generated remain high in the habitats studied. Estimations of the invasive species coverage by combining cartographic image analysis and in situ data predicted a major occupation (over 85% coverage) between 10 and 30 m, coinciding with the maximum rocky surface areas (m2) mapped on the PNE. Furthermore, a Citizen Science research collaboration evidenced impacts on the benthic seascape through an ad hoc exploration of images that allowed a “before” and “after” comparison of the invasion process in the same geographic locations. This has made it possible to graphically demonstrate severe changes in the underwater seascape and, therefore, the general impact of this new biological invasion. The spatial colonization estimations combined with the impacts reported by both scientific [Sessile Bioindicators in Permanent Quadrats (SBPQ) sentinel stations] and civilian (Citizen Science) monitoring methodologies claim the urgent development of further studies that allow the design of monitoring strategies against R. okamurae expansion across the Mediterranean and Atlantic waters.

Abstract Ecological connectivity is one of the most important processes that shape marine populations and ecosystems, determining their distribution, persistence, and productivity. Here we use the synergy of Lagrangian back-trajectories, otolith-derived ages of larvae, and satellite-based chlorophyll-a to identify spawning areas of European anchovy from ichthyoplanktonic data, collected in the Strait of Sicily (Central Mediterranean Sea), i.e., the crucial channel in between the European and African continents. We obtain new evidence of ecosystem connectivity between North Africa and recruitment regions off the southern European coasts. We assess this result by using bio-energetic modeling, which predicts species-specific responses to environmental changes by producing quantitative information on functional traits. Our work gives support to a collaborative and harmonized use of Geographical Sub-Areas, currently identified by the General Fisheries Commission for the Mediterranean. It also confirms the need to incorporate climate and environmental variability effects into future marine resources management plans, strategies, and directives.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan (1) alat-alat dan aplikasi dalam fotografi smartphone komunitas instagram @gadgetgrapher, (2) proses pembuatan fotografi di komunitas instagram @gadgetgrapher, dan (3) jenis-jenis fotografi di komunitas instagram @gadgetgrapher. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini dilakukan dengan teknik (1) observasi, (2) wawancara, (3) kepustakaan, Data yang terkumpul kemudian dianalisis dengan cara (1) reduksi data, (2) penyajian data, dan (3) penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) Alat dan aplikasi dalam pembuatan Fotografi Smartphone Komunitas Instagram @gadgergrapher : smartphone dan tripod. Smartphone terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitu low-end, mid-end dan high-end. Smartphone yang masuk ke dalam kategori low-end yaitu Samsung Galaxy Ace 3, Samsung Grand Prime, Xiaomi Redmi 2, Sony Experia C3, Lenovo A7000, Smartphone yang masuk ke dalam kategori mid-end yaitu Xiaomi Redmi 3S, Lenovo K4 Vibe, Meizu M2 Note, oppo A57, dan Smartphone yang masuk ke dalam kategori high-end yaitu Xiaomi Mi4i, Sony Experia Z1, iPhone 5, iPhone 5S, Nokia N8, Oppo find 7, iPhone 6, Samsung Galaxy S5, Samsung Galaxy S7, Samsung Galaxy S6 dan Xiaomi Mi3. Sedangkan aplikasi yang digunakan meliputi : snapseed, VSCO, Camera Fv-5, Tadaa SLR, Motion Camera. (2) Proses pembuatan Fotografi smartphone komunitas instagram @gadgergrapher, dimulai dari proses pemotretan yaitu dari menentukan ide/konsep kemudian menentukan tempat/objek yang akan dituju.. kemudian dilanjutkan dengan mengolah foto atau editing. Proses pembuatan fotografi dibedakan menjadi dua yaitu Memotret dengan menggunakan camera bawaan smartphone, kemudian dilanjutkan dengan mengedit foto hasil jepretannya di aplikasi photo editor, dan Memotret dengan menggunakan camera dari aplikasi pihak ketiga, kemudian dilanjutkan dengan mengedit foto hasil jepretannya di aplikasi photo editor. (3) Jenis-jenis Fotografi Smartphone Komunitas Instagram @gadgergrapher yang dapat dikategorikan yaitu fotografi potret, fotografi human interest, fotografi stage, fotografi landscape, fotografi seascape, fotografi skyscape, fotografi cityscape, fotografi abstrak, fotografi still life, fotografi jurnalistik, fotografi makro, fotografi fashion, fotografi makanan, fotografi jalanan (street), fotografi arsitektur, dan fotografi malam (night). Kata Kunci : Fotografi, smartphone, @gadgetgrapher This study aims to describe (1) tools and applications in smartphone photography community in instagram @gadgetgrapher, (2) photography creation process in instagram @gadgetgrapher community, and (3) types of photography in instagram @gadgetgrapher community. This research is qualitative descriptive research. Collecting data in this study was done by using (1) observation, (2) interview, (3) the literature, the collected data is then analyzed by means of (1) data reduction, (2) the presentation of the data, and (3) conclusion. The results showed that (1) Tools and applications in making Smartphone Photography Instagram Community @gadgergrapher: smartphones and tripods. Smartphones consist of three types: low-end, mid-end and high-end. Smartphone that comes into the category of low-end, namely the Samsung Galaxy Ace 3 Samsung Grand Prime, Xiaomi redmi 2, Sony Experia C3, Lenovo A7000 Smartphone that comes into the category of mid-end that Xiaomi redmi 3S, Lenovo K4 Vibe, Meizu M2 Note, oppo A57, and Smartphone that comes into the category of high-end, namely Xiaomi Mi4i, Sony Experia Z1, iPhone 5, iPhone 5S, Nokia N8, Oppo find 7, iPhone 6, Samsung Galaxy S5, Samsung Galaxy S7, the Samsung Galaxy S6 And Xiaomi Mi3. While the applications used include: snapseed, VSCO, Camera Fv-5, Tadaa SLR, Motion Camera. (2) The process of making Instagram community smartphone smartphone @gadgergrapher, starting from the shooting process that is from determining the idea / concept then determining the place / object to be addressed then proceed with photo processing or editing. The process of making photographic divided into two, Photographed by using the default camera smartphone, followed by editing the results in photo editor, and Photographed by using the camera of a third-party application, followed by editing editing the results in photo editor. (3) The types of Smartphone Photography @gadgergrapher Instagram community that can be categorized, namely photographic portraits, human interest photography, stage photography, landscape photography, seascape photography, photography skyscape, cityscape photography, abstract photography, still life photography, journalistic photography, macro photography , Fashion photography, food photography, street photography, architectural photography, and night photography. keyword : Photography, smartphone, @gadgetgrapher

Based on the data of two expeditions carried out in August and November 2019, the water circulation and the structure of the thermohaline field in Omega Bay are analyzed. A well-known idea on the predominantly wind nature of currents in the Sevastopol bays is confirmed. In August, under the influence of the north wind, a south-west oriented coastal wind current was observed in the Sevastopol seaside adjacent to the bay. Its speed in the upper and middle layers varied from 15 to 40 cm /s and from 10 to 15 cm /sec – at the bottom. The branch of this stream directed to the bay, interacting with the bottom rising located in its central part, contributed to the formation of an anticyclone water circulation cell. A similar dynamic situation in Omega Bay, but under conditions of a weaker and oppositely directed alongshore current, was also observed in November. It is shown that the anticyclone topographic eddy, found in the central part of Omega Bay is quasi stationary and has a topographic nature. In the structure of the thermohaline field, signs have been revealed that confirm the anticyclone nature of the local water circulation in Omega Bay, as well as the typical coastal current system generated by the wind surge, which was recorded in the August survey. In November, under the influence of convective mixing, the thermohaline field in the studied water area was more uniform. It is shown that, in contrast to relatively homogeneous waters of the most part of the bay water area, vertical stratification and frontal horizontal structure of the thermohaline field are characteristic of its kut region.

