Tesis: "Slavery Slavery Police"

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Brown, Alexandra Kelly. ""On the vanguard of civilization" : slavery, the police, and conflicts between public and private power in Salvador da Bahia, Brazil, 1835-1888 /". Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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2

Weimer, Gregory K. "Policing Slavery: Order and the Development of Early Nineteenth-Century New Orleans and Salvador". FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2192.

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My dissertation explores the development of policing and slavery in two early nineteenth-century Atlantic cities. This project engages regionally distinct histories through an examination of legislative and police records in New Orleans, Louisiana, and Salvador, Bahia. Through these sources, my dissertation holds that the development of the theories and practices that guided “public order” emerged in similar ways in these Atlantic slaveholding cities. Enslaved people and their actions played an integral role in the evolution of “good order” and its policing. Legislators created laws and institutions to police enslaved people and promote order. In these instances, local government policed slavery through the surveilling and arresting of enslaved people. By mid-century, the prerogative of policing slavery created a comprehensive bureaucratic structure that policed many individuals within the community, not just slaves. In New Orleans and Salvador, slavery was an important part of policing, but not just in the sense we sometimes assume: as a panicked reaction to real or imagined slave rebellions. As the commercial and demographic development of cities created opportunities for enslaved people, local legislation and institutions formed an important part of policing slavery in New Orleans and Salvador. Local government officials—regional and municipal legislators—responded by passing laws that restricted not only where and how enslaved people worked and lived, but also the police that enforced these laws. Police forces, once created, interpreted and applied the laws passed by legislators. They surveilled and arrested individuals, and their actions sometimes triggered further legislative reforms. Thusly, police forces became representations of public well-being, particularly in relation to slavery. By mid-century, new conceptions of public order made the police an accepted part of urban slavery and urban life more generally in New Orleans and Salvador. At the same time, the police surveilled and arrested free people, not just enslaved people, in the name of promoting orderly slavery.

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3

Silva, Mairton Celestino da. "Batuque na Rua dos Negros: cultura e polícia na Teresina da segunda metade do século XIX". Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11380.

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Em meio a uma manobra política, deu-se, em 16 de agosto de 1852, a transferência da antiga capital do Piauí, Oeiras, para a Vila Nova do Poti, futura, cidade de Teresina. Em pouco tempo, Teresina tornava-se o principal destino de escravos e homens livres da Província do Piauí. As razões estavam tanto na transferência da burocracia provincial como na construção da nova capital, até então com poucos prédios e casas residenciais. À medida que essa elite local ocupava os casarões na parte central das duas freguesias da cidade - Nossa Senhora do Amparo e Nossa Senhora das Dores - escravos e libertos constituíam, dentro e fora dos limites urbanos, mecanismos de sobrevivência e de sociabilidades. Assim, para muitos negros era preciso reinventar, na cidade de Teresina, outras relações, para isso, tiveram no domínio sobre as roças, nos folguedos/batuques e na formação de comunidades negras, conhecidas, na época, como calojis, o fundamento para tais expectativas. Caberia às elites locais, a organização de um aparato policial capaz de manter as relações de dominação vigentes, baseadas no cerceamento e, em alguns casos, na permissão dessas manifestações da identidade negra na cidade de Teresina. Dessa maneira, no espaço público das ruas, a proposta “civilizatória” apoiarse- ia numa enfática política de controle social, alicerçada, sobretudo, numa “suposta” eficiência policial. Isso porque, numa época de desagregação da instituição escrava e de passagem da mão-de-obra servil para a assalariada, forjar, entre aqueles recém-saídos do mundo da escravidão, inclinações ao trabalho, daria novos sentidos às violentas experiências do cativeiro e, portanto, outros significados à idéia de trabalho. É, portanto, tentando analisar as experiências de negros, cativos e libertos, e seus conflitos com a sociedade escravista teresinense do século XIX que a presente dissertação se estrutura.
Salvador

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4

Spong, Kaitlyn M. "“Your love is too thick”: An Analysis of Black Motherhood in Slave Narratives, Neo-Slave Narratives, and Our Contemporary Moment". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2573.

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In this paper, Kait Spong examines alternative practices of mothering that are strategic nature, heavily analyzing Patricia Hill Collins’ concepts of “othermothering” and “preservative love” as applied to Toni Morrison’s 1987 novel, Beloved and Harriet Jacob’s 1861 slave narrative, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Using literary analysis as a vehicle, Spong then applies these West African notions of motherhood to a modern context by evaluating contemporary social movements such as Black Lives Matter where black mothers have played a prominent role in making public statements against systemic issues such as police brutality, heightened surveillance, and the prison industrial complex.

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5

Sacchi, Landriani Martino. "Naissance du moderne régime de mobilité : politique de l'identification en France (1770-1880)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H021.

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Cette recherche vise à tracer une généalogie des rationalités de gouvernement et d’identification de la mobilité du travail dans la France métropolitaine et coloniale du XIXème siècle. Gouverner la mobilité ne comporte pas un pouvoir simplement coercitif, mais plutôt un certain degré de liberté nécessaire à canaliser et orienter la circulation des individus. Plus précisément, la thèse analyse l’histoire du livret ouvrier en tant que révélateur administratif des tensions qui accompagnent la configuration, la crise et la reformulation du contrat civil classique en France. Par cette technologie d’identification on retrace aussi la genèse globale des notions historiques de travail libre, esclavage et domesticité, dont on suit les métamorphoses à la lumière des politiques de la mobilité après l’abolition de l’esclavage. Les derniers chapitres considèrent la naissance de l’État Providence et des nouvelles pratiques d’identification, telles que l’anthropométrie et les empreintes digitales, en tant que reformulations historiques du problème à la base de notre recherche : comment contrôler la force de travail sans insérer une coercition illégitime sur les corps qui en sont les porteurs? La généalogie du régime de mobilité montre la nécessité paradoxale du libéralisme de cycliquement relancer un projet universel (la généralisation de la personne juridique) afin de pouvoir définir des hiérarchies en son sein (multipliant les statuts par lesquelles l’accès à l’usage de la liberté est filtré). À partir de cette complication on peut repenser le rapport entre souveraineté, État et marché mondial
In this research, we genealogically trace the emergence of modern rationality in the government of the mobility of labor in France and its colonies in the XIX century. Governing mobility does not imply a purely coercive power, but rather a certain degree of freedom, necessary to channel and orient the circulation of individuals. More precisely, this PhD thesis analyses the history of the livret ouvrier as administrative markers of the tensions characterizing the configuration, the crisis, and the reformulation of classic civil contract in France. This technology of identification also allows us to trace the global genesis of the historical notions of free labor, slavery, and domesticity, following their evolution through the politics of mobility after the abolition of slavery. The last chapters survey the birth of the welfare state and of new forms of identification, such as anthropometry and fingerprinting, as historical reconfigurations of the underlying question of our investigation: how to control labor power without introducing an illegitimate coercion on the bodies carrying it? The genealogy of mobility regime shows the paradoxical necessity of liberalism to periodically reformulate a universal project (the generalization of the juridical person) in order to organize internal hierarchies (by multiplying the statutes through which the effective access to freedom is filtered). Through the lens of this co-implication we can rethink the relationship between sovereignty, State and world market

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6

Dickey, Nathaniel. "More than "Modern Day Slavery": Stakeholder Perspectives and Policy on Human Trafficking in Florida". Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3072.

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In recent years, Florida has acquired a reputation as fertile ground for human trafficking. On the heels of state and federal anti-human trafficking legislation, a host of organizations have risen to provide a range of services. In this thesis, I discuss findings from 26 interviews conducted with law enforcement, service providers, legal representatives and trafficked persons to contextualize the variability in the way anti-trafficking work is conceptualized by stakeholders across the state. Additionally, I explore how conflicting organizational policies on the local, state, and federal levels impact stakeholder collaboration and complicate trafficked persons' attempts to navigate already complex processes of social/health services and documentation. Lastly, I provide policy recommendations that attempt to address the major issues associated with anti-trafficking work identified through the analysis of participant interviews.

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7

Pavlik, Kimberly Anne. "A Global Perception on Contemporary Slavery in the Middle East North Africa Region". Thesis, Walden University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10790470.

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Although human trafficking continues to be a growing problem around the world, there are scarce quantitative methodologies for evidence-based research because it is hard to gather reliable and comparable data on human trafficking. It is also difficult to track patterns in human trafficking on a regional or global scale because the victims are a vulnerable population. Using Datta and Bales conceptualization of modern slavery as the theoretical foundation, the primary purpose of this study was to establish a baseline measurement of trafficking predictors in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) as well as understand the statistical relationship between measurements of corruption, democracy, state of peace, and terrorism on the prevalence of contemporary slavery in the MENA region. Data were collected from the 2016 Global Terrorism Index, 2016 Democracy Index, 2016 Corruption Perception Index, 2016 Global Slavery Index, and the 2016 Global Peace Index and analyzed using multiple linear regression. The results of the study showed that corruption (p=.017) and state of peace (p=.039) were significant predictors for contemporary slavery in the MENA region. Whereas, terrorism and democracy were not significant predictors. The positive social change implications of this study include recommendations to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to create a central repository for the archival of human trafficking data. The creation of this archive will promote a more accurate accounting of a vulnerable population such as victims of trafficking, thereby increasing awareness of contemporary slavery among law enforcement, policy makers, and scholars.

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8

Muhlestein, Robert M. "Utah Indians and the Indian Slave Trade: The Mormon Adoption Program and its Effect on the Indian Slaves". Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1991. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33282.

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9

Niles, Eden Rose. "Disciplining the Nation Within the Nation: Slavery and The Formation of Immigration Policy in The United States". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1378.

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This essay examines the development of immigration policy in the United States through a re-invoking of the early restrictions on the acquisition and scope of citizenship rights as well as freedom of movement of Black people living and brought into the nation to perform slave labor. Reading cases such as Dred Scott v. Sandford and laws such as the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 as foundational to the regulation of immigration and immigrants, I contend that the logic of perpetual alienation continues to manifest in the construction of immigration policy today. This shift away from focus on the sovereignty of a nation regarding its borders to the forms of social control which produce racialized subjects unsuitable for assimilation allows for an analysis of interior enforcement practices as critical to the maintenance of white supremacy. By understanding how immigration policy works to figure subjects within the nation as well as without into the category of foreign alien, this essay provides new insight into how the material forces of anti-blackness must be addressed as critical to the success of current campaigns to end the tenuous positionality of the non-white immigrant in the United States.

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10

Gresham, Anne Ellen. "Identifying and Mitigating Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking in an Urban Community". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/280.

