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Billingsley, Joseph, Debra Lieberman y Joshua M. Tybur. "Sexual Disgust Trumps Pathogen Disgust in Predicting Voter Behavior During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election". Evolutionary Psychology 16, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2018): 147470491876417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474704918764170.
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Why is disgust sensitivity associated with socially conservative political views? Is it because socially conservative ideologies mitigate the risks of infectious disease, whether by promoting out-group avoidance or by reinforcing norms that sustain antipathogenic practices? Or might it be because socially conservative ideologies promote moral standards that advance a long-term, as opposed to a short-term, sexual strategy? Recent attempts to test these two explanations have yielded differing results and conflicting interpretations. Here, we contribute to the literature by examining the relationship between disgust sensitivity and political orientation, political party affiliation, and an often overlooked outcome—actual voter behavior. We focus on voter behavior and affiliation for the 2016 U.S. presidential election to determine whether pathogen or sexual disgust better predicts socially conservative ideology. Although many prominent aspects of Donald Trump’s campaign—particularly his anti-foreign message—align with the pathogen-avoidance model of conservatism, we found that pathogen-related disgust sensitivity exerted no influence on political ideology, political party affiliation, or voter behavior, after controlling for sexual disgust sensitivity. In contrast, sexual disgust sensitivity was associated with increased odds of voting for Donald Trump versus each other major presidential candidate, as well as with increased odds of affiliating with the Republican versus the Democratic or Libertarian parties. In fact, for every unit increase in sexual disgust sensitivity, the odds of a participant voting for Trump versus Clinton increased by approximately 30%. It seems, then, that sexual disgust trumps pathogen disgust in predicting socially conservative voting behavior.
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Rutenbeck, Jeffrey B. "Newspaper Trends in the 1870s: Proliferation, Popularization, and Political Independence". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, n.º 2 (junio de 1995): 361–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200209.
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The 1870s was a decade of dramatic growth and change for American journalism. This article examines several specific aspects of those changes, including changes in newspaper size, cost, and political affiliation. In general, newspapers were expanding in size (from four to eight pages), decreasing in cost, and moving away from the long-standing tradition of party identification toward political independence and nonaffiliation. By the end of the 1870s, partisan papers were smaller, fewer, and more expensive than their independent and nonaffiliated counterparts, suggesting a transformation in the social, political, and economic relationships embodied in American newspapers.
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Krištof, Pavol. "Ethical aspects of the non-romantic thinking of Jonáš Záborský and Štefan Launer". Ethics & Bioethics 10, n.º 3-4 (1 de diciembre de 2020): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ebce-2020-0020.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on the thinking of Jonáš Záborský (1812–1876) and Štěpán Launer (1821–1851), which were marginalized in Slovak national-forming thinking. Emphasis is placed on the comparison between non-romantic nationalism and Štúr’s ethnic enthusiasm. Attention is paid to the value of their thinking, which can be analyzed in the context of reflections in the role of cultural identity in Štúr’s conception of culture and its place in relation to European cultural and civilizational affiliation. At the same time, the critique of romantic thinking draws attention to the issue of the responsibility of nation-forming elites for the concept of civic development, which holistically approaches social change. Launer’s and, partly Záborský’s thinking draws attention to the dangers associated with the romantic search for ethnocultural specifics, which may result in the questioning the importance of civil liberties and Western cultural and civilizational affiliation.
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Chatterjee, Nandini. "English Law, Brahmo Marriage, and the Problem of Religious Difference: Civil Marriage Laws in Britain and India". Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n.º 3 (18 de junio de 2010): 524–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000290.
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On the face of it, civil marriage represents both the most typical and most anodyne aspect of modern law. One might say that by instituting civil marriage, a bureaucratic, enumerative, and secularized state permits its subjects absolute individual choice of marital partners, and concurrently, by refusing to take into account the religious affiliation of any party, grants total freedom of religious faith. As such, it may be seen as a quintessentially modern phenomenon, connected through the adjective “civil” with other distinctively modern concepts such as civil society, all of which point to a notion of individual liberty, predicated upon a modern state guaranteeing the autonomy of large arenas of social life.