Avicennia dominated mangrove forests occur from seaward to landward sites and hence are subject to different dynamics within estuarine ecosystems. Regeneration of mangrove forests primarily depends on the extent of propagule spread and subsequent establishment in suitable habitats. The complex nature of estuarine systems induces a wide variety of local conditions for within-site propagule retention and settlement thereby allowing spontaneous regeneration of mangroves. In this study, we estimated the fine-scale spatial genetic structure (FSGS) of Avicennia populations and examined whether their position relative to the seaside or the size of mangrove patches could have influenced the extant local population genetic structure. A kinship-based FSGS was performed using microsatellite markers in 523 A. marina, 189 A. rumphiana and 60 A. alba adult trees of 24 sites in The Philippines. Transects within each estuary were taken both parallel and perpendicular to the coastline or tidal river edge. The extent of local mangrove areas and various human-induced encroachments as such did not show any trend in allele diversity, heterozygosity values or inbreeding levels. However, farther inland situated mangrove patches showed a larger FSGS extent across the neighborhood (up to 75 m) though less diversity along with inbreeding, most likely due to retention of related propagules and lowered chance of external propagule input. Estimation of connectivity along a same coastline stretch supported a unidirectional steppingstone or adjacent migration model for populations of either A. marina, A. alba or A. rumphiana. These were congruent with ocean currents across mangrove estuaries of the Tablas Strait and along Western Leyte, thereby emphasizing the relevance of coastal connectivity for long term persistence. From this study, we conclude that both proximity to open water and narrowness of mangrove patches may affect their captured diversity, inbreeding and fine-scale structure caused by propagule movement within or beyond a local mangrove fragment during recent generations. Higher levels of allele diversity for seaward sites and highest likelihood of migration for adjacent mangroves both add to the importance of coastal connectivity that is the only natural cohesive force on longer term and necessary to counteract short term effects of increasingly encroached mangrove environments.

Storm Gloria (January 19–24, 2020) hit the NW Mediterranean Sea with heavy rainfall, strong easterly winds, and very high waves, causing structural damages and 13 fatalities. The low-lying Ebro Delta (ED) region was severely inundated, ruining rice fields and seaside promenades. A variety of Copernicus Marine Environment Monitoring Service (CMEMS) modeling and observational products were jointly used to examine the fingerprint of Gloria and the response of the upper oceanic layer. According to the results, Gloria can be interpreted as a high-impact once-in-a-decade metocean event where various historical records were beaten. The 99th percentile of several parameters (wind speed, significant wave height, wave period, and surface current velocity), derived from long-term observational time series, was persistently exceeded. The atmospheric surge, albeit not negligible, exerted a secondary role in ED. The ability of a high-frequency radar deployed in this region (HFR-ED) to characterize the striking features of the storm was quantified from both waves and circulation aspects. Consistent radar current observations were subsequently compared against the 5-day-ahead forecast of CMEMS Iberia-Biscay-Ireland (IBI) regional ocean model to determine, from an Eulerian perspective, the strengths and shortcomings in its predictive capabilities. Time-averaged maps of surface circulation, superimposed with fields of Instantaneous Rate of Separation (IROS), were derived to resolve flow features and identify areas of elevated particles dispersion, respectively. The mean and P99 values of IROS almost doubled the historical statistics in the vicinity of the northern Ebro hemidelta. Although IBI predicted moderately well basic features of the storm-induced circulation, results suggests that coastal transport processes, likely modulated by wave-current interactions, were not fully captured. Furthermore, current estimations from other two radar systems, overlooking immediate choke points like the Ibiza Channel and the Strait of Gibraltar, evidenced Gloria’s remote-effect in the anomalous circulation patterns observed, that altered the usual water exchanges between adjacent sub-basins. Finally, three-dimensional outcomes from IBI were used to elucidate the impact of this moving storm at different depth levels. Data analyses illustrated that Gloria caused a large increase in kinetic energy and a significant deepening of the mixed layer depth.

In a recent gaming anthology, Henry Jenkins cannot help contrasting his son's cramped, urban, media-saturated existence with his own idyllic, semi-rural childhood. After describing his own Huck Finn meanderings over "the spaces of my boyhood" including the imaginary kingdoms of Jungleoca and Freedonia, Jenkins relates his version of his son's experiences: My son, Henry, now 16 has never had a backyard He has grown up in various apartment complexes, surrounded by asphalt parking lots with, perhaps, a small grass buffer from the street… Once or twice, when I became exasperated by my son's constant presence around the house I would … tell him he should go out and play. He would look at me with confusion and ask, where? … Who wouldn't want to trade in the confinement of your room for the immersion promised by today's video games? … Perhaps my son finds in his video games what I found in the woods behind the school, on my bike whizzing down the hills of suburban backstreets, or settled into my treehouse with a good adventure novel intensity of experience, escape from adult regulation; in short, "complete freedom of movement". (Jenkins 1998, 263-265) Games here are connected with a shrinking availability of domestic and public space, and a highly mediated experience of the world. Despite his best intentions, creeping into Jenkins's piece is a sense that games act as a poor substitute for the natural spaces of a "healthy" childhood. Although "Video games did not make backyard play spaces disappear", they "offer children some way to respond to domestic confinement" (Jenkins 1998, 266). They emerge, then, as a palliation for the claustrophobic circumstances of contemporary urban life, though they offer only unreal spaces, replete with "lakes of fire … cities in the clouds … [and] dazzling neon-lit Asian marketplaces" (Jenkins 1998, 263), where the work of the childish imagination is already done. Despite Jenkins's assertion that games do offer "complete freedom of movement", it is hard to shake the feeling that he considers his own childhood far richer in exploratory and imaginative opportunities: Let me be clear I am not arguing that video games are as good for kids as the physical spaces of backyard play culture. As a father, I wish that my son would come home covered in mud or with scraped knees rather than carpet burns ... The psychological and social functions of playing outside are as significant as the impact of "sunshine and good exercise" upon our physical well-being. (Jenkins 1998, 266) Throughout the piece, games are framed by a romantic, anti-urban discourse: the expanding city is imagined as engulfing space and perhaps destroying childhood itself, such that "'sacred' places are now occupied by concrete, bricks or asphalt" (Jenkins 1998, 263). Games are complicit in this alienation of space and experience. If this is not quite Paul Virilio's recent dour contention that modern mass media forms work mainly to immobilise the body of the consumer--Virilio, luckily, has managed to escape the body-snatchers--games here are produced as a feeble response to an already-effected urban imprisonment of the young. Strikingly, Jenkins seems concerned about his son's "unhealthy" confinement to private, domestic space, and his inability to imaginatively possess a slice of the world outside. Jenkins's description of his son's confinement to the world of "carpet burns" rather than the great outdoors of "scraped knees" and "mud" implicitly leaves the distinction