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Human trafficking, domestic minor sex trafficking (DMST), and commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) are complex and multifaceted occurrences in the United States. As the numbers of youth ensnared in sexually exploitive situations increase, organizations and communities are called upon to address the ramifications of this abuse; little research was located, however, that examined collaborative networks and partnerships that address victim identification and mitigation of DMST and CSEC. The purpose of this qualitative single case study was to determine whether strategic partnerships existed within the community under investigation. The theoretical framework was environmental theory, as first described by Florence Nightingale; the conceptual framework was centered on collaborative networks. Research questions focused on victim identification and organizational strategies for collaboration and mitigation of sex trafficking. The research population was composed of 8 individuals working in organizations in a metropolitan area on the West Coast that served victims of DMST and CSEC. Data obtained from interviews were coded, compared, and analyzed for major and emergent themes. Findings indicated that, in the effort to identify victims, these 8 individuals needed to consider all children involved in prostitution as victims and not criminals. Further, their efforts toward mitigation needed to center on widespread education across the broader social spectrum of the issues with DMST and CSEC. These workers identified strategies identified to address DMST and CSEC included the "5 Ps": prevention, protection, prosecution, partnership, and policy. These findings may inform organizations and policy makers about how to make informed decisions about the needs and challenges of addressing sexually exploited youth.

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11

Boafo, Paul Kwabena. "An examination of the theology of John Wesley with particular reference to his socio-political teaching and its relevance to the Ghanaian situation". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287262.

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12

Armange, Roseline. "Point de vue des descendants d'esclaves concernant les politiques nationales de réparations : une perspective martiniquaise". Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EPHE5054.

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Jusqu’à son abolition en 1848, l’esclavage transatlantique a constitué un rôle fondamental dans la colonisation par la France de la Martinique. Cette étude examine la façon, dont les personnes, où les familles ont, dans le passé, été directement touché par l’esclavage perçoivent les politiques nationales relatives aux réparations. Les politiques concernant les esclaves et leurs descendants ont opéré en faveur des propriétaires d’esclaves (et leurs descendants), affirmant que l’avènement de la liberté a été une rémunération honorable et suffisante. Malgré une position politique antérieure de l’oubli, les descendants d’esclaves continuent d’agir pour la reconnaissance de l’esclavage dans l’histoire de la nation, et remettent en question la possibilité des réparations en matière de politiques publiques. Dans cette étude trois positions personnelles ont été observées : les sceptiques, les réparationistes et les indéterminés. L’étude révèle qu’une politique relative aux réparations est considérée comme acceptable si elle comprend une pleine reconnaissance et si elle est accompagnée d’une politique de compensation. Des politiques qui favorisent l’amnésie ou l’exaltation du passé sont perçues comme inacceptables. Les politiques de réparations sont envisagées comme plus acceptables dans les situations où l’intégration socioéconomique des descendants d’esclaves a été atteinte que dans les situations où elle ne l’a pas été. Comme en Martinique, le sujet des réparations gagne du terrain dans les arènes populaires, politiques et universitaires à l’échelle internationale : quels éléments sont considérés pour juger des positions politiques ? Quelles sont les opinions qui se révèlent ?
Until its abolition in 1848, transatlantic slavery constituted a fundamental role in France's colonization of Martinique. This study assesses the views regarding the possible national policies related to the slavery of people whose families have, in the past, been directly affected by slavery in Martinique. Policies regarding slaves and their descendants have operated in favor of slave owners (and their descendants), claiming that the advent of freedom was honorable and sufficient compensation. Despite instances of cultural amnesia in France, slave descendants continue to advocate for recognition of slavery in the nation’s history and they continue to question the possibility of reparations in public politics. Three qualitatively different personal positions were culled from this study’s participating slave descendants: Skeptics, Reparationists, and Undetermined. In addition to studying the factors that differentiate these groups, this study determines that a policy concerning reparations is acceptable if it includes the public recognition of historic prejudice and if it is accompanied by a policy for material compensation. Furthermore, the results indicate that policies which foster amnesia and an exaltation of a colonial past are perceived as unacceptable. In this study, reparations are considered more acceptable to slave descendants in policies where their socio-economic integration is directly addressed. As in Martinique, the subject of reparations is gaining traction in popular, political and academic arenas internationally: What factors should be examined to understand the opinions held by the descendants of slaves? What trends emerge from these ethical questions?

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13

Sorensen, Leni Ashmore. "Absconded: Fugitive slaves in the "Daybook of the Richmond Police Guard, 1834--1844"". W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623486.

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In the antebellum period Richmond, Virginia newspapers ran advertisements for runaway slaves. Most of the ads concerned individuals absconded from outlying counties, distant regions of the state, or nearby states. These short notices have been used frequently to describe and discuss runaways and the link between flight and freedom in Virginia. In contrast to the brief newspaper entries the Daybook of the Richmond Police Guard, 1834--1844 provides names and detailed descriptions of nine hundred-thirty-five runaways all of whom lived in the city and were reported within the city precincts during one ten year period. The Daybook is a hand written record consisting of entries made by the Watchmen on duty each day. its pages are "A Memorandum of Robberies and Runaways" for the whole city and in addition to fugitive slaves list lost and stolen clothing, food, textiles, bank notes, fires and murder. Chapter 1 discusses the historiography of runaway slaves and the ways that the Daybook data allows a close examination of African American resistance in an urban setting. Chapter 2 explores the geography and look of the city of Richmond in the 1830s and early 40s. Chapter 3 closely examines the fugitives themselves, and Chapter 4 explores the context of laws and restrictions under which the black population, slave and free, lived. Chapter 5 describes the varied strategies the enslaved population, bound in kinship and friendship to the free black population, used to successfully hide within the city and segues into the transcribed complete text of the Daybook of the Richmond Police Guard. 1834--1844.

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14

Arifin, Bustomi. "Critical Analysis of Domestic Worker Condition in Malaysia and Singapore: Ameliorated Economic Condition vs. Gateway to Modern Slavery or Servitude". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23824.

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Some Asian countries such as Malaysia and Singapore have been experiencing economic growth which, in its turn have been stimulating migrant workers, mainly un-skilled, to migrate into those countries. The present paper tries to examine the human rights violations of domestic workers in Malaysia and Singapore which are occurring in the form of modern servitude or servitude. Moreover, the paper also tries to elaborate the working conditions of foreign domestic workers in Malaysia and Singapore. The present paper is using human rights coupled with intersectionality theories in order to examine whether enacted migration policies in Malaysia and Singapore in relation to migrant workers, though migration policies imposed to domestic workers are aimed to fulfill the national interests, can be regarded as a form of modern slavery or servitude . The present thesis is a case study which is examined by elaborating numerous literatures regarding the working conditions of foreign domestic workers in Malaysia and Singapore. The factual conditions of domestic workers in Malaysia and Singapore, namely the conditions and policies concerning the limitation of several rights of domestic workers will be described and analyzed under the human rights coupled with intersectionality perspectives.

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15

Caslin-Bell, Samantha. "The 'gateway to adventure' : women, urban space and moral purity in Liverpool, c.1908-c.1957". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-gateway-to-adventure-women-urban-space-and-moral-purity-inliverpool-c-1908c-1957(a6fec103-a511-48ff-ac5c-e3c0e5a9b5ca).html.

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This thesis examines the regulation of women in public space in Liverpool between 1908 and 1957. It considers the complex relationship between the laws used to police solicitation, governmental debate about female prostitution and local purity campaigners’ concerns with the moral vulnerability of young, working-class, urban women. It is argued that the ways in which prostitution was understood and managed had an impact upon all women’s access to and use of public space, together with wider definitions of female morality and immorality. The thesis adds to historical understandings about the implications of prostitution regulation in the twentieth century, by moving away from London-focused histories to offer a detailed analysis of the ways in which national debates about vice were taken up at local level and with what consequences. I begin by exploring the problems with policing prostitution in the early-twentieth century and argue that increasing concern about the difficulty in differentiating prostitutes from ‘ordinary’ women provoked anxiety amongst law makers and government officials alike. It is argued that the debates canvassed by the 1927 Macmillan Committee indicate the degree to which moral codes about female sexuality informed official approaches to prostitution. The thesis considers the implications of these broad debates in Liverpool. Focusing on the work of the Liverpool Vigilance Association (LVA), it is proposed that fears about the moral threat of prostitution fuelled the organisation’s belief in the necessity of preventative patrol work centred on the moral surveillance of young, working-class women. This thesis shows that in interwar Liverpool, women’s movements were circumscribed first and foremost by their gender. Traditional, nineteenth-century ideas about women’s place within the domestic sphere created a sense among local purity campaigners that female morality was being threatened by women’s visibility in urban spaces. Other aspects of social status, such as class, race and employment experiences, heightened the interest of the LVA in targeting distinctive groups of women. The thesis demonstrates that in their efforts to regulate women’s movements through the city of Liverpool, local purists singled-out working-class and immigrant (especially Irish) women, as they believed them to be the most susceptible to corruption. This thesis draws on a wide range of archival sources, especially Home Office Records relating to the Public Places (Order) Bill and the establishment of the 1927 Macmillan Committee, as well as the LVA archive, in order to show how national and local policies on prostitution were both interdependent and distinct.

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16

Thompson, Chelsea L. "Sex, Slaves, and Saviors: Domestic and Global Agendas in U.S. Anti-trafficking Policy". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/355.

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In this thesis, I problematize the United States’ response to the global phenomenon characterized as human trafficking. The framing of trafficking as policy issue takes place in the context of politicized claims about the nature and prevalence of trafficking, its relation to the sex industry, and the kind of response that is required. U.S. anti-trafficking policy was built and shaped in the context of fears about immigration, global labor, and the sex industry. As a result, trafficking has been used to justify oppressive domestic reactions such as border crackdown, scrutiny of immigrant and sex worker communities, and victim “protection” that barely differs from prosecution. The United States has also leveraged anti-trafficking measures such as the policy prescriptions in the Trafficking in Persons Report and sanctions for countries that fall in the bottom tier to build a global response to trafficking that suits the hegemony of the United States rather than the needs of vulnerable populations. Through the government-subsidized “rescue industry”—an army of U.S.-based NGO’s and humanitarian groups—the United States has effectively exported an imperialistic response to trafficking based on Christian ethics and neoliberal economics around the world. These policies are distinctly out of touch with the experiences and needs of the supposed “victims of trafficking,” those attempting to survive at the bottom of global capitalist labor markets. As a result, I characterize anti-trafficking as a form of structural violence, and emphasize the need for an alternative movement that addresses the actual problems experienced by global laborers and the complicity of the United States in creating the conditions for labor exploitation.

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17

Abdulkadir, Abdulkadir Hashim. "Reforming and retreating: British policies on transforming the administration of Islamic Law and its institutions in the Busa‘idi Sultanate 1890-1963". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1651.