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Panova, Yulia, Eugene Korovyakovsky, Anton Semerkin, Ville Henttu, Weidong Li y Olli-Pekka Hilmola. "Russian railways on the Eurasian market: issue of sustainability". European Business Review 29, n.º 6 (9 de octubre de 2017): 664–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ebr-01-2016-0008.
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Purpose This research examines factors that determine the improvement of the Russian supply chain sustainability. The strategic business model incorporates ecological, social and economic aspects. Design/methodology/approach Considering Trans-Siberian Railway as a typical case, the study selected several cases or the parts of the primary rail connection with the affiliation of important neighbouring countries. The study uses quantitative analyses of a variety of size parameters (e.g. volumes of traffic, logistics costs, delivery distance and air pollutants). Findings The empirical findings stress that supply chains should favour in the future railway (or intermodal) connections for piggyback and containerised cargo. Herein lays the reason for the examination of all traditional factors affecting the modal choice and their complementation by the parameters to measure sustainability throughout the supply chains. The inclusion of the green practices positively affected the environmental, social and economic performance of the new approach. Research limitations/implications This research focuses on the delivery of cargo in containers and semi-trailers within wagons through the overland corridors. Despite the restrictive empirical findings within the national transport system, some elements can be representative of the international supply chains, provided that intermodal services are the most appropriate for the transportation over long distances. Practical implications Clients, media and regulatory bodies stress the consideration of environmental aspects at all stages of a global supply chain. Therefore, their adoption into strategic imperatives of local supply chains becomes inevitable. Originality/value An assessment of supply chains for longer distance transportation in Russia has not taken sustainability into account within cost analyses.
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Paul Okwuchukwu, Azuakor. "Religious Education and Societal Development: The Nigerian Context". World Journal of Education 9, n.º 4 (25 de agosto de 2019): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wje.v9n4p146.
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The present writer is drawn to write on this topic based on the realization that the Nigerian society seems to be onethat is bereft of the practicalisation of the ideal standards of virtues. There is apparent lack of objective measures ofrightness and wrongness of actions, especially in the present dispensation, irrespective of the so much toutedreligiosity of Nigerians. A particular action is regarded (by implication and praxis) as right when performed bypersons of a particular religion, tribe and party affiliation, but as an abomination when performed by some otherpersons. This beats one’s imagination to the core, especially given the fact that the religio-tribal considerationsappear to be the major driving force. This paper is therefore interested in the contents of the religious education ofthe various major religious types and how these contents that are imbibed by their adherents aid or mar thedevelopment of the Nigerian society. It was discovered, through personal observations and through the tools ofanalytical and deductive reasoning via library research methodology, that certain aspects of certain religiousteachings have great positive impact on societal cohesion which leads to development in the Nigerian society whilesome others rather sow the seed of discord, injustice, hate and rancor that have led to killings, oppressions andupsurges that have characterized the Nigerian social space for decades on end and have drastically militated againstsocial development of Nigeria. Recommendations include: religious education must consider the virtue of justice, itmust adhere to the demands of rationality, it must be universalizable and not myopic, it must be dynamic, and it mustbe morally honest and must proceed from right conscience rather than a sick conscience.
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Asmuß, Birte y Sae Oshima. "Negotiation of entitlement in proposal sequences". Discourse Studies 14, n.º 1 (febrero de 2012): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445611427215.
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Meetings are complex institutional events at which participants recurrently negotiate institutional roles, which are oriented to, renegotiated, and sometimes challenged. With a view to gaining further understanding of the ongoing negotiation of roles at meetings, this article examines one specific recurring feature of meetings: the act of proposing future action. Based on microanalysis of video recordings of two-party strategy meetings, the study shows that participants orient to at least two aspects when making proposals: 1) the acceptance or rejection of the proposal; and 2) questions of entitlement: who is entitled to launch a proposal, and who is entitled to accept or reject it? The study argues that there is a close interrelation between questions of entitlement, aligning and affiliating moves, and the negotiation of institutional roles. The multimodal analysis also reveals the use of various embodied practices by participants for the local negotiation of entitlement and institutional roles.
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Qaiser, Fahham Hasan, Karim Ahmed, Martin Sykora, Alok Choudhary y Mike Simpson. "Decision support systems for sustainable logistics: a review and bibliometric analysis". Industrial Management & Data Systems 117, n.º 7 (14 de agosto de 2017): 1376–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imds-09-2016-0410.