between domestic and public, internal and external, and even the imagined passivity of the domestic sphere as against the activity of the public intact. For those of us who see games as productive activities, which generate particular, unique kinds of pleasure in their own right, rather than as anaemic replacements for lost spaces, this seems to reduce a central cultural form. For those of us who have at least some sympathy with writers on the urban environment like Raban (1974) and Young (1990), who see the city's theatrical and erotic possibilities, Jenkins's fears might seem to erase the pleasures and opportunities that city life provides. Rather than seeing gamers and children (the two groups only partially overlap) as unwitting agents in their own confinement, we can arrive at a slightly more complex view of the relationship between games and urban space. By looking at the video games arcade as it is situated in urban retail space, we can see how gameplay simultaneously acts to regulate urban space, mediates a unique kind of urban performance, and allows sophisticated representations, manipulations and appropriations of differently conceived urban spaces. Despite being a long-standing feature of the urban and retail environment, and despite also being a key site for the "exhibition" of a by-now central media form, the video game arcade has a surprisingly small literature devoted to it. Its prehistory in pinball arcades and pachinko parlours has been noted (by, for example, Steven Poole 2000) but seldom deeply explored, and its relations with a wider urban space have been given no real attention at all. The arcade's complexity, both in terms of its positioning and functions, may contribute to this. The arcade is a space of conflicting, contradictory uses and tendencies, though this is precisely what makes it as important a space as the cinema or penny theatre before it. Let me explain why I think so. The arcade is always simultaneously a part of and apart from the retail centres to which it tends to attach itself.1 If it is part of a suburban shopping mall, it is often located on the ground floor near the entrance, or is semi-detached as cinema complexes often are, so that the player has to leave the mall's main building to get there, or never enter. If it is part of a city or high street shopping area, it is often in a side street or a street parallel to the main retail thoroughfare, or requires the player to mount a set of stairs into an off-street arcade. At other times the arcade is located in a space more strongly marked as liminal in relation to the city -- the seaside resort, sideshow alley or within the fences of a theme park. Despite this, the videogame arcade's interior is usually wholly or mostly visible from the street, arcade or thoroughfare that it faces, whether this visibility is effected by means of glass walls, a front window or a fully retractable sliding door. This slight distance from the mainstream of retail activity and the visibility of the arcade's interior are in part related to the economics of the arcade industry. Arcade machines involve relatively low margins -- witness the industry's recent feting and embrace of redemption (i.e. low-level gambling) games that offer slightly higher turnovers -- and are hungry for space. At the same time, arcades are dependent on street traffic, relentless technological novelty and their de facto use as gathering space to keep the coins rolling in. A balance must be found between affordability, access and visibility, hence their positioning at a slight remove from areas of high retail traffic. The story becomes more complicated, though, when we remember that arcades are heavily marked as deviant, disreputable spaces, whether in the media, government reports or in sociological and psychological literature. As a visible, public, urban space where young people are seen to mix with one another and unfamiliar and novel technologies, the arcade is bound to give rise to adult anxieties. As John Springhall (1998) puts it: More recent youth leisure… occupies visible public space, is seen as hedonistic and presents problems within the dominant discourse of 'enlightenment' … [T]he most popular forms of entertainment among the young at any given historical moment tend also to provide the focus of the most intense social concern. A new medium with mass appeal, and with a technology best understood by the young… almost invariably attracts a desire for adult or government control (160-161, emphasis mine) Where discourses of deviant youth have also been employed in extending the surveillance and policing of retail space, it is unsurprising that spaces seen as points for the concentration of such deviance will be forced away from the main retail thoroughfares, in the process effecting a particular kind of confinement, and opportunity for surveillance. Michel Foucault writes, in Discipline and Punish, about the classical age's refinements of methods for distributing and articulating bodies, and the replacement of spectacular punishment with the crafting of "docile bodies". Though historical circumstances have changed, we can see arcades as disciplinary spaces that reflect aspects of those that Foucault describes. The efficiency of arcade games in distributing bodies in rows, and side by side demonstrates that" even if the compartments it assigns become purely ideal, the disciplinary space is always, basically, cellular" (Foucault 1977, 143). The efficiency of games from Pong (Atari:1972) to Percussion Freaks (Konami: 1999) in articulating bodies in play, in demanding specific and often spectacular bodily movements and competencies means that "over the whole surface of contact between the body and the object it handles, power is introduced, fastening them to one another. It constitutes a body weapon, body-tool, body-machine complex" (Foucault 1977,153). What is extraordinary is the extent to which the articulation of bodies proceeds only through a direct engagement with the game. Pong's instructions famously read only "avoid missing ball for high score"--a whole economy of movement, arising from this effort, is condensed into six words. The distribution and articulation of bodies also entails a confinement in the space of the arcade, away from the main areas of retail trade, and renders occupants easily observable from the exterior. We can see that games keep kids off the streets. On the other hand, the same games mediate spectacular forms of urban performance and allow particular kinds of reoccupation of urban space. Games descended or spun off from Dance Dance Revolution (Konami: 1998) require players to dance, in time with thumping (if occasionally cheesy) techno, and in accordance with on-screen instructions, in more and more complex sequences on lit footpads. These games occupy a lot of space, and the newest instalment (DDR has just issued its "7th Mix") is often installed at the front of street level arcades. When played with flair, games such as these are apt to attract a crowd of onlookers to gather, not only inside, but also on the footpath outside. Indeed games such as these have given rise to websites like http://www.dancegames.com/au which tells fans not only when and where new games are arriving, but whether or not the positioning of arcades and games within them will enable a player to attract attention to their performance. This mediation of cyborg performance and display -- where success both achieves and exceeds perfect integration with a machine in urban space -- is particularly important to Asian-Australian youth subcultures, which are often marginalised in other forums for youthful display, like competitive sport. International dance gamer websites like Jason Ho's http://www.ddrstyle.com , which is emblazoned with the slogan "Asian Pride", explicitly make the connection between Asian youth subcultures and these new kinds of public performance. Games like those in the Time Crisis series, which may seem less innocuous, might be seen as effecting important inversions in the representation of urban space. Initially Time Crisis, which puts a gun in the player's hand and requires them to shoot at human figures on screen, might even be seen to live up to the dire claims made by figures like Dave Grossman that such games effectively train perpetrators