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Magister Legum - LLM
After the establishment of the British Protectorate in the Busa‘idi Sultanate in 1890, the British colonial administration embarked on a policy of transforming the administration of Islamic law and its institutions which included the kadhi, liwali and mudir courts. The ultimate objective of the transformation process was to incorporate such institutions into the colonial enterprise and gradually reform them. Within a span of seven decades of their colonial rule in the Busa‘idi Sultanate, the British colonial authorities managed to transform the administration of Islamic law and its institutions. Key areas of the transformation process included the formalisation of the administration of Islamic law in which procedural laws related to MPL and wakf regulations were codified. Kadhi courts and wakf commissions were institutionalised and incorporated into the colonial apparatus. In the process of transforming the kadhi courts, the British colonial authorities adopted three major policies: institutional transformation, procedural transformation, and exclusion of criminal jurisdiction from kadhi courts. The focus of the transformation process was on the curtailment of kadhis powers. By 1916 criminal jurisdiction was removed from kadhis and their civil jurisdiction was gradually confined to MPL. Other significant areas of the transformation process were the wakf institutions and slavery. Wakf institutions were related to land issues which were crucial to the colonial politics and the abolition of slavery in the Busa‘idi Sultanate was a primary concern of the British colonial administration. Through policies of compromise and coercion, the British colonial officials managed to gradually abolish slavery without causing political or social upheavals in the Sultanate. Due to the fact that there was no uniform policy on the transformation exercise undertaken by the British colonial officials on the ground, the reform process was marked with transformative contradictions which seemed to be a hallmark of British colonial policy in the Busa‘idi Sultanate. For instance, British colonial policies on transforming wakf institutions were caught in a contradiction in that, on the one hand, colonial efforts were geared towards transforming the land system in order to achieve economic development, and on the other hand, the British colonial officials were keen to uphold a paternalistic approach of adopting a non-interference policy in respect of religious institutions. Similarly, in abolishing slavery, the British colonial government, on the one hand, was under pressure from philanthropists and missionaries to end slavery, and, on the other hand, the British colonial officials on the ground portrayed their support of the slave owners and advocated a gradual approach to abolish slavery. Findings of this thesis reveal that the British colonial administration managed to achieve complete reform in some cases, such as, the abolition of liwali and mudir courts and confining kadhis’ civil jurisdiction to MPL, while in other areas, such as, the management of wakf institutions and the abolition of slavery, the British faced resistance from the Sultans and their subjects which resulted in partial reforms. Hence, in the process of transforming the administration of Islamic law and its institutions in the Busa‘idi Sultanate, the British colonial administration adopted a dual policy of reforming and retreating.
South Africa

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18

Devlin, Erin Krutko. "Colonial Williamsburg's Slave Auction Re-Enactment: Controversy, African American History and Public Memory". W&M ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626387.

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19

Karandaeva, Ekaterina. "Irregular Migration : A case study of Italy". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-67269.

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One of the concerns of the current study is to analyse empirically and theoretically the economic and political causes of irregular migration to Italy in order to proceed with the critical estimation of the national, international and partly supranational migration policies. Since several theories will be applied during the study it will enable me to fully describe the phenomena of the irregular migration and modern enslavement of the irregular immigrants on Italian territory. I will disregard the fact that each theory is criticised on the grounds of being too concentrated on a few aspects of the phenomena and lacking the focus on all of its aspects due to the fact that the joint use of several theories provides a broader outlook. However, one crucial critique will be taken into closer consideration. Thus, the closer study of the phenomenon of modern slavery, strongly interconnected with the irregularity of migration, the duality of the Italian economy and the restrictive migration policies will bring together both the political and economic approaches to migration, whose split appears as the central critique for a great number of IR theories.12 In the normative part of the study I will focus on the critical analysis of the criminal status of the irregular immigrants assigned to them by the Italian migration policies and the Schengen Treaty of the EU in order to prove that instead of a criminal status, a victim status should be given to all immigrants, regardless of whether they were trafficked into Italian territory or crossed the border on their own free will. Additionally, in the normative part of the thesis I will compare and analyse scholars’ previous findings related to the possible amendments to the existing policies and propose my own conclusions and suggestions of how the laws, policies and governmental focuses “ought to be” changed.

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20

Footen, Nicole Kristine. "The Making of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000: Viewed Through the Lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework". VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/826.

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The U.S. Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA) was the first piece of legislation designed to combat human trafficking on all fronts, both domestically and internationally, and was upheld as a model worldwide. Although human trafficking as an issue seemed to appear out of nowhere onto the congressional agenda and a number of heated debates ensued during .the making of the TVPA, the legislation passed quickly by an unlikely coalition of players. The purpose of this dissertation research was to gain insight into the forces which led to the making of the TVPA through the lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) model of the policy making process.The ACF's focus on belief systems in order to increase one's understanding of the policy making process makes it an interesting model to use to examine policy making in arenas dominated by issues that involve deeply held beliefs. The human trafficking policy subsystem is one such arena, in which beliefs and attitudes regarding sexual behavior, prostitution, morality, sexual deviancy, immigrants and immigration policy, feminist issues, and public health concerns come into play. In addition, human trafficking, widely acknowledged as a public evil, is a valence issue. This dissertation research also serves as a case to examine how the ACF "holds up" as a model used to examine valence issues.This study was a dual-method study in which in-depth interviews of twenty-one key policy players involved in the making of the legislation and a content analysis of congressional hearings related to human trafficking during the 1995-2000 time period were used as methodologies.Findings reveal that advocacy coalitions did exist within the human trafficking policysubsystem and that the primary coalition responsible for the focus on human trafficking as a legislative issue was a left/right coalition made up of radical feminists, conservativeChristians, and human rights organization representatives, which was built from a pre-existing coalition. With the support of my research findings, I pose the question: was the TVPA created to protect victims of human trafficking or was the issue of human trafficking used to push a greater moral agenda including abolishing prostitution worldwide?

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21

Cardoso, Lys Sobral. "Políticas públicas de prevenção e assistência às vítimas de trabalho escravo no Brasil". Universidade Católica de Brasília, 2018. https://bdtd.ucb.br:8443/jspui/handle/tede/2491.

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This paper proposes to deal with the insipience of public policies of prevention and assistance to the victims of slave labor in Brazil, and of possible ways of solution, in light of the theory of fundamental rights and of actions initiated in the country that have been presenting positive results. It starts from the analysis of the causes of the phenomenon and the profile of the workers involved. Once it has been established that the problem is hegemonic among the rural workers or from the rural milieu, and that it is deeply linked to the history of land concentration in Brazil, it has deepened in the agrarian reform as the measure effectively able to prevent slave labor and the grooming of workers, and the care of the victimized workers. The consolidation of human and fundamental rights implies understanding that forms of slave labor are unacceptable and injure innumerable intrinsic rights of the human being, requiring the adoption of immediate measures for their complete eradication. Examples of the Settlement Nova Vitória, in Piauí, formed by workers rescued from slave labor and their families, and from the Integrated Action Project of Mato Grosso, aimed at prevention and assistance to victims of slave labor, are incorporated into the training of settlements, inspired by the example of Piauí. Also discussed are ways to operationalize this agrarian reform aimed at vulnerable communities and people victimized by work analogous to the slave, including the possibilities of action of the Public Labor Ministry. In the end, it is argued that the deficiency in Brazil of the public policy of agrarian reform, as well as of policies to promote solidarity economy and family agriculture, is determinant for the maintenance of the permanence of contemporary slave labor, and that actions in these subjects are essential to talk about eradicating slave labor in the country.
Esse trabalho se propõe a tratar da insipiência de políticas públicas de prevenção e de assistência às vítimas de trabalho escravo no Brasil, e de possíveis caminhos de solução, à luz da teoria dos direitos fundamentais e de ações iniciadas no país que vêm apresentando resultados positivos. Parte-se da análise das causas do fenômeno e do perfil dos trabalhadores envolvidos. Uma vez constatado que o problema é hegemônico dentre os trabalhadores do campo ou oriundos do meio rural, e que está profundamente ligado ao histórico de concentração de terras no Brasil, aprofundou-se na reforma agrária como a medida efetivamente capaz de prevenir o trabalho escravo e o aliciamento de trabalhadores, e para a assistência aos trabalhadores vitimados. A consolidação dos direitos humanos e fundamentais implica compreender que formas de trabalho escravo são inaceitáveis e ferem inúmeros direitos intrínsecos da pessoa humana, exigindo a adoção de medidas imediatas para sua completa erradicação. Utilizam-se os exemplos do Assentamento Nova Vitória, no Piauí, formado por trabalhadores resgatados do trabalho escravo e suas famílias, e do Projeto Ação Integrada de Mato Grosso, voltado à prevenção e assistência às vítimas de trabalho escravo, que tem incorporado ações pela formação de assentamentos, inspirado no exemplo do Piauí. Discutem-se, ademais, as formas de operacionalizar essa reforma agrária voltada a comunidades vulneráveis e a pessoas vitimadas pelo trabalho análogo ao escravo, incluindo as possibilidades de ação do Ministério Público do Trabalho. Defende-se, ao final, que a deficiência no Brasil da política pública de reforma agrária, bem como de políticas de fomento à economia solidária e à agricultura familiar, é determinante para a manutenção da permanência do trabalho escravo contemporâneo, e que ações nesses temas são imprescindíveis para se falar em erradicação do trabalho escravo no país.

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22

Gjerso, Jonas Fossli. "'Continuity of moral policy' : a reconsideration of British motives for the partition of East Africa in light of anti-slave trade policy and imperial agency, 1878-96". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3202/.

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In the century and a half since the days of the ‘scramble for Africa’ a vast body of literature has emerged attempting to disentangle the complexities of the ‘New Imperialism’. One of the most prominent and enduring theories was proposed by Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher in Africa and the Victorians, which linked the partition of East Africa with geo-strategic concerns connected to Egypt and India. Building upon John Darwin’s initial critique, this thesis will re-examine the partition of East Africa in an attempt at offering a comprehensive refutation of the Egypto-centric interpretation. The explanatory model will be exposed as a post-hoc fallacy, neither grounded in documentary evidence nor consistent with the sequence of events and policy-decisions. An alternative understanding will be proposed in which the partition of East Africa in successive stages from 1884 to 1895 formed part of a British policy continuum in the region, wherein protection of commercial interests and suppression of the slave trade were the principal determinants. By tracing the chronology of the partition it will be contended that its ultimate geographical scope was substantially determined at the very beginning of the colonisation process; whilst imperial agency were decisive in expanding the British sphere of influence to comprise Uganda in 1890 and similarly, public opinion was crucial for retaining it in 1892. In particular it will be argued that partition largely represented the cost-effective transplantation of British anti-slave trade policy from the maritime to the continental sphere, a shift enabled by the use of railway technology.

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23

Blaha, David Ryan. "Pushing Marginalization: British Colonial Policy, Somali Identity, and the Gosha 'Other' in Jubaland Province, 1895 to 1925". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76774.