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Purpose Decision making in logistics is an increasingly complex task for organizations as these involve decisions at strategic, tactical and operational levels coupled with the triple-bottom line of sustainability. Decision support systems (DSS) played a vital role in arguably solving the challenges associated with decision making in sustainable logistics. The purpose of this paper is to explore the current state of the research in the domain of DSS for logistics while considering sustainability aspects. Design/methodology/approach A systematic review approach using a set of relevant keywords with several exclusion criteria was adopted to identify literature related to DSS for sustainable logistics. A total of 40 papers were found from 1994 to 2015, which were then analyzed along the dimensions of publishing trend, geographic distribution and collaboration, the most influential journals, affiliations and authors as well as the key themes of identified literature. The analysis was conducted by means of bibliometric and text mapping tools, namely BibExcel, gpsvisualizer and VOSviewer. Findings The bibliometric analysis showed that DSS for sustainable logistics is an emerging field; however, it is still evolving but at a slower pace. Furthermore, most of the contributing affiliations belong to the USA and the UK. The text mining and keyword analysis revealed key themes of identified papers. The inherent key themes were decision models and frameworks to address sustainable logistics issues covering transport, distribution and third-party logistics. The most prominent sustainable logistics issue was carbon footprinting. Social impact has been given less attention in comparison to economic and environmental aspects. The literature has adequate room for proposing more effective solutions by considering various types of multi-criteria decision analysis methods and DSS configurations while simultaneously considering economic, environmental and social aspects of sustainable logistics. Moreover, the field has potential to include logistics from wide application areas including freight transport through road, rail, sea, air as well as inter-modal transport, port operations, material handling and warehousing. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first systematic review of DSS for sustainable logistics using bibliometric and text analysis. The key themes and research gaps identified in this paper will provide a reference point that will encourage and guide interested researchers for future study, thus aiding both theoretical and practical advancements in this discipline.
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Dutwin, David, Mollyann Brodie, Melissa Herrmann y Rebecca Levin. "Latinos and Political Party Affiliation". Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 27, n.º 2 (mayo de 2005): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986304273708.
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Baksht, Dmitrii A. "Private letters of Siberian exiles about the ‘Turukhansk revolt’: 1908–1912". Herald of an archivist, n.º 2 (2018): 508–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-508-521.
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The article studies the Turukhansk region as a territory with distinct climatic conditions and, consequently, with distinctive state management institutions and does so in the context of modernization processes of late 19th – early 20th century. This part of the Yenisei gubernia having become a region of mass exile after the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907, its integration into a general system of management slowed down. Private letters of exiles are an important historical source, they reveal many aspects of the daily life of the persons under supervising in the inter-revolutionary period. The ‘Turukhansk revolt’ in the winter of 1908/09 revealed not only the ineffectiveness of exile as a penal measure, but also severel major problems of the region: archaic and scanty management institutions, lack of transport communication with southern uezds of the gubernia, underpopulation, and also gubernia and metropolitan officials’ ignorance of local affairs. The agencies of the Police Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs expanded the practice of perlustration as involvement in the revolutionary movement grew. Siberian exiles had their correspondence routinely inspected, and yet in most cases they were inexperienced enough not to encrypt their messages. Surviving perlustration materials offer an ambivalent picture of the ‘Turukhansk revolt’: there were both approval and condemnation of the participants’ actions. The documents tell a tale of extreme cruelty of the punitive detachments even towards those who were not involved in the resistance. The subject of the Siberian exile of the early 20th century has research potential. There is virtually no scholarship on the exiles’ self-reflection concerning the ‘common violence’ of both anti-governmental groups and state punitive agencies. Diversification in political/party or social/class affiliation is not enough. The new materials have revealed a significant gap between several ‘streams’ of exiles: those banished to Siberia in midst of the First Russian Revolution differed from those exiled in 1910s. The article concludes that, having departed from the previous approach to studying the exile, ego-sources cease to be of lesser importance than other types of historical sources. Their subjectivity becomes an advantage for a high-quality text analysis.