of public violence (Grossman 1995). What we need to keep in mind, though, is that first, as "cops", players are asked to restore order to a representation of urban space, and second, that that they are reacting to images of criminality. When criminality and youth are so often closely linked in public discourse (not to mention criminality and Asian ethnicity) these games stage a reversal whereby the young player is responsible for performing a reordering of the unruly city. In a context where the ideology of privacy has progressively marked public space as risky and threatening,2 games like Time Crisis allow, within urban space, a performance aimed at the resolution of risk and danger in a representation of the urban which nevertheless involves and incorporates the material spaces that it is embedded in.This is a different kind of performance to DDR, involving different kinds of image and bodily attitude, that nevertheless articulates itself on the space of the arcade, a space which suddenly looks more complex and productive. The manifest complexity of the arcade as a site in relation to the urban environment -- both regulating space and allowing spectacular and sophisticated types of public performance -- means that we need to discard simplistic stories about games providing surrogate spaces. We reify game imagery wherever we see it as a space apart from the material spaces and bodies with which gaming is always involved. We also need to adopt a more complex attitude to urban space and its possibilities than any narrative of loss can encompass. The abandonment of such narratives will contribute to a position where we can recognise the difference between the older and younger Henrys' activities, and still see them as having a similar complexity and richness. With work and luck, we might also arrive at a material organisation of society where such differing spaces of play -- seen now by some as mutually exclusive -- are more easily available as choices for everyone. NOTES 1 Given the almost total absence of any spatial study of arcades, my observations here are based on my own experience of arcades in the urban environment. Many of my comments are derived from Brisbane, regional Queensland and urban-Australian arcades this is where I live but I have observed the same tendencies in many other urban environments. Even where the range of services and technologies in the arcades are different in Madrid and Lisbon they serve espresso and alcohol (!), in Saigon they often consist of a bank of TVs equipped with pirated PlayStation games which are hired by the hour their location (slightly to one side of major retail areas) and their openness to the street are maintained. 2 See Spigel, Lynn (2001) for an account of the effects and transformations of the ideology of privacy in relation to media forms. See Furedi, Frank (1997) and Douglas, Mary (1992) for accounts of the contemporary discourse of risk and its effects. References Douglas, M. (1992) Risk and Blame: Essays in Cultural Theory. London ; New York : Routledge. Foucault, M. (1979) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin,. Furedi, F.(1997) Culture of Fear: Risk-taking and the Morality of Low Expectation. London ; Washington : Cassell. Grossman, D. (1995) On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society. Boston: Little, Brown. Jenkins, H. (1998) Complete freedom of movement: video games as gendered play spaces. In Jenkins, Henry and Justine Cassell (eds) From Barbie to Mortal Kombat : Gender and Computer Games. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Poole, S. (2000) Trigger Happy: The Inner Life of Videogames. London: Fourth Estate. Raban, J. (1974) Soft City. London: Hamilton. Spigel, L. (2001) Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and the Postwar Suburbs. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Springhall, J. (1998) Youth, Popular Culture and Moral Panics : Penny Gaffs to Gangsta-rap, 1830-1996. New York: St. Martin's Press. Young, I.M. (1990) Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Websites http://www.yesterdayland.com/popopedia/s... (Time Crisis synopsis and shots) http://www.dancegames.com/au (Site for a network of fans revealing something about the culture around dancing games) http://www.ddrstyle.com (website of Jason Ho, who connects his dance game performances with pride in his Asian identity). http://www.pong-story.com (The story of Pong, the very first arcade game) Games Dance Dance Revolution, Konami: 1998. Percussion Freaks, Konami: 1999. Pong, Atari: 1972. Time Crisis, Namco: 1996. Links http://www.dancegames.com/au http://www.yesterdayland.com/popopedia/shows/arcade/ag1154.php http://www.pong-story.com http://www.ddrstyle.com Citation reference for this article MLA Style Wilson, Jason A.. "Performance, anxiety" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/performance.php>. Chicago Style Wilson, Jason A., "Performance, anxiety" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/performance.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Wilson, Jason A.. (2002) Performance, anxiety. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/performance.php> ([your date of access]).

Indonesia merupakan salah satu tujuan wisata dunia yang tidak diragukan lagi, hal ini dibuktikan dengan diraihnya banyak penghargaan event- event bertaraf internasional seperti penghargaan destinasi terbaik dalam ajang Travel Awards 2017 dari majalah DIVE dan banyak lagi penghargaan lainya. Kawasan Pantai cermin merupakan salah satu dari sekian banyak tujuan wisata yang ada di indonesia. Pantai Cermin adalah nama kecamatan yang berada di wilayah Kabupaten Serdang Bedagai Propinsi Sumatera Utara. Kawasan Pantai Cermin terletak di pesisir Timur pulau Sumatera berhadapan langsung dengan Selat Malaka. Namun sangat disayangkan keberadaan kawasan pantai cermin dengan segala potensi-potensi wisata dan keunikan budaya masyarakat didalamnya sama sekali kurang tertata dengan baik, sehingga tidak terciptanya visual yang menarik bagi para wisatawan yang datang. Penelitian pada tulisan ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif yaitu dengan cara melakukan pengamatan langsung pada kawasan Pantai Cermin, kemudian melakukan pengumpulan data dan kemudian melakukan analisa perencanaan. Hasil dari penelitian ini akan memberikan solusi dalam penataan kembali kawasan Pantai Cermin. Daerah tepi pantai sebagai ruang terbuka harus dirancang sebagai ruang yang bebas dari bangunan yang didirikan secara permanen. Daerah tepi pantai berpotensi untuk direncanakan sebagai ruang luar yang dirancang dengan tema tertentu, lapangan olahraga, taman bermain anak, taman rekreasi terbuka dan fungsi lain yang dapat berperan menarik pengunjung dan atau wisatawan sebanyak mungkin. Area ini dapat menjadi visual yang menarik pengunjung. Indonesia is one of the world tourist destinations; this evidenced by the achievement of many international level event awards such as the best destination award at the 2017 Travel Awards event from DIVE magazine and many other awards. The Pantai Cermin Beach area is one of the many tourist destinations in Indonesia. Pantai Cermin is the name of the sub-district of Serdang Bedagai Regency, North Sumatra Province. The Pantai Cermin Beach area is located on the East coast of Sumatra island directly opposite the Malacca Strait. But it is unfortunate the existence of a Pantai Cermin Beach with all the tourism potentials and cultural uniqueness of the people is not well organized, so that there is less attractive visual creation for the tourists who come., so it doesn't create a visual that is quite interesting for the tourists who come. The research in this paper was carried out using qualitative methods, namely by conducting direct observations on the Pantai Cermin Beach area, then collecting data and then carrying out a planning analysis. The results of this study will provide a solution in realigning the Pantai Cermin Beach area. The coastal area must be planned as a space free of permanently erected buildings. Seaside area have the potential to be planned as outdoor spaces designed with a specific theme, sports fields, children's playgrounds, open recreation parks and other functions that can play as many visitors and tourists as possible. This area can be a visual that attracts visitors.