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Throughout the 19th century, large numbers of enslaved people were brought from southeastern Africa to work on Somali plantations along the Benadir Coast and Shebelle River. As these southeast Africans were manumitted or escaped bondage, many fled to the west and settled in the heavily forested and fertile Gosha district along the Juba River. Unattached, lacking security, and surrounded by Somalis-speaking groups, these refugees established agricultural communities and were forced to construct new identities. Initially these riverine peoples could easily access clan structures and political institutions of surrounding Somali sub-clans, which in pre-colonial Jubaland were relatively fluid, open, and—in time—would have allowed these groups to become assimilated into Somali society. British colonial rule however changed this flexibility. Somali identity, once porous and accessible, became increasingly more rigid and exclusive, especially towards the riverine ex-slave communities—collectively called the Gosha by the British—who were subsequently marginalized and othered by these new "Somali." This project explores how British colonial rule contributed to this process and argues that in Jubaland province a "Somali" identity coalesced largely in opposition to the Gosha.
Master of Arts

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24

Sorensen, Leni Ashmore. ""So that I Get Her Again": African American Slave Women Runaways in Selected Richmond, Virginia Newspapers, 1830-1860, and the Richmond, Virginia Police Guard Daybook, 1834-1843". W&M ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626020.

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Tiede, Livia Maria. "Sob suspeita : negros, pretos e homens de cor em São Paulo no inicio do seculo XX". [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279798.

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Orientador: Silvia Hunold Lara
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação estuda a população negra paulistana no início do século XX na cidadede São Paulo, a partir da grande imprensa, de documentação policial e da chamada imprensa negra. Os jornais negros foram escritos por indivíduos que se nomeavam como "classe dos homens de cor". Para ser considerado "homem de cor" o negro deveria seguir algumas regras de conduta moral, expressas em artigos e por meio de críticas em seções específicas dos periódicos, e quem não compartilhava essas determinações era chamado por eles de "pretos". Combater o racismo e a discriminação eram os objetivos dos homens de cor, no entanto, esse só poderia ser efetivado por meio de ação conjunta de todos os negros, que deveriam dizimar os estigmas sociais a eles associados, como considerá-los a priori vagabundos, embriagados e criminosos. Em se tratando de mulheres negras, a estigmatização vinculava-se, além de tudo, à idéia de prostituição. Seguindo o ponto de vista dos homens de cor, buscamos entender como os negros apareciam na grande imprensa e em processos policiais. Verificamos que eram vistos como sujeitos suspeitos antes mesmo de se comprovar sua participação em algum delito, além da identificação não primar pela identidade do negro, mas ser feita unicamente por meio da cor. Dessa forma, procuramos entender como se dava a inserção de toda população negra nos bairros paulistanos, e se havia de fato separação entre homens de cor e pretos. Compreendemos que a estratégia dos homens de cor, para combater o racismo e a discriminação por meio da conduta, não surtia o efeito desejado porque todos os negros eram considerados suspeitos em potencial, pois independente da alcunha que atribuíssem a si mesmos, eram apenas "negros" para a sociedade paulistana
Abstract: This dissertation is about black population in São Paulo city, in the beginning of XXcentury, through black press, great press, and police documentation. Individuals who nominated themselves as "class of the colored men" had written the black periodicals. For being considerated "colored man", black people must follow some rules of moral behavior, propagated in articles and by critical in specific sections of the black newspapers. Who did not share those rules were been called for them by "pretos". "Colored men" had fought racism and discrimination, however, that fight could only been accomplished by the black people's joint action which ought to decimate the social preconception they were associate by society, whom considers them a priori as vagabonds, tipsy and criminal. Black women, over all, were been tied to prostitution idea. Following the view of "colored men", we try to understand how blacks appeared in great press and police processes. We verify that black citizens were been suspected before someone proves their participation in some infraction. They were been seen without a name, but being identify solely by means of the color. Thus we try to understand how was the insertion of all black people into São Paulo's quarters, and if it had separation between "colored men" and "pretos". We understand that the strategy of the "colored men" did not occasion the desired effect because all blacks were been considered as potential suspected, independent of the nickname they attributed themselves, they were only "black" for general society
Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestre em História

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Buvalovas, Thais Helena dos Santos. "O Diário da minha viagem para Filadélfia: impressões de um ilustrado luso-brasileiro na América (1798-1799)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-27112009-101254/.

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Hipólito José da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonça é considerado o primeiro jornalista brasileiro. Ao lançar em Londres, em 1º de junho de 1808, o Correio Braziliense ou Armazém Literário, também fundou a imprensa política em língua portuguesa. Seu periódico, que circulou todos os meses de junho de 1808 a dezembro de 1822, foi objeto de vários historiadores e comentaristas. Sua inserção nos quadros da maçonaria e a conseqüente passagem pelos cárceres da Inquisição, em Lisboa, também receberam alguma atenção de nossa historiografia. Contudo, a viagem que empreendeu em sua juventude à América do Norte ainda é tema praticamente inexplorado. Tratava-se de uma missão oficial, inserida no contexto de um ambicioso projeto desenvolvido pela Coroa portuguesa nas últimas décadas do século XVIII, com o intuito de modernizar a economia colonial. Ali o jovem naturalista deveria investigar inovações e adquirir conhecimentos úteis à diversificação da agricultura no Brasil. Agente desta política de Estado, Hipólito da Costa chegou aos Estados Unidos aos 24 anos de idade, em dezembro de 1798. Lá permaneceria até fins de 1800, registrando os percalços da missão e suas impressões sobre a jovem nação norte-americana em seu Diário da minha Viagem para Filadélfia. Este trabalho é uma tentativa de interpretar as representações que ele construiu sobre os Estados Unidos em seu diário de viagem, tendo este documento como base principal, mas não exclusiva. Também são utilizados textos que ele escreveu durante sua permanência na América do Norte e ainda escritos de sua maturidade, publicados no período de seu exílio em Londres. Ao cotejar estes escritos, a pesquisa segue a assertiva de que a viagem aos Estados Unidos foi um marco importante na trajetória de Hipólito da Costa e as idéias com as quais conviveu ali uma das matrizes de sua escrita e de seu pensamento político.
Hipólito José da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonça is considerated the first brazilians journalist. When launching the Correio Braziliense ou Armazém Literário, in Junes first of 1808, in London he has also founded the politicians press in portuguese language. His journal was been studied by several historians and commentators. His masonrys participation and the consequent ticket for the jails of the Inquisition, at Lisbon, also received some attention from our historiography. Meanwhile his youths North America travel remains an unexplored subject. It was an official mission, part of an ambitious Portuguese crowns project, developed in the last few decades of century XVIII, intending to modernize colonial economy. There, the young naturalist would have to investigate innovations and to acquire useful knowledge to brazilians agriculture diversification. Agent of this State politician, Hipólito da Costa has arrived at the United States at the age of 24, in December of 1798. He would remain there until 1800 ends, registering his mission profits and impressions about the young North America nation in his Diário da minha Viagem para Filadélfia. This job is an intention to interpret the North America representations he has build in his travel diary, taking it by main base, but not exclusive. Thats also been used his writings from North America stay and from his maturity, published during his London exile. When considering these writings, the research follows the assertive one of that the travel to the United States was an important landmark in the Hipólito da Costa trajectory and the ideas he has coexisted was one of the matrices of his writings and politician thoughts.

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Griffiths, Philip Gavin y phil@philgriffiths id au. "The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888". The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2007. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20080101.181655.

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This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured coloured labour. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing free institutions, such as parliamentary democracy. ¶ These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling classto narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.

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Tomazeti, Neto Hugo. "As políticas públicas brasileiras de combate ao trabalho escravo contemporâneo: do regime internacional do trabalho às estratégias de enfrentamento". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/5535.

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This dissertation analyzes the contemporary slave labor in Brazil around three axes: the international labor regime, public policy and government action directly involved in reporting and facing the issue. It adopts a qualitative approach methodology and is based on bibliographic, documentary and interview research. The first axis seeks to articulate an understanding of the international labor regime and, in particular, the regime which tackles slave labor by surveying the formulation of norms directly linked to slave labor in the international scene. The second axis addresses public policies to combat modern-day slavery, proposing an analysis around the terms proposed in the Brazilian internal IDOS, in light of theoretical perspectives and, thus, examines the treatment of the issue, from the perspective of international and domestic legislation. The third axis analyzes the influences on public and private agents relating to the issue of implementation, from the international regime and norms, focusing on an analysis of policies to combat slave labor by means of data collection. It concludes that the fight against slave labor in Brazil, ultimately, is still deficient. It shows that the emergence of a confrontation policy, based on the National Plan to Eradicate Slave Labor, is the result of an intense process of social mobilization, as well as international pressures. However, Brazil is given as a role model across the theme.
Esta dissertação tem por escopo analisar o trabalho escravo contemporâneo no Brasil a partir de três eixos: o regime internacional do trabalho, as políticas públicas de enfrentamento e a ação governamental envolvida diretamente nas denúncias e enfrentamento. Adota metodologia de abordagem qualitativa e funda-se em pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e entrevistas. O primeiro eixo busca articular a compreensão do regime internacional do trabalho e em especial o regime de combate ao trabalho escravo a partir de um levantamento da formulação em âmbito internacional das normativas diretamente ligadas ao trabalho escravo. O segundo eixo aborda propriamente as políticas públicas de combate ao trabalho escravo contemporâneo, propondo uma análise em torno dos termos propostos nos idos internos brasileiros, à luz de perspectivas teóricas e analisa o tratamento dado ao tema, sob a perspectiva da legislação do direito internacional e interna. O terceiro eixo analisa a influência nos agentes públicos e privados em relação à questão da implementação a partir do regime e normativas internacionais, privilegiando a análise das políticas de combate ao trabalho escravo por meio do levantamento de dados. Conclui que o combate ao trabalho escravo no Brasil, em última análise, ainda é deficitário. Sinaliza que a emergência de uma política de enfrentamento, consubstanciada no Plano Nacional de Erradicação do Trabalho Escravo, resulta de um intenso processo de mobilização social, bem como, de pressões internacionais. No entanto o Brasil é dado como modelo de atuação frente ao tema.

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Monteiro, Lilian Alfaia. "Políticas públicas para erradicação do trabalho escravo contemporâneo no Brasil: um estudo sobre a dinâmica das relações entre os atores governamentais e não-governamentais". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/9558.