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Ikkatai, Yuko, Shigeru Watanabe y Ei-Ichi Izawa. "Reconciliation and third-party affiliation in pair-bond budgerigars (Melopsittacus undulatus)". Behaviour 153, n.º 9-11 (2016): 1173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568539x-00003388.
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Some group-living animals show conciliatory tendencies towards specific group members after conflicts, referred to as post-conflict affiliation (PC-affiliation). PC-affiliation with a former opponent and a third-party bystander is classified as ‘reconciliation’ and ‘third-party affiliation’, respectively. PC-affiliation is assumed to be mediated by high-quality social relationships between individuals. Recently, studies assessing lifelong monogamous birds, such as corvids, have found PC-affiliation as a case of convergent evolution with regard to primates. Nevertheless, PC-affiliation divergence in birds is still poorly understood. Here, we report that pair-bonds of budgerigars, a lifelong-monogamous small parrot, engage in both reconciliation and third-party affiliation. We also found that males initiated both types of PC-affiliation more often than females. However, during reconciliation, this skewed affiliation pattern was unlikely specific to the PC-context but could also stem from sex differences in basic social-behavioural features (i.e., female dominance over males and males’ primary role in initiating affiliation with females), which are common outside the PC-context. Conversely, the third-party PC-affiliation pattern was significantly different from the basic affiliation pattern: affiliations were initiated more often by combatant winners, by bystander males toward defeated females, and less often by defeated males. These results suggest specific signal and stress reduction functions related to PC-affiliation among budgerigar pair-bonds. The present study supports the view that PC-affiliations, based on high-quality relationships, did not only evolve in mammals but also in birds, with species-specific forms associated with social behavioural tendencies.
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Rouhana, Nadim N., Anne O'Dwyer y Sharon K. Morrison Vaso. "Cognitive Biases and Political Party Affiliation in Intergroup Conflict". Journal of Applied Social Psychology 27, n.º 1 (enero de 1997): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1997.tb00622.x.
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Hamann, S., P. Blagov, K. Harenski, C. Kilts y D. Westen. "Political Party Affiliation Affects fMRI Responses to Emotional Social Stimuli". NeuroImage 47 (julio de 2009): S194. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1053-8119(09)72191-3.
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Powell, Lindsey J. y Elizabeth S. Spelke. "Third-Party Preferences for Imitators in Preverbal Infants". Open Mind 2, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2018): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/opmi_a_00018.
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Participants in social interactions often imitate one another, thereby enhancing their affiliation. Here we probe the nature and early development of imitation-based affiliation through studies of infants’ preferences for animated characters who imitate, or are imitated by, other characters. Four experiments provide evidence that preverbal infants preferentially attend to and approach individuals who imitate others. This preferential engagement is elicited by the elements of mimicry in simple acts of helping. It does not, however, extend to the targets of imitation in these interactions. This set of findings suggests infants’ imitation-based preferences are not well explained by homophily, prestige, or familiarity. We propose instead that infants perceive imitation as an indicator of valuable attributes in a potential social partner, including the capacity and motivation for social attention and coordinated action.
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Gershenson, Carl E. "The Emergence of Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts". Social Science History 44, n.º 4 (2020): 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.26.
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AbstractHow do economic and social position structure partisan affiliation? While neo-Durkheimian treatments of class and political behavior suggest the potential for extreme variability in the social bases of partisan affiliation, data limitations have largely restricted quantitative studies of this relationship to the postwar era. This temporal limitation restricts variation in observable social structure, thus limiting the ability of analysts to assess theoretical explanations. To address this gap, I introduce novel data on occupation and ethnicity for more than 20,000 Massachusetts state legislators in the nineteenth century. This allows me to find the “best fit” model for the social bases of party affiliation in four distinct periods in Massachusetts’ political history. I show that the Massachusetts political system transitioned from a system of occupational cleavages to proto-class cleavages between the First Party System (1795–1826) and Second Party System (1835–54). The Civil War and Reconstruction Era (1855–77) was characterized by the emergence of an ethnic cleavage, but near-modern class divisions emerged as the strongest predictors of legislators’ party affiliations for the remainder of the Third Party System (1878–93). Combined with historiographical accounts of the nineteenth century, these analyses suggest that the emergence of class politics requires intermediary organizations such as unions and professional associations, the liberalization of economic laws