The term “coffee palace” was primarily used in Australia to describe the temperance hotels that were built in the last decades of the 19th century, although there are references to the term also being used to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (Denby 174). Built in response to the worldwide temperance movement, which reached its pinnacle in the 1880s in Australia, coffee palaces were hotels that did not serve alcohol. This was a unique time in Australia’s architectural development as the economic boom fuelled by the gold rush in the 1850s, and the demand for ostentatious display that gathered momentum during the following years, afforded the use of richly ornamental High Victorian architecture and resulted in very majestic structures; hence the term “palace” (Freeland 121). The often multi-storied coffee palaces were found in every capital city as well as regional areas such as Geelong and Broken Hill, and locales as remote as Maria Island on the east coast of Tasmania. Presented as upholding family values and discouraging drunkenness, the coffee palaces were most popular in seaside resorts such as Barwon Heads in Victoria, where they catered to families. Coffee palaces were also constructed on a grand scale to provide accommodation for international and interstate visitors attending the international exhibitions held in Sydney (1879) and Melbourne (1880 and 1888). While the temperance movement lasted well over 100 years, the life of coffee palaces was relatively short-lived. Nevertheless, coffee palaces were very much part of Australia’s cultural landscape. In this article, I examine the rise and demise of coffee palaces associated with the temperance movement and argue that coffee palaces established in the name of abstinence were modelled on the coffee houses that spread throughout Europe and North America in the 17th and 18th centuries during the Enlightenment—a time when the human mind could be said to have been liberated from inebriation and the dogmatic state of ignorance. The Temperance Movement At a time when newspapers are full of lurid stories about binge-drinking and the alleged ill-effects of the liberalisation of licensing laws, as well as concerns over the growing trend of marketing easy-to-drink products (such as the so-called “alcopops”) to teenagers, it is difficult to think of a period when the total suppression of the alcohol trade was seriously debated in Australia. The cause of temperance has almost completely vanished from view, yet for well over a century—from 1830 to the outbreak of the Second World War—the control or even total abolition of the liquor trade was a major political issue—one that split the country, brought thousands onto the streets in demonstrations, and influenced the outcome of elections. Between 1911 and 1925 referenda to either limit or prohibit the sale of alcohol were held in most States. While moves to bring about abolition failed, Fitzgerald notes that almost one in three Australian voters expressed their support for prohibition of alcohol in their State (145). Today, the temperance movement’s platform has largely been forgotten, killed off by the practical example of the United States, where prohibition of the legal sale of alcohol served only to hand control of the liquor traffic to organised crime. Coffee Houses and the Enlightenment Although tea has long been considered the beverage of sobriety, it was coffee that came to be regarded as the very antithesis of alcohol. When the first coffee house opened in London in the early 1650s, customers were bewildered by this strange new drink from the Middle East—hot, bitter, and black as soot. But those who tried coffee were, reports Ellis, soon won over, and coffee houses were opened across London, Oxford, and Cambridge and, in the following decades, Europe and North America. Tea, equally exotic, entered the English market slightly later than coffee (in 1664), but was more expensive and remained a rarity long after coffee had become ubiquitous in London (Ellis 123-24). The impact of the introduction of coffee into Europe during the seventeenth century was particularly noticeable since the most common beverages of the time, even at breakfast, were weak “small beer” and wine. Both were safer to drink than water, which was liable to be contaminated. Coffee, like beer, was made using boiled water and, therefore, provided a new and safe alternative to alcoholic drinks. There was also the added benefit that those who drank coffee instead of alcohol began the day alert rather than mildly inebriated (Standage 135). It was also thought that coffee had a stimulating effect upon the “nervous system,” so much so that the French called coffee une boisson intellectuelle (an intellectual beverage), because of its stimulating effect on the brain (Muskett 71). In Oxford, the British called their coffee houses “penny universities,” a penny then being the price of a cup of coffee (Standage 158). Coffee houses were, moreover, more than places that sold coffee. Unlike other institutions of the period, rank and birth had no place (Ellis 59). The coffee house became the centre of urban life, creating a distinctive social culture by treating all customers as equals. Egalitarianism, however, did not extend to women—at least not in London. Around its egalitarian (but male) tables, merchants discussed and conducted business, writers and poets held discussions, scientists demonstrated experiments, and philosophers deliberated ideas and reforms. For the price of a cup (or “dish” as it was then known) of coffee, a man could read the latest pamphlets and newsletters, chat with other patrons, strike business deals, keep up with the latest political gossip, find out what other people thought of a new book, or take part in literary or philosophical discussions. Like today’s Internet, Twitter, and Facebook, Europe’s coffee houses functioned as an information network where ideas circulated and spread from coffee house to coffee house. In this way, drinking coffee in the coffee house became a metaphor for people getting together to share ideas in a sober environment, a concept that remains today. According to Standage, this information network fuelled the Enlightenment (133), prompting an explosion of creativity. Coffee houses provided an entirely new environment for political, financial, scientific, and literary change, as people gathered, discussed, and debated issues within their walls. Entrepreneurs and scientists teamed up to form companies to exploit new inventions and discoveries in manufacturing and mining, paving the way for the Industrial Revolution (Standage 163). The stock market and insurance companies also had their birth in the coffee house. As a result, coffee was seen to be the epitome of modernity and progress and, as such, was the ideal beverage for the Age of Reason. By the 19th century, however, the era of coffee houses had passed. Most of them had evolved into exclusive men’s clubs, each geared towards a certain segment of society. Tea was now more affordable and fashionable, and teahouses, which drew clientele from both sexes, began to grow in popularity. Tea, however, had always been Australia’s most popular non-alcoholic drink. Tea (and coffee) along with other alien plants had been part of the cargo unloaded onto Australian shores with the First Fleet in 1788. Coffee, mainly from Brazil and Jamaica, remained a constant import but was taxed more heavily than tea and was, therefore, more expensive. Furthermore, tea was much easier to make than coffee. To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water, coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing. According to Symons, until the 1930s, Australians were the largest consumers of tea in the world (19). In spite of this, and as coffee, since its introduction into Europe, was regarded as the antidote to alcohol, the temperance movement established coffee palaces. In the early 1870s in Britain, the temperance movement had revived the coffee house to provide an alternative to the gin taverns that were so attractive to the working classes of the Industrial Age (Clarke 5). Unlike the earlier coffee house, this revived incarnation provided accommodation and was open to men, women and children. “Cheap and wholesome food,” was available as well as reading rooms supplied with newspapers and periodicals, and games and smoking rooms (Clarke 20). In Australia, coffee palaces did not seek the working classes, as clientele: at least in the cities they were largely for the nouveau riche. Coffee Palaces The discovery of gold in 1851 changed the direction of the Australian economy. An investment boom followed, with an influx of foreign funds and English banks lending freely to colonial speculators. By the 1880s, the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy boomed and land prices were highly inflated. Governments shared in the wealth and ploughed money into urban infrastructure, particularly railways. Spurred on by these positive economic conditions and the newly extended inter-colonial rail network, international exhibitions were held in both Sydney and Melbourne. To celebrate modern technology and design in an industrial age, international exhibitions were phenomena that had spread throughout Europe and much of the world from the mid-19th century. According to Davison, exhibitions were “integral to the culture of nineteenth century industrialising societies” (158). In particular, these exhibitions provided the colonies with an opportunity to demonstrate to the world their economic power and achievements in the sciences, the arts and education, as well as to promote their commerce and industry. Massive purpose-built buildings were constructed to house the exhibition halls. In Sydney, the Garden Palace was erected in the Botanic Gardens for the 1879 Exhibition (it burnt down in 1882). In Melbourne, the Royal Exhibition Building, now a World Heritage site, was built in the Carlton Gardens for the 1880 Exhibition and extended for the 1888 Centennial Exhibition. Accommodation was required for the some one million interstate and international visitors who were to pass through the gates of the Garden Palace in Sydney. To meet this need, the temperance movement, keen to provide alternative accommodation to licensed hotels, backed the establishment of Sydney’s coffee palaces. The Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company