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The study aims to identify in the evolution of public policies to eradicate slave labor the different actors and dynamics of relations between them. The occurrence of contemporary slavery could be given from the contribution of some structural and conjunctural factors, such as the process of deepening of capitalism and conservative modernization in the country and specifically in agriculture and political, social and historical relations that perpetuate the enormous concentration of land ownership in Brazil. In addition, some personal, social and political relationships of interest intermediation between state and society, such as clientelism and patronage and networks policies in general and more specifically on agricultural policies also interfere with development of public policy processes and, of these policies to combat slave labor. Thus, the problem of this dissertation is to research the dynamics of relations between governmental and non-governmental organizations in formulating and implementing public policies to eradicate slave labor in Brazil. To this end, the study was conducted through literature, documentary and field research, having interviewed the following political actors: MTE, MPT, ILO, CPT, NGO Reporter Brazil, GPTEC and OAB. The data were analyzed by using content analysis, in a qualitative bias. The survey results have identified the formation of multiple networks between governmental and non-governmental organizations involved in this issue, demonstrating a certain division between the networks that act by fighting against forced labor and other posing as a certain resistance to this fight, due to economic and political interests, thus revealing an interplay of forces that now presents progress and achievements, now shows retrocession or stagnation in the fight against contemporary slavery in Brazil.
O estudo tem como objetivo identificar na evolução das políticas públicas para erradicação do trabalho escravo os diferentes atores e a dinâmica das relações entre eles. A ocorrência da escravidão contemporânea pôde se dar a partir da contribuição de alguns fatores estruturais e conjunturais, tais como o processo de aprofundamento do capitalismo e de modernização conservadora no país e especificamente na agricultura e relações políticas, sociais e históricas que perpetuam a enorme concentração fundiária brasileira. Além disso, algumas relações pessoais, sociais e políticas de intermediação de interesses entre Estado e sociedade, tais como clientelismo e patronagem e redes de políticas, de modo geral e de forma mais específica nas políticas agrárias, também interferem no desenvolvimento dos processos de políticas públicas e dentre elas nas políticas de combate ao trabalho escravo. Desse modo, a dissertação tem como problema a investigação da dinâmica das relações entre atores governamentais e nãogovernamentais na formulação e implantação das políticas públicas de erradicação ao trabalho escravo no Brasil. Para tanto, o estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo, tendo entrevistado os seguintes atores políticos: MTE, MPT, OIT, CPT, ONG Repórter Brasil, GPTEC e OAB. Os dados foram analisados pelo método de análise de conteúdo, sob um viés qualitativo. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram identificar a formação de múltiplas redes entre os atores governamentais e não-governamentais envolvidos nesta questão, demonstrando certa divisão entre as redes que atuam lutando pelo combate ao trabalho escravo e outras que se posicionam como uma certa resistência a esse combate, devido a interesses econômicos e políticos, revelando, assim, um jogo de forças que ora apresenta avanços e conquistas, ora mostra retrocessos ou estagnação na luta contra a escravidão contemporânea brasileira.

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Silva, Lucian Souza da. "Nada mais sublime que a liberdade: o processo de abolição da escravidão na Parahyba do Norte (1870-1888)". Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9529.

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This study was developed by the Graduate Program in History with specialization in History and Historical Culture and the search line in History and Rationalities objected as the process which ended slavery in Brazil and more specifically in the province of North Parahyba from the actions of abolitionists, politicians and enslaved people. The cutting time corresponds to the last decades of the XIX century (1870-1888), because at that time the slavery crisis deepened. So we rely on the theoretical contributions of Social History with the considerations of E. P. Thompson, more specifically the concept of experience. The methodology used to achieve the goals was basically discoursed analysis and microhistory. The centuries of slavery were responsible for forging a slave Political Culture able to influence from everyday actions between free and poor, especially with regard to conservative positioning by the political elite, even actions of judges and landowners. We used a diversified documentary corpus that includes: newspapers, correspondence of classification boards, the provincial presidents reporting, freedom and other actions. Our research analyzes three segments that complement each other as follows: a) The acting of the abolitionists, their speeches and actions with the creation of abolitionism and newspaper associations; b) The positioning of two political representatives of the province on slavery to the debate on chinese immigration led by Manoel Pedro Cardoso Vieira with "separate vote" to the project Saraiva-Cotegipe Law of Souza Carvalho Viscount; and c) The resistance of enslaved people through the actions of freedom. Among the results we see that even the province with a small number of slaves there was strong opposition to the end of slavery.
Este trabalho foi desenvolvido junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, com área de concentração em História e Cultura Histórica, e na linha de pesquisa em História e Regionalidades. Tem como objeto o processo no qual findou a escravidão no Brasil, e mais especificamente na província da Parahyba do Norte, à partir da atuação dos abolicionistas, dos políticos e dos escravizados. O recorte temporal são as últimas décadas do século XIX (1870-1888), anos nos quais a crise do escravismo se acentuou. Para tanto, nos apoiamos aos aportes teóricos da História Social, com as contribuições de E. P. Thompson, mas notadamente o conceito de experiência. A metodologia empregada para alcançar os objetivos propostos, foram basicamente a análise do discurso e a micro-história. Os séculos de escravidão foram responsáveis por forjar uma Cultura Política Escravista, capaz de influenciar desde ações cotidianas entre a população livre e pobre, sobretudo o posicionamento conservador de parte da elite política, ou ainda na insistência de juízes e proprietários. Utilizamos um diversificado corpus documental que incluem: jornais, correspondência das juntas de classificação, relatórios dos presidentes de província, ações de liberdade e outros. Nossa pesquisa, analisa em três segmentos que se complementam assim, a atuação dos abolicionistas, seus discursos e ações, com a criação de associações abolicionistas e jornais; o posicionamento de dois políticos representantes da província, sobre a escravidão, como o debate sobre imigração chinesa travado por Manoel Pedro Cardoso Vieira o “voto em separado” ao projeto da Lei Saraiva-Cotegipe, do Visconde de Souza Carvalho; e a resistência dos escravizados através das ações de liberdade. Percebemos que mesmo a província ter um pequeno número de escravizados, houve uma forte oposição ao fim da escravidão.

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Armede, Juliana Felicidade. "Tráfico de pessoas e trabalho escravo: ações afirmativas no processo penal". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6977.

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This study analyzes how the directives of public policies for combating human trafficking and slave work can improve the definitions and legal interests that the Brazilian criminal law attaches to human trafficking and slave work. In accordance with data and information regarding the performance of the Brazilian legal system, the research shows how social and economic complexity require a behavioral review of this system to be made in order to reconcile the combat against organized crime with the constitutional foundations of a democratic state based on the rule of law. The conclusion is that affirmative actions, allied to legislative innovation, which generates a new penal procedure subsystem, can ensure that the behavioral review will add functionality to the performance of the actors in the criminal justice system in face of public policies to confront human trafficking and slave labor in Brazil
O presente estudo analisa como diretrizes das políticas públicas de enfrentamento ao tráfico de pessoas e trabalho escravo podem aprimorar os conceitos e bens jurídicos que a legislação penal brasileira atribui ao tráfico de pessoas e trabalho escravo. Orientada por dados e informações sobre o desempenho do sistema de justiça brasileiro, a pesquisa demonstra o quanto a complexidade social e econômica demandam que seja feita uma revisão comportamental desse sistema, de maneira a conciliar o combate ao crime organizado e os fundamentos constitucionais do Estado Democrático de Direito. A conclusão é de que ações afirmativas, somadas a uma inovação legislativa, geradora de um subsistema processual penal, podem garantir que a revisão comportamental imprima funcionalidade à atuação dos atores do sistema de justiça criminal frente às diretrizes de ação das políticas públicas de enfrentamento ao tráfico de pessoas e trabalho escravo no Brasil

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32

Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. "Veil of Protection: Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.

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Nascimento, Arthur Ramos do. "Políticas públicas de combate ao trabalho escravo rural contemporâneo no Brasil: análise da responsabilidade do Estado na erradicação da exploração da mão de obra escrava a partir dos paradoxos da realidade normativa, jurisprudencial e social brasileira". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2012. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/5642.

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In o rd e r t o an a l yz e p ub lic p o li c ie s t o co m b at sla ve la b o r, t hi s p ap e r p re se nt s c o nsid e ra t io ns o n t he need t o imp r o ve me c ha n ism s t o co mb a t, as we ll a s t he r e co gnit io n o f st a t e re sp o ns ib i lit y a nd t he ju d ic i a l re vi ew o f t he se p o l ic i es. T he p r ese nt ed st u d y co nc ep t s ab ou t co nte mp o r ar y sla v er y i n r u r al ar e a s a s a w a y o f i nd ic a t ing i t s mo r e imp o r t ant to t hi nk ab o u t mec ha ni sm s t o co mb a t ef fe ct i ve a nd effi c ie nt. I n t hi s d ir e ct io n we e xa mi ne t he p o li c ie s, st a nd ar d s b ased a nd p ar ad o xic a l asp ec t s o f Br az i l i a n r e a lit y. T he re se ar c h a l lo we d to ob ser ve t hat t he p er p e tu a t io n o f co nte mp o r ar y sla ve r y i s no t b y l ac k o f st a nd ar d s, b u t it s no n-im p le m e nt at io n b y t he Go ver n me nt . A lt ho u gh c ap ab le o f imp r o ve me nt , t he e xi st i n g st a nd ar d s wo u ld b e su ffic i e nt t o er ad ic at e t he p r ob lem , i f t he st at e' s m ec ha ni sm s w o u ld w o rk i n f a vo r o f hu ma n r i gh ts. It p re se nt s so me su gg est io ns i n t he se a rc h fo r im p ro vem e nt o f e xi st i ng p u b li c p o lic i e s a im i ng fla w s a nd str e ngt hs t o co ns id er . Aft er c o nsid e r i ng t he p a rad o xes no rm at i ve ju ri sp rud enc e a nd so c ia l re a l it y o f Br a z i l no te d t he r e l at i ve i ne f fi c ie n c y o f p r e ve n t i ve po l ic i es, b u t t her e are st i l l i nsi gni f i c a nt i n q u ant i t y, a nd l ac k o f go ve r nm e nt i nve st m e nt i n p u b lic p o li c y t o co op er at e i n co mb a ti n g co nt em p o r ar y ru r a l sl a v e lab o r.
Co m o ob je t i vo d e ana li s ar a s p o lít i ca s p úb li ca s d e co mb at e ao t ra b al ho es cr a vo , a p re se nt e d is se rt a ç ão ap r es e nt a c o nsid er aç õ e s so b r e a ne ce ss id ad e d e ap er f e iço a m e nt o d o s mec a ni sm o s d e co mb at e, b e m c o mo o r eco nhec i me nt o d a r e sp o nsa b il id ad e d o est a d o e o co nt r o le ju d ic i a l d es sas p o lí ti ca s. O p r es e nt e e st u d o t ece co nc e it u açõ e s a r esp e ito d a e scr a vi d ã o co nt emp o râ nea no me io ru r al co m o fo r ma d e , i nd i ca nd o seu s a sp e ct o s m a is im p o rt a nt e s, se p ensar me ca ni smo s d e co mb at e ef ic a ze s e e f i c ie nt e s. N e ssa d ir eç ão e xa m i nam-se as p o lí t i ca s p ú b lic a s, a s no rma s fu nd a m e nt a d o ra s e asp ect o s p ar ad o xa i s d a r ea l id ad e b r as i l e ira. A p e sq u isa p o ssib i l ito u ob ser var q u e a p er p et u açã o d o tr ab a l ho esc ra vo co nt em p o râ neo não se d á p o r ine xi st ê nc ia d e no rm a s, m as si m d e su a n ão a p li c a ção p elo P o d e r Pú b lic o . A i nd a q u e p assí ve is d e a p er fe iço am e nt o , a s no r ma s e xi st e nt e s se r ia m su fic ie nt es p a ra a e rr ad i c a ção d o p ro b lema , se o s me c a ni smo s e st at a i s t r ab al ha sse m em p r o l do s d ire it o s hu m a no s. Ap r ese nt a -se na p esq u isa a l gu m as su ge st õ e s d e ap e rfe i ço a me nt o d as po lí t ic a s p úbl i ca s e xi st e nt e s a p o nt a nd o imp er fe i çõ es e p o nt o s fo r t es a s er em c o nsid er ad o s. Ap ó s co ns id er ar o s p ar ad o xo s no r mat i vo s, ju r isp ru d e nc ia i s e so c ia i s d a r e a l id ad e Br a s i le ir a o b se rv amo s a r e lat iv a i ne fet i vid ad e d e po lí t ic a s p re ve nt i va s, q u e e xi st em, m a s em q u a nt id ad e a i nd a i ne xp re ssi va , e fa l ta d e in ve st i me nt o d o po d er púb lic o em po lí t ic a s p ú b lic a s q u e co lab o rem no co mb at e ao t r ab al ho es cr a vo r u r al co nt em p o râ neo

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Paranhos, Adriano Ribeiro. "Idéias jurídico: políticas de José de Alencar 1855-1877". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/240.