was formed in 1878 to operate and manage a number of coffee palaces constructed during the 1870s. These were designed to compete with hotels by “offering all the ordinary advantages of those establishments without the allurements of the drink” (Murdoch). Coffee palaces were much more than ordinary hotels—they were often multi-purpose or mixed-use buildings that included a large number of rooms for accommodation as well as ballrooms and other leisure facilities to attract people away from pubs. As the Australian Town and Country Journal reveals, their services included the supply of affordable, wholesome food, either in the form of regular meals or occasional refreshments, cooked in kitchens fitted with the latest in culinary accoutrements. These “culinary temples” also provided smoking rooms, chess and billiard rooms, and rooms where people could read books, periodicals and all the local and national papers for free (121). Similar to the coffee houses of the Enlightenment, the coffee palaces brought businessmen, artists, writers, engineers, and scientists attending the exhibitions together to eat and drink (non-alcoholic), socialise and conduct business. The Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace located in York Street in Sydney produced a practical guide for potential investors and businessmen titled International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney. It included information on the location of government departments, educational institutions, hospitals, charitable organisations, and embassies, as well as a list of the tariffs on goods from food to opium (1–17). Women, particularly the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) were a formidable force in the temperance movement (intemperance was generally regarded as a male problem and, more specifically, a husband problem). Murdoch argues, however, that much of the success of the push to establish coffee palaces was due to male politicians with business interests, such as the one-time Victorian premiere James Munro. Considered a stern, moral church-going leader, Munro expanded the temperance movement into a fanatical force with extraordinary power, which is perhaps why the temperance movement had its greatest following in Victoria (Murdoch). Several prestigious hotels were constructed to provide accommodation for visitors to the international exhibitions in Melbourne. Munro was responsible for building many of the city’s coffee palaces, including the Victoria (1880) and the Federal Coffee Palace (1888) in Collins Street. After establishing the Grand Coffee Palace Company, Munro took over the Grand Hotel (now the Windsor) in 1886. Munro expanded the hotel to accommodate some of the two million visitors who were to attend the Centenary Exhibition, renamed it the Grand Coffee Palace, and ceremoniously burnt its liquor licence at the official opening (Murdoch). By 1888 there were more than 50 coffee palaces in the city of Melbourne alone and Munro held thousands of shares in coffee palaces, including those in Geelong and Broken Hill. With its opening planned to commemorate the centenary of the founding of Australia and the 1888 International Exhibition, the construction of the Federal Coffee Palace, one of the largest hotels in Australia, was perhaps the greatest monument to the temperance movement. Designed in the French Renaissance style, the façade was embellished with statues, griffins and Venus in a chariot drawn by four seahorses. The building was crowned with an iron-framed domed tower. New passenger elevators—first demonstrated at the Sydney Exhibition—allowed the building to soar to seven storeys. According to the Federal Coffee Palace Visitor’s Guide, which was presented to every visitor, there were three lifts for passengers and others for luggage. Bedrooms were located on the top five floors, while the stately ground and first floors contained majestic dining, lounge, sitting, smoking, writing, and billiard rooms. There were electric service bells, gaslights, and kitchens “fitted with the most approved inventions for aiding proficients [sic] in the culinary arts,” while the luxury brand Pears soap was used in the lavatories and bathrooms (16–17). In 1891, a spectacular financial crash brought the economic boom to an abrupt end. The British economy was in crisis and to meet the predicament, English banks withdrew their funds in Australia. There was a wholesale collapse of building companies, mortgage banks and other financial institutions during 1891 and 1892 and much of the banking system was halted during 1893 (Attard). Meanwhile, however, while the eastern States were in the economic doldrums, gold was discovered in 1892 at Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in Western Australia and, within two years, the west of the continent was transformed. As gold poured back to the capital city of Perth, the long dormant settlement hurriedly caught up and began to emulate the rest of Australia, including the construction of ornately detailed coffee palaces (Freeman 130). By 1904, Perth had 20 coffee palaces. When the No. 2 Coffee Palace opened in Pitt Street, Sydney, in 1880, the Australian Town and Country Journal reported that coffee palaces were “not only fashionable, but appear to have acquired a permanent footing in Sydney” (121). The coffee palace era, however, was relatively short-lived. Driven more by reformist and economic zeal than by good business sense, many were in financial trouble when the 1890’s Depression hit. Leading figures in the temperance movement were also involved in land speculation and building societies and when these schemes collapsed, many, including Munro, were financially ruined. Many of the palaces closed or were forced to apply for liquor licences in order to stay afloat. Others developed another life after the temperance movement’s influence waned and the coffee palace fad faded, and many were later demolished to make way for more modern buildings. The Federal was licensed in 1923 and traded as the Federal Hotel until its demolition in 1973. The Victoria, however, did not succumb to a liquor licence until 1967. The Sydney Coffee Palace in Woolloomooloo became the Sydney Eye Hospital and, more recently, smart apartments. Some fine examples still survive as reminders of Australia’s social and cultural heritage. The Windsor in Melbourne’s Spring Street and the Broken Hill Hotel, a massive three-story iconic pub in the outback now called simply “The Palace,” are some examples. Tea remained the beverage of choice in Australia until the 1950s when the lifting of government controls on the importation of coffee and the influence of American foodways coincided with the arrival of espresso-loving immigrants. As Australians were introduced to the espresso machine, the short black, the cappuccino, and the café latte and (reminiscent of the Enlightenment), the post-war malaise was shed in favour of the energy and vigour of modernist thought and creativity, fuelled in at least a small part by caffeine and the emergent café culture (Teffer). Although the temperance movement’s attempt to provide an alternative to the ubiquitous pubs failed, coffee has now outstripped the consumption of tea and today’s café culture ensures that wherever coffee is consumed, there is the possibility of a continuation of the Enlightenment’s lively discussions, exchange of news, and dissemination of ideas and information in a sober environment. References Attard, Bernard. “The Economic History of Australia from 1788: An Introduction.” EH.net Encyclopedia. 5 Feb. (2012) ‹http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/attard.australia›. Blainey, Anna. “The Prohibition and Total Abstinence Movement in Australia 1880–1910.” Food, Power and Community: Essays in the History of Food and Drink. Ed. Robert Dare. Adelaide: Wakefield Press, 1999. 142–52. Boyce, Francis Bertie. “Shall I Vote for No License?” An address delivered at the Convention of the Parramatta Branch of New South Wales Alliance, 3 September 1906. 3rd ed. Parramatta: New South Wales Alliance, 1907. Clarke, James Freeman. Coffee Houses and Coffee Palaces in England. Boston: George H. Ellis, 1882. “Coffee Palace, No. 2.” Australian Town and Country Journal. 17 Jul. 1880: 121. Davison, Graeme. “Festivals of Nationhood: The International Exhibitions.” Australian Cultural History. Eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 158–77. Denby, Elaine. Grand Hotels: Reality and Illusion. London: Reaktion Books, 2002. Ellis, Markman. The Coffee House: A Cultural History. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004. Federal Coffee Palace. The Federal Coffee Palace Visitors’ Guide to Melbourne, Its Suburbs, and Other Parts of the Colony of Victoria: Views of the Principal Public and Commercial Buildings in Melbourne, With a Bird’s Eye View of the City; and History of the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880, etc. Melbourne: Federal Coffee House Company, 1888. Fitzgerald, Ross, and Trevor Jordan. Under the Influence: A History of Alcohol in Australia. Sydney: Harper Collins, 2009. Freeland, John. The Australian Pub. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1977. Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace. International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney, Restaurant and Temperance Hotel. Sydney: Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace, 1879. Mitchell, Ann M. “Munro, James (1832–1908).” Australian Dictionary of Biography. Canberra: National Centre of Biography, Australian National U, 2006-12. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/munro-james-4271/text6905›. Murdoch, Sally. “Coffee Palaces.” Encyclopaedia of Melbourne. Eds. Andrew Brown-May and Shurlee Swain. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00371b.htm›. Muskett, Philip E. The Art of Living in Australia. New South Wales: Kangaroo Press, 1987. Standage, Tom. A History of the World in 6 Glasses. New York: Walker & Company, 2005. Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company Limited. Memorandum of Association of the Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company, Ltd. Sydney: Samuel Edward Lees, 1879. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A Gastronomic History of Australia. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Teffer, Nicola. Coffee Customs. Exhibition Catalogue. Sydney: Customs House, 2005.