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Essa pesquisa analisou as ideias jurídicas e políticas de José de Alencar no período de 1855 à 1877. Três temas foram privilegiados: primeiro tratamos do pensamento de lencar no tocante a constituição. Em seguida, as ideias sobre a codificação civil produzida por esse publicista. E por fim, as concepções de Alencar no momento da discussão da “reforma do elemento servil”, no final da década de 1860. Sobre esse último ponto, foram analisadas o pensamento produzido por ele quando ministro da justiça e parlamentar. Trabalhamos com diversos tipos de fontes: jornalísticas, manuscritas, Anais do parlamento, panfletos e livros ficcionais e analíticos.
This research analyzed the legal and political ideas of José de Alencar in the period from 1855-1877. Three themes were privileged: the first one deals with Alencar’s thought regarding the constitution. Then the José de Alencar ideas of civil codification. Lastly, Alencar’s conception during the discussion of “reform servile element” in the late 1860s. On this last point, we analyzed his thoughts when we was the justice minister and parliamentarian. We work with different types of sources as: journalistic, manuscript, Annals of parliament, pamphlets and fictional or analytical books.

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NASCIMENTO, Arthur Ramos do. "Políticas públicas de combate ao trabalho escravo rural contemporâneo no Brasil: análise da responsabilidade do Estado na erradicação da exploração da mão de obra escrava a partir dos paradoxos da realidade normativa, jurisprudencial e social brasileira". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2012. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/1497.

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In o rd e r t o an a l yz e p ub lic p o li c ie s t o comb at s la ve la b o r , t hi s p ap e r p r e se nt s c o ns id e r a t io ns o n t he need t o imp r o ve me c ha n isms t o comb a t, as we ll a s t he r e co gnit io n o f s t a t e r e sp o ns ib i lit y a nd t he ju d ic i a l r e vi ew o f t he s e p o l ic i es . T he p r es e nt ed s t u d y co nc ep t s ab ou t co ntemp o r ar y s la v er y i n r u r al ar e a s a s a wa y o f i nd ic a t ing i t s mo r e imp o r t ant to t hi nk ab o u t mec ha ni sms t o comb a t ef f e ct i ve a nd ef f i c ie nt. I n t hi s d ir e ct io n we e xami ne t he p o li c ie s , s t a nd ar d s b as ed a nd p ar ad o xic a l asp ec t s o f Br az i l i a n r e a lit y. T he r e s e ar c h a l lowe d to ob s er ve t hat t he p er p e tu a t io n o f co ntemp o r ar y s la ve r y i s no t b y l ac k o f st a nd ar d s, b u t it s no n- imp leme nt at io n b y t he Go ver nme nt . Alt ho u gh c ap ab le o f imp r o veme nt , t he e xi s t i n g st a nd ar d s wo u ld b e su f f ic i e nt t o er ad ic at e t he p r ob lem, i f t he st at e' s mec ha ni sms wo u ld wo rk i n f a vo r o f huma n r i gh ts . I t p r e se nt s some su gg es t io ns i n t he se a r c h fo r imp ro veme nt o f e xi st i ng p u b li c p o lic i e s a imi ng f laws a nd s tr e ngt hs t o co ns id er . Af t er c o ns id e r i ng t he p a r ad o xes no rmat i ve ju r i sp rud enc e a nd so c ia l r e a l it y o f Br a z i l no te d t he r e l at i ve i ne f f i c ie n c y o f p r e ve n t i ve po l ic i es , b u t t her e ar e s t i l l i ns i gni f i c a nt i n q u ant i t y, a nd l ac k o f go ve r nme nt i nve stme nt i n p u b lic p o li c y t o co op er at e i n comb a ti n g co nt emp o r ar y ru r a l s l a v e lab o r .
Com o ob je t i vo d e ana li s ar a s p o lít i ca s p úb li ca s d e comb at e ao t r a b al ho es cr a vo , a p r e s e nt e d is s e r t a ç ão ap r es e nt a c o ns id er aç õ e s so b r e a ne ce ss id ad e d e ap er f e iço ame nt o d o s mec a ni smo s d e comb at e, b em c omo o r eco nhec ime nt o d a r e sp o ns a b il id ad e d o es t a d o e o co nt r o le ju d ic i a l d es s as p o lí ti ca s. O p r es e nt e e s t u d o t ece co nc e it u açõ e s a r esp e ito d a e scr a vi d ã o co nt emp o r â nea no me io ru r al como fo rma d e , i nd i ca nd o s eu s a sp e ct o s ma is imp o r t a nt e s, s e p ens ar me ca ni smo s d e comb at e ef ic a ze s e e f i c ie nt e s . Ne s s a d ir eç ão e xami nam- se as p o lí t i ca s p ú b lic a s, a s no rma s fu nd ame nt a d o r a s e asp ect o s p ar ad o xa i s d a r ea l id ad e b r as i l e ir a. A p e sq u is a p o s s ib i l ito u ob s er var q u e a p er p et u açã o d o tr ab a l ho esc r a vo co nt emp o r â neo não se d á p o r ine xi s t ê nc ia d e no rma s , mas s im d e su a n ão a p li c a ção p elo Po d e r Pú b lic o . Ai nd a q u e p as sí ve is d e a p er f e iço ame nt o , a s no rma s e xi s t e nt e s se r iam su f ic ie nt es p a r a a e r r ad i c a ção d o p ro b lema , s e o s me c a ni smo s e st at a i s t r ab al ha s s em em p r o l do s d ir e it o s huma no s . Ap r es e nt a - se na p esq u isa a l gumas su ge st õ e s d e ap e r f e i ço ame nt o d as po lí t ic a s p úbl i ca s e xi st e nt e s a p o nt a nd o imp er f e i çõ es e p o nt o s fo r t es a s er em c o ns id er ad o s. Ap ó s co ns id er ar o s p ar ad o xo s no rmat i vo s , ju r isp ru d e nc ia i s e so c ia i s d a r e a l id ad e Br a s i le ir a o b se rv amo s a r e lat iv a i ne f et i vid ad e d e po lí t ic a s p r e ve nt i va s , q u e e xi st em, ma s em q u a nt id ad e a i nd a i ne xp r e s s i va , e fa l ta d e in ve s t ime nt o d o po d er púb lic o em po lí t ic a s p ú b lic a s q u e co lab o r em no comb at e ao t r ab al ho es cr a vo r u r al co nt emp o r â neo .

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Bourgeois, Catherine. "Au-delà des collines. Ethnographie des relations dominico-haïtiennes en zone frontalière". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/233130.

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Haïti et la République dominicaine sont séparées par une frontière de 380 kilomètres héritée de la période coloniale. Cette frontière illustre également un fait particulier dans la région :l’indépendance de la République dominicaine par séparation d’avec Haïti alors que la majorité des colonies du continent américain déclaraient leur indépendance en se séparant des empires coloniaux. Depuis cette époque, certains secteurs de la société dominicaine n’ont cessé d’alimenter un discours nationaliste centré sur l’anti-haïtianisme. Haïti occupe donc une place particulière dans l’imaginaire collectif dominicain comme cela apparaît notamment dans son traitement médiatique, dans les politiques migratoires ou encore dans les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens – la République dominicaine constituant la principale destination de migration pour la population haïtienne issue des secteurs populaires.Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre Haïtiens et Dominicains dans la région frontalière, lieu privilégié pour « étudier ethnographiquement les diverses formes par lesquelles des personnes de nationalités différentes cohabitent et entrent en relation » (Grimson). Dans ce travail, la frontière est envisagée comme une construction spatiale, politique et sociale. En ce sens, la thèse s’attache tout d’abord à décrire les processus par lesquels la limite entre les anciens empires coloniaux est devenue une frontière territoriale et sociale intégrée dans les pratiques des populations frontalières. Une attention particulière est ainsi portée sur le processus de construction nationale et sur la politique violente de nationalisation de la région frontalière dominicaine dans la première moitié du 20e siècle aboutissant à la fin des relations transfrontalières, des modalités de circulation dans cet espace ainsi que des modes d’organisation sociale et d’identifications locaux qui avaient jusque là prévalus. Cette période correspond à une phase intense de construction de l’identité nationale dominicaine résultant à la fois de l’imposition par les élites d’une idéologie centrée sur l’opposition avec le pays voisin, et d’une intériorisation de cette idéologie par la population frontalière. Dans cette perspective, une attention particulière est portée sur le massacre de la population haïtienne perpétré dans la région en 1937. À travers l’analyse des versions officielles et des récits mémoriaux de ce massacre, ce travail interroge la mémoire collective frontalière entendue comme le processus social de (re)construction du passé (Halbwachs) « [fondant] et [renforçant] les sentiments d’appartenances et les frontières socio-culturelles en définissant ce qui est commun à un groupe et ce qui le différencie des autres » (Pollak). Cette thèse pose donc la question des processus qui rendent possible l’émergence des sociétés nationales dans la lignée des travaux de B. Anderson sur le nationalisme et les communautés imaginées. Elle interroge également les modes d’expression du nationalisme dominicain à l’heure actuelle qui dévoilent partiellement l’intimité culturelle dominicaine.La thèse porte ensuite sur la gestion quotidienne de la frontière. À travers l’analyse de la législation sur le contrôle frontalier, la migration, le commerce mais aussi la santé, par exemple, et surtout à travers la description de l’application de ces réglementations, ce travail interroge la manière dont la population frontalière fait l’expérience de l’État et comment cette expérience constitue « une clef de production d’imaginaires sur la nationalité et sur la relation État-société » (Grimson). Ce faisant, il révèle l’existence de plusieurs conceptions de l’espace frontalier qui entrent parfois en conflit et qui participent donc à la reconstruction constante de la frontière. La thèse porte enfin – et c’est le point central de cette recherche – sur les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens dans l’espace frontalier. Les observations des interactions, les conversations et les entretiens font apparaître une multiplicité de frontières symboliques et sociales (dans le sens des travaux de F. Barth) entre les deux groupes et définies par des éléments, produits et reproduits au quotidien, tels que la langue, l’habillement, le métier ou encore la confession religieuse par exemple. Loin d’être anodins, ces éléments servent à identifier un individu comme appartenant à un groupe et ces identifications jouent un rôle fondamental dans les modalités des relations quotidiennes. Celles-ci se révèlent fortement asymétriques et, pour la plupart, elles n’existent que dans la mesure où elles sont intéressantes pour l’une des deux parties (principalement les Dominicains). Les relations se déroulent dès lors principalement dans le cadre du travail agricole et du commerce et sont généralement marquées par de la discrimination. Toutefois, l’ethnographie révèle également l’existence de relations plus privilégiées entre Dominicains et Haïtiens. Celles-ci semblent être le résultat de la capacité de certains individus (principalement des Haïtiens) à se mouvoir dans un espace normatif différent (compétence métisse, Cunin) et à construire des réseaux de relations transfrontaliers (compétence transfrontalière, Losonczy). Connaître et savoir s’adapter aux normes en vigueur dans un autre espace, connaître les codes de sociabilité, connaître les chemins à emprunter pour traverser la frontière, pouvoir s’exprimer avec une relative aisance dans la langue de l’autre, sont autant d’éléments permettant de construire des réseaux et de les mobiliser en fonction des besoins. Les relations ainsi établies peuvent conférer un accès privilégié à certains espaces de la zone frontalière comme les lieux d’hospitalité temporaire ou prolongée, et les personnes de confiance (Losonczy). Par ailleurs, l’ethnographie montre que les modalités d’interactions et de cohabitation varient aussi en fonction des lieux de contacts et de la temporalité des migrations – celles-ci s’effectuant essentiellement depuis Haïti vers la République dominicaine. Trois zones de migrations apparaissent ainsi dans l’espace frontalier dominicain :les villes frontalières, les communautés rurales et les villages proches des grandes plantations agricoles. À chacun de ces espaces correspond une forme de migration plus particulière qui est soit journalière, soit temporaire ou encore prolongée. Si dans les trois espaces les relations sont majoritairement asymétriques, certains lieux semblent cependant plus propices à l’établissement des relations plus privilégiées (entraide, mariage, accueil d’un enfant,…) ou, au contraire, à une intensification du rejet et de l’exclusion (ségrégation spatiale, conflits, saccages d’habitations, expulsions,…). L’ethnographie révèle donc l’existence d’au moins deux formes d’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière dominico-haïtienne. L’une est celle de la « configuration sociale métisse » (Losonczy) que dessinent les formes de sociabilité basées sur les réseaux transfrontaliers. Celle-ci est toutefois mise à mal notamment par les représentations qui circulent sur les Haïtiens ainsi que par un ensemble de règles et pratiques qui soulignent les différences, réaffirment les frontières ethniques et assignent des appartenances identitaires. L’autre est celle de la « configuration du côte à côte » (Bourgeois) qui organise les modes de sociabilité de groupes mis en situation de co-présence limitant leurs relations à quelques échanges strictement définis. Dans ce type de configuration, les frontières des groupes apparaissent comme plus rigides, moins souples que dans le modèle de la configuration sociale métisse. Enfin, cette thèse montre que les relations et les différentes facettes de l’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière jouent un rôle dans la construction des appartenances identitaires locales. Plusieurs registres identitaires collectifs et individuels apparaissent ainsi dans les récits migratoires des Haïtiens et dans les conversations avec les frontaliers dominicains. Ces registres ne sont pas mutuellement exclusifs :ils révèlent une appartenance identitaire à géométrie variable en fonction des personnes avec lesquelles on se trouve et des modalités d’interactions.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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37

""We Have Never Allowed Such A Thing Here...": Social Responses to Saskatchewan's Early Sex Trade, 1880 to 1920". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2013-08-1159.

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Despite what the title suggests, Saskatchewan had a booming sex trade in its early years. The area attracted hundreds of women sex workers before Saskatchewan had even become a province in 1905. They were drawn to the area by the demands of bachelors who dominated Canada's prairie west. According to Saskatchewan's moral reformers, however, the sex trade was a hindrance to the province's Christian potential. They called for its abolishment and headed white slavery campaigns that characterized prostitution as a form of slavery. Their approach stood in contrast with law enforcement's stance on the trade. The police took a tolerant approach, allowing its operation as long as sex workers and their clients remained circumspect. Law enforcement's approach reflected their own propensity to use the services of sex workers as well as community attitudes toward the trade. Some communities were more welcoming of sex workers, while others demanded that police suppress the trade. Saskatchewan's newspapers also reflected differing attitudes toward the trade. While Regina's Leader purveyed a no tolerance view of the sex trade, Saskatoon's Phoenix and Star held more tolerant views. Saskatchewan's newspapers reveal that as the province's population increased and notions of moral reform gained popularity, police were challenged to take a less tolerant approach. However, reformers' efforts to end the sex trade dwindled with the onset of the First World War and attitudes toward sex workers shifted drastically as responsibility for venereal disease was placed largely on women who sold sex. Using government and police records, moral reform and public health documents, and media sources such as newspapers, as well as intersectional analysis of gender, race, class, and ethnicity, this examination of Saskatchewan’s sex trade investigates the histories and social responses to the buying and selling of sex, revealing the complex and, at times, contradictory place of sex workers and the sex trade in Saskatchewan’s early history.

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38

Lofkrantz, Jennifer. "Ransoming policies and practices in the western and central bilād al-sūdān c1800-1910 /". 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR46002.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2008. Graduate Programme in History.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-243). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR46002

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39

Depatie-Pelletier, Eugénie. "Labour Migration Program Declared a "Modern Form of Slavery" under Constitutional Review : Employer-Tying Measure's Impact vs Mythical "Harm Reduction" Policies". Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22564.

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40

Mangonnet, Jorge G. "Property Formation, Labor Repression, and State Capacity in Imperial Brazil". Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-gzh9-r090.

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This dissertation proposes and tests a theory that investigates the political process of modern property formation in land in postcolonial societies of the New World. Specifically, it examines how land tenure systems of private property -- that is, a statutory tenure in which individual property rights are specified, allocated, arbitrated by the state -- are designed and executed in contexts of limited state capacity and land abundance. It draws on extensive, under-tapped archival evidence from Imperial Brazil (1822-1889), the largest postcolonial state of the southern hemisphere. The data, collected over a year of rigorous and systematic archival research, include original ledgers of rural estates surveyed and recorded at the parish (i.e., sub-municipal) level; church inventories of slaves; economic and health-related data of slaves populations; agricultural and land prices; roll call votes and transcripts from parliamentary sessions; and biographical information on Brazil's most prominent elites. My dissertation argues that exogenous, disruptive events that abolish labor-repressive relations of production, such as slavery or the slave trade, open up an opportunity for central governments to bargain for the creation of systems of freehold tenure with local traditional elites. Many countries of the New World were unable to pursue liberal reforms that commodified land and dismantled land-related colonial privileges because of the lack of professional surveyors and cadastral technologies to survey, title, and register parcels accurately. Moreover, high land-to-man ratios turned land into a factor of production with little commercial value and did not offer clear incentives to local elites to demand secure and complete property rights. My dissertation argues that, when local elites' depend on forced or servile labor for production, abolition can make them prone to support a statutory yet highly stringent system of freehold tenure that legally blocks access to land to wage laborers. A system of freehold tenure in times of abolition can attain two goals. First, to close off alternatives to wage labor in the agricultural sector by assembling ownership statutes that exacerbate conditions of tenure insecurity. Second, as local elites controlling servile labor have higher stakes in the survival of labor dependence in agriculture, it can enhance quasi-voluntary compliance with new property rules that intend to avert squatting and keep rural labor inexpensive and abundant. By willingly demarcating boundaries, titling, and paying taxes, local elites cooperate with the new land statutes. In turn, central state officials can secure the logistical resources they need (i.e., fiscal revenue, documentary evidence of ownership, spatial coordinates of rural estates) to distinguish occupied from unoccupied tracts, police the hinterlands, carry out evictions, and formulate policies (e.g., employer subsidies) that would bias labor markets in favor of elite interests. I test these propositions by examining how a powerful class of plantation owners in Imperial Brazil supported the creation of, and quasi-voluntarily complied with, the Land Law of 1850 (the country's first modern property law in land) in response to the exogenous abolition of the Atlantic slave trade in 1831. I show that parliamentarians who were also planters favorably voted for the bill that introduced the Land Law in the Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, I show that, once the new law had been approved, local parishes that had a greater proportion of slaves were more likely to experience higher rates of regularization. Untaxed and unbounded plantations that long benefited from Portuguese medieval traditions ended up being regularized as self-demarcated, taxable private freeholds. My analysis of Imperial Brazil yields three main insights about how property formation in the New World was carried out. First, and in contrast to the European experience, the advent of private property in land in polities of Australasia or Latin America was not a top-down phenomenon but the result of an arduous political negotiation and patterns of societal co-production between rulers and traditional landlords from the colonial era. Second, land abundance, not scarcity, threatened landlords' material wealth: by promising independent, small-scale cultivation to free rural workers, it threatened landlords with labor shortages. Finally, and even though individual and absolute proprietorship was made the hegemonic form of tenure, national policymakers enacted provisions that neglected property rights to marginalized populations such as freed slaves, immigrants, convicts, or peons. Therefore, the recognition of individual property rights in these societies was highly selective and did not follow the liberal, egalitarian principle of equality before the law.

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41

Abdulkadir, Abdulkadir Hashim. "Reforming and retreating: British policies on transforming the administration of Islamic Law and its institutions in the Busaâidi Sultanate 1890-1963". Thesis, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4114_1359550793.