Conurbation [f. CON- + L. urb- and urbs city + -ation] An aggregation of urban areas. (OED) Beyond the urban, further and lower even than the suburban, lies the con-urban. The conurban: with the urban, partaking of the urbane, lying against but also perhaps pushing against or being contra the urban. Conurbations stretch littorally from Australian cities, along coastlines to other cities, joining cities through the passage of previously outlying rural areas. Joining the dots between cities, towns, and villages. Providing corridors between the city and what lies outside. The conurban is an accretion, an aggregation, a piling up, or superfluity of the city: Greater London, for instance. It is the urban plus, filling the gaps between cities, as Los Angeles oozing urbanity does for the dry, desert areas abutting it (Davis 1990; Soja 1996). I wish to propose that the conurban imaginary is a different space from its suburban counterpart. The suburban has provided a binary opposition to what is not the city, what lies beneath its feet, outside its ken. Yet it is also what is greater than the urban, what exceeds it. In modernism, the city and its denizens define themselves outside what is arrayed around the centre, ringing it in concentric circles. In stark relief to the modernist lines of the skyscraper, contrasting with the central business district, central art galleries and museums, is to be found the masses in the suburbs. The suburban as a maligned yet enabling trope of modernism has been long revalued, in the art of Howard Arkeley, and in photography of suburban Gothic. It comes as no surprise to read a favourable newspaper article on the Liverpool Regional Art Gallery, in Sydney's Western Suburbs, with its exhibition on local chicken empires, Liverpool sheds, or gay and lesbians living on the city fringe. Nor to hear in the third way posturing of Australian Labor Party parliamentarian Mark Latham, the suburbs rhetorically wielded, like a Victa lawn mover, to cut down to size his chardonnay-set inner-city policy adversaries. The politics of suburbia subtends urban revisionism, reformism, revanchism, and recidivism. Yet there is another less exhausted, and perhaps exhaustible, way of playing the urban, of studying the metropolis, of punning on the city's proper name: the con-urban. World cities, as Saskia Sassen has taught us, have peculiar features: the juxtaposition of high finance and high technology alongside subaltern, feminized, informal economy (Sassen 1998). The Australian city proudly declared to be a world city is, of course, Sydney while a long way from the world's largest city by population, it is believed to be the largest in area. A recent newspaper article on Brisbane's real estate boom, drew comparisons with Sydney only to dismiss them, according to one quoted commentator, because as a world city, Sydney was sui generis in Australia, fairly requiring comparison with other world cities. One form of conurbanity, I would suggest, is the desire of other settled areas to be with the world city. Consider in this regard, the fate of Byron Bay a fate which lies very much in the balance. Byron Bay is sign that circulates in the field of the conurban. Craig MacGregor has claimed Byron as the first real urban culture outside an Australian city (MacGregor 1995). Local residents hope to keep the alternative cultural feel of Byron, but to provide it with a more buoyant economic outlook. The traditional pastoral, fishing, and whaling industries are well displaced by niche handicrafts, niche arts and craft, niche food and vegetables, a flourishing mind, body and spirit industry, and a booming film industry. Creative arts and cultural industries are blurring into creative industries. The Byron Bay area at the opening of the twenty-first century is attracting many people fugitive from the city who wish not to drop out exactly; rather to be contra wishes rather to be gently contrary marked as distinct from the city, enjoying a wonderful lifestyle, but able to persist with the civilizing values of an urban culture. The contemporary figure of Byron Bay, if such a hybrid chimera may be represented, wishes for a conurbanity. Citizens relocate from Melbourne, Canberra, and Sydney, seeking an alternative country and coastal lifestyle and, if at all possible, a city job (though without stress) (on internal migration in Australia see Kijas 2002): Hippies and hip rub shoulders as a sleepy town awakes (Still Wild About Byron, (Sydney Morning Herald, 1 January 2002). Forerunners of Byron's conurbanity leave, while others take their place: A sprawling $6.5 million Byron Bay mansion could be the ultimate piece of memorabilia for a wealthy fan of larrikin Australian actor Paul Hogan (Hoges to sell up at Byron Bay, Illawarra Mercury, 14 February 2002). The ABC series Seachange is one key text of conurbanity: Laura Gibson has something of a city job she can ply the tools of her trade as a magistrate while living in an idyllic rural location, a nice spot for a theme park of contemporary Australian manners and nostalgia for community (on Sea Change see Murphy 2002). Conurban designates a desire to have it both ways: cityscape and pastoral mode. Worth noting is that the Byron Shire has its own independent, vibrant media public sphere, as symbolized by the Byron Shire Echo founded in 1986, one of the great newspapers outside a capital city (Martin & Ellis 2002): <http://www.echo.net.au>. Yet the textual repository in city-based media of such exilic narratives is the supplement to the Saturday broadsheet papers. A case in point is journalist Ruth Ostrow, who lives in hills in the Byron Shire, and provides a weekly column in the Saturday Australian newspaper, its style gently evocative of just one degree of separation from a self-parody of New Age mores: Having permanently relocated to the hills behind Byron Bay from Sydney, it's interesting for me to watch friends who come up here on holiday over Christmas… (Ostrow 2002). The Sydney Morning Herald regards Byron Bay as another one of its Northern beaches, conceptually somewhere between Palm Beach and Pearl Beach, or should one say Pearl Bay. The Herald's fascination for Byron Bay real estate is coeval with its obsession with Sydney's rising prices: Byron Bay's hefty price tags haven't deterred beach-lovin' boomers (East Enders, Sydney Morning Herald 17 January 2002). The Australian is not immune from this either, evidence 'Boom Times in Byron', special advertising report, Weekend Australia, Saturday 2 March 2002. And plaudits from The Financial Review confirm it: Prices for seafront spots in the enclave on the NSW north coast are red hot (Smart Property, The Financial Review, 19 January 2002). Wacky North Coast customs are regularly covered by capital city press, the region functioning as a metonym for drugs. This is so with Nimbin especially, with regular coverage of the Nimbin Mardi Grass: Mardi Grass 2001, Nimbin's famous cannabis festival, began, as they say, in high spirits in perfect autumn weather on Saturday (Oh, how they danced a high old time was had by all at the Dope Pickers' Ball, Sydney Morning Herald, 7 May 2001). See too coverage of protests over sniffer dogs in Byron Bay in Easter 2001 showed (Peatling 2001). Byron's agony over its identity attracts wider audiences, as with its quest to differentiate itself from the ordinariness of Ballina as a typical Aussie seaside town (Buttrose 2000). There are national metropolitan audiences for Byron stories, readers who are familiar with the Shire's places and habits: Lismore-reared Emma Tom's 2002 piece on the politics of perving at King's beach north of Byron occasioned quite some debate from readers arguing the toss over whether wanking on the beach was perverse or par for the course: Public masturbation is a funny old thing. On one hand, it's ace that some blokes feel sexually liberated enough to slap the salami any old time… (Tom 2002). Brisbane, of course, has its own designs upon Byron, from across the state border. Brisbane has perhaps the best-known conurbation: its