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After the establishment of the British Protectorate in the Busa&lsquo
idi Sultanate in 1890, the British colonial administration embarked on a policy of transforming the administration of Islamic law and its institutions which included the kadhi, liwali and mudir courts. The ultimate objective of the transformation process was to incorporate such institutions into the colonial enterprise and gradually reform them. Within a span of seven decades of their colonial rule in the Busa&lsquo
idi Sultanate, the British colonial authorities managed to transform the administration of Islamic law and its institutions. Key areas of the transformation process included the formalisation of the administration of Islamic law in which procedural laws related to MPL and wakf regulations were codified. Kadhi courts and wakf commissions were institutionalised and incorporated into the colonial apparatus. In the process of transforming the kadhi courts, the British colonial authorities adopted three major policies: institutional transformation, procedural transformation, and exclusion of criminal jurisdiction from kadhi courts. The focus of the transformation process was on the curtailment of kadhis powers. By 1916 criminal jurisdiction was removed from kadhis and their civil jurisdiction was gradually confined to MPL. Other significant areas of the transformation process were the wakf institutions and slavery. Wakf institutions were related to land issues which were crucial to the colonial politics and the abolition of slavery in the Busa&lsquo
idi Sultanate was a primary concern of the British colonial administration. Through policies of compromise and coercion, the British colonial officials managed to gradually abolish slavery without causing
political or social upheavals in the Sultanate. Due to the fact that there was no uniform policy on the transformation exercise undertaken by the British colonial officials on the ground, the reform process was marked with transformative contradictions which seemed to be a hallmark of British colonial policy in the Busa&lsquo
idi Sultanate. For instance, British colonial policies on transforming wakf institutions were caught in a contradiction in that, on the one hand, colonial efforts were geared towards transforming the land system in order to achieve economic development, and on the other hand, the British colonial officials were keen to uphold a paternalistic approach of adopting a non-interference policy in respect of religious institutions. Similarly, in abolishing slavery, the British colonial government, on the one hand, was under pressure from philanthropists and missionaries to end slavery, and, on the other hand, the British colonial officials on the ground portrayed their support of the slave owners and advocated a gradual approach to abolish slavery. Findings of this thesis reveal that the British colonial administration managed to achieve complete reform in some cases, such as, the abolition of liwali and mudir courts and confining kadhis&rsquo
civil jurisdiction to MPL, while in other areas, such as, the management of wakf institutions and the abolition of slavery, the British faced resistance from the Sultans and their subjects which resulted in partial reforms. Hence, in the process of transforming the administration of Islamic law and its institutions in the Busa&lsquo
idi Sultanate, the British colonial administration adopted a dual policy of reforming and retreating.

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42

Hagley, Annika. "The slave of two masters: Members of Congress and elite and public divergence on foreign policy issues". 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1407503681&sid=9&Fmt=2&clientId=39334&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (M.A.)--State University of New York at Buffalo, 2007.
Title from PDF title page (viewed on Feb. 20, 2008) Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Thesis adviser: Finocchairo, Charles J., Johnson, Gregg B. Includes bibliographical references.

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43

Jardim, Geovana Dias. "Ações de salvaguarda do património cultural imaterial presentes no Quilombo Kalunga, Brasil e em Cacheu, na Guiné-Bissau: desafios, avanços e perspetivas". Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/21575.

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Este estudo analisa as políticas de salvaguarda existentes no estado brasileiro com foco em trabalhos realizados no território quilombola denominado Sítio Histórico Kalunga, localizado a nordeste do estado de Goiás, centro oeste do Brasil e o trabalho realizado no período entre 2000 e 2020 e no "Memorial da Escravatura e do Tráfico Negreiro", localizado em Caheu, na Guiné Bissau. No caso do Sítio Histórico Kalunga o foco é dado aos apoios institucionais do Ministério da Cultura (MINC), do Instituto do Património Histórico e Artístico Nacional (IPHAN) e do Fundo de Arte e Cultura do Estado de Goiás (FAC-GO) passando por políticas transversais que colaboram neste contexto, inclusive as direcionadas a afrodescendentes, consolidadas em uma cartilha simples apresentada como anexo desta pesquisa. No caso de Cacheu identificar e conhecer as ações de salvaguarda realizadas no Memorial da Escravatura e do Tráfico Negreiro. Nas duas realidades identificamos a presença de políticas de salvaguarda à luz da Convenção para a Salvaguarda do Património Cultural Imaterial, da Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação, a Ciência e a Cultura (UNESCO), órgão responsável pelas ações que visam preservar, visibilizar e valorizar o Património cultural imaterial no mundo.
This study analyzes the existing safeguard policies in the Brazilian state with a focus on works carried out in the quilombola territory called Sítio Histórico Kalunga, located in the northeast of the state of Goiás, in the central west of Brazil and the work carried out between 2000 and 2020 and in the "Memorial Slavery and Trafficking Negreiro" located in Cacheu, Guinea Bissau. In the case of Sítio Histórico Kalunga, the focus is on institutional support from the Ministry of Culture (MINC), the National Historical and Artistic Heritage Institute (IPHAN) and the Goiás State Art and Culture Fund (FAC-GO) passing through transversal policies that collaborate in this context, including those aimed at people of African descent, consolidated in a simple booklet presented as an annex to this research. In the case of Cacheu, identify and know the safeguard actions carried out at the Memorial da Escravatura e do Tráfico Negreiro. In both realities, we identified the presence of safeguard policies in the light of the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the body responsible for actions that aim to preserve, make visible and enhance the intangible cultural heritage in the world.

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44

Chembe, Phyllis Kedibone. "Human trafficking in Southern Africa: the need for an effective regional response". Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23739.

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Human trafficking is an old practice that has become a matter of global concern irrespective whether a country is a country of origin where people are trafficked from; a country of transit where people are trafficked through and a country of destination where people are trafficked to. In 2009, the UN Office on Crime and Drugs stated that 66% females, 22% of children and 12% of men are trafficked. In Africa, human trafficking is identified as a problem in roughly one in three of the countries. According to the Salvation Army, at least 2,000,000 people are trafficked each year and of the estimated number, Africa accounts for 450,000. Furthermore, statistics reveal that 30% of cases handled by the Southern Africa Counter-Trafficking Assistance Programme (SACTAP) involved SADC nationals. The purpose of this study was therefore to determine whether there is a need for an effective legislative response to human trafficking in SADC. This was established by tracing the evolvement of trafficking from its conceptualization as slavery to its evolvement to human trafficking. Further, by investigating the measures taken within the SADC region to address human trafficking both at the national and regional levels and a comparative study between different regions and between selected SADC countries was conducted. In the summary of key findings, it was found that the definition of human trafficking as laid out in the Palermo Protocol cannot sufficiently and adequately combat human trafficking in SADC countries in its current form due to a number of reasons. Furthermore, at the institutional level it was found that the Protocols adopted by SADC do not afford all victims of trafficking protection and the Plan of Action is non-binding and faces implementation problems. At SADC country levels it was found that although twelve of the fifteen countries adopted anti-trafficking legislation, these countries struggle with compliance and implementation mechanisms, which show, that mere passing of legislation does not automatically translate to compliance. This study therefore concluded by proposing a number of options that can be explored in order to effectively prevent, and combat human trafficking in SADC. Even though this study does not offer a blueprint solution, it contributes towards the development of a model that will better be suited to address human trafficking problems at the SADC level.
Public, Constitutional and International Law
LL. M.

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45

Mollema, Nina. "Combating human trafficking in South Africa: a comparative legal study". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/10189.

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This research is aimed at evaluating the adequacy and effectiveness of the legal framework dealing with human trafficking in South Africa. To achieve this purpose, a comprehensive diachronic as well as contemporary overview of the punishment and prevention of human trafficking in South Africa as well as in the legal systems of the US, Germany and Nigeria is provided. An overview of the history of slavery and an analysis of the modern conceptualisation of human trafficking indicate that human trafficking is a highly complex concept, and that there are various approaches to the understanding of the concept of human trafficking. There are various definitions of trafficking found in international instruments of which the most important has been identified as that contained in the Palermo Protocol. The definitions vary also because trafficking is closely related to the phenomena of migration, slavery and smuggling of humans. The study further identifies some significant root causes of trafficking generally, as well as specific, to the four selected regions. It was found that in South Africa – similar to the history of slavery in the jurisdictions of the US, Germany and Nigeria – colonisation and the institution of slavery and, more particularly in South Africa, the legacy of the apartheid regime has had an impact on modern human trafficking. The research concedes that although common-law crimes, statutes and transitional legislation can be utilized to challenge some trafficking elements, these offences are not comprehensive enough to amply deal with the crime’s complexities and provide only a fragmented approach to combating the crime. The study shows that South Africa needs to adopt specific and comprehensive anti-trafficking legislation that is based essentially on the provisions of the Palermo Protocol, that is, the draft TIP Bill. Although the Bill is a major improvement on the provisions in the Palermo Protocol as well as on certain aspects of the anti-trafficking legislation in the US, Germany and Nigeria, the Bill can still be improved, especially with regard to more effective victim assistance and the combating of local-specific vulnerability factors. Anti-trafficking efforts undertaken in the US, Germany and Nigeria which may be of value also for the adoption of anti-trafficking legislation, law enforcement and other strategies in South Africa, are further identified. iv The research further establishes also that international, regional and sub-regional instruments on trafficking and related aspects of trafficking provide guidelines for developing effective strategies to deal with trafficking within the region. The counter-trafficking strategies as found in treaties (including conventions), protocols, declarations and resolutions – those focussing specifically on combating trafficking and those with a human-rights focus – oblige states to prosecute traffickers, protect people vulnerable to trafficking as well as those already trafficked and create structures for prevention. Regional instruments specifically formulated to combat trafficking as well as instruments that make reference to the issue of trafficking in persons may further provide the basis for long-term strategies to combat human trafficking. However, it was found that although South Africa has adopted many cooperative mechanisms in the form of direct bilateral or multilateral agreements, as well as international and regional treaties and conventions, the jurisdiction has not as yet implemented comprehensive strategies to combat human trafficking. The introduction of legislation to combat human trafficking, and various other strategies envisaged in the TIP Bill and also recommendations suggested in this thesis, should be considered by parliament as a matter of priority. A comprehensive response to human trafficking which includes adequate protection of victims is required in terms of various constitutional imperatives identified in this research.
Criminal & Procedural Law
LL.D.

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46

Miller, Bradley. "Emptying the Den of Thieves: International Fugitives and the Law in British North America/Canada, 1819-1910". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32772.

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This thesis examines how the law dealt with international fugitives. It focuses on formal extradition and the cross-border abduction of wanted criminals by police officers and other state officials. Debates over extradition and abduction reflected important issues of state power and civil liberty, and were shaped by currents of thought circulating throughout the imperial, Atlantic, and common law worlds. Debates over extradition involved questioning the very basis of international law. They also raised difficult questions about civil liberties and human rights. Throughout this period escaped American slaves and other groups made claims for what we would now call refugee status, and argued that their surrender violated codes of law and ideas of justice that transcended the colonies and even the wider British Empire. Such claims sparked a decades-long debate in North America and Europe over how to codify refugee protections. Ultimately, Britain used its imperial power to force Canada to accept such safeguards. Yet even as the formal extradition system developed, an informal system of police abductions operated in the Canadian-American borderlands. This system defied formal law, but it also manifested sophisticated local ideas about community justice and transnational legal order. This thesis argues that extradition and abduction must be understood within three overlapping contexts. The first is the ethos of liberal transnationalism that permeated all levels of state officials in British North America/Canada. This view largely prioritised the erosion of domestic barriers to international cooperation over the protection of individual liberty. It was predicated in large part on the idea of a common North American civilization. The second context is Canada’s place in the British Empire. Extradition and abduction highlight both how British North America/Canada often expounded views on legal order radically different from Britain, but also that even after Confederation in 1867 the empire retained real power to shape Canadian policy. The final context is international law and international legal order. Both extradition and abduction were aspects of law on an international and transnational level. As a result, this thesis examines the processes of migration, adoption, and adaptation of international law.

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