northern reaches bleed into the Sunshine Coast, while its southern ones salute the skyscrapers of Australia's fourth largest city, the Gold Coast (on Gold Coast and hinterland see Griffin 2002). And then the conburbating continues unabated, as settlement stretches across the state divide to the Tweed Coast, with its mimicking of Sanctuary Cove, down to the coastal towns of Ocean Shores, Brunswick Heads, Byron, and through to Ballina. Here another type of infrastructure is key: the road. Once the road has massively overcome the topography of rainforest and mountain, there will be freeway conditions from Byron to Brisbane, accelerating conurbanity. The caf is often the short-hand signifier of the urban, but in Byron Bay, it is film that gives the urban flavour. Byron Bay has its own International Film Festival (held in the near-by boutique town of Bangalow, itself conurban with Byron.), and a new triple screen complex in Byron: Up north, film buffs Geraldine Hilton and Pete Castaldi have been busy. Last month, the pair announced a joint venture with Dendy to build a three-screen cinema in the heart of Byron Bay, scheduled to open mid-2002. Meanwhile, Hilton and Castaldi have been busy organising the second Byron All Screen Celebration Film Festival (BASC), after last year's inaugural event drew 4000 visitors to more than 50 sessions, seminars and workshops. Set in Bangalow (10 minutes from Byron by car, less if you astral travel)… (Cape Crusaders, Sydney Morning Herald, 15 February 2002). The film industry is growing steadily, and claims to be the largest concentration of film-makers outside of an Australian capital city (Henkel 2000 & 2002). With its intimate relationship with the modern city, film in its Byron incarnation from high art to short video, from IMAX to multimedia may be seen as the harbinger of the conurban. If the case of Byron has something further to tell us about the transformation of the urban, we might consider the twenty-first century links between digital communications networks and conurbanity. It might be proposed that telecommunications networks make it very difficult to tell where the city starts and ends; as they interactively disperse information and entertainment formerly associated with the cultural institutions of the metropolis (though this digitization of urbanity is more complex than hyping the virtual suggest; see Graham & Marvin 1996). The bureau comes not just to the 'burbs, but to the backblocks as government offices are closed in country towns, to be replaced by online access. The cinema is distributed across computer networks, with video-on-demand soon to become a reality. Film as a cultural form in the process of being reconceived with broadband culture (Jacka 2001). Global movements of music flow as media through the North Coast, with dance music culture and the doof (Gibson 2002). Culture and identity becomes content for the information age (Castells 1996-1998; Cunningham & Hartley 2001; OECD 1998; Trotter 2001). On e-mail, no-one knows, as the conceit of internet theory goes, where you work or live; the proverbial refashioning of subjectivity by the internet affords a conurbanity all of its own, a city of bits wherever one resides (Mitchell 1995). To render the digital conurban possible, Byron dreams of broadband. In one of those bizarre yet recurring twists of Australian media policy, large Australian cities are replete with broadband infrastructure, even if by 2002 city-dwellers are not rushing to take up the services. Telstra's Foxtel and Optus's Optus Vision raced each other down streets of large Australian cities in the mid-1990s to lay fibre-coaxial cable to provide fast data (broadband) capacity. Cable modems and quick downloading of video, graphics, and large files have been a reality for some years. Now the Asymmetrical Digital Subscriber Line (ADSL) technology is allowing people in densely populated areas close to their telephone exchanges to also avail themselves of broadband Australia. In rural Australia, broadband has not been delivered to most areas, much to the frustration of the conurbanites. Byron Bay holds an important place in the history of the internet in Australia, because it was there that one of Australia's earliest and most important internet service providers, Pegasus Network, was established in the late 1980s. Yet Pegasus relocated to Brisbane in 1993, because of poor quality telecommunications networks (Peters 1998). As we rethink the urban in the shadow of modernity, we can no longer ignore or recuse ourselves from reflecting upon its para-urban modes. As we deconstruct the urban, showing how the formerly pejorative margins actually define the centre the suburban for instance being more citified than the grand arcades, plazas, piazzas, or malls; we may find that it is the conurban that provides the cultural imaginary for the urban of the present century. Work remains to be done on the specific modalities of the conurban. The conurban has distinct temporal and spatial coordinates: citizens of Sydney fled to Manly earlier in the twentieth century, as they do to Byron at the beginning of the twenty-first. With its resistance to the transnational commercialization and mass culture that Club Med, McDonalds, and tall buildings represent, and with its strict environment planning regulation which produce a litigious reaction (and an editorial rebuke from the Sydney Morning Herald [SMH 2002]), Byron recuperates the counter-cultural as counterpoint to the Gold Coast. Subtle differences may be discerned too between Byron and, say, Nimbin and Maleny (in Queensland), with the two latter communities promoting self-sufficient hippy community infused by new agricultural classes still connected to the city, but pushing the boundaries of conurbanity by more forceful rejection of the urban. Through such mapping we may discover the endless attenuation of the urban in front and beyond our very eyes; the virtual replication and invocation of the urban around the circuits of contemporary communications networks; the refiguring of the urban in popular and elite culture, along littoral lines of flight, further domesticating the country; the road movies of twenty-first century freeways; the perpetuation and worsening of inequality and democracy (Stilwell 1992) through the action of the conurban. Cities without bounds: is the conurban one of the faces of the postmetropolis (Soja 2000), the urban without end, with no possibility for or need of closure? My thinking on Byron Bay, and the Rainbow Region in which it is situated, has been shaped by a number of people with whom I had many conversations during my four years living there in 1998-2001. My friends in the School of Humanities, Media, and Cultural Studies, Southern Cross University, Lismore, provided focus for theorizing our ex-centric place, of whom I owe particular debts of gratitude to Baden Offord (Offord 2002), who commented upon this piece, and Helen Wilson (Wilson 2002). Thanks also to an anonymous referee for helpful comments. References Buttrose, L. (2000). Betray Byron at Your Peril. Sydney Morning Herald 7 September 2000. Castells, M. (1996-98). The Information Age. 3 vols. Blackwell, Oxford. Cunningham, S., & Hartley, J. (2001). Creative Industries from Blue Poles to Fat Pipes. Address to the National Humanities and Social Sciences Summit, National Museum of Canberra. July 2001. Davis, M. (1990). City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. Verso, London. Gibson, C. (2002). Migration, Music and Social Relations on the NSW Far North Coast. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. Graham, S., and Marvin, S. (1996). 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"Conurban" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/conurban.php>. Chicago Style Goggin, Gerard, "Conurban" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/conurban.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Goggin, Gerard. (2002) Conurban. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/conurban.php> ([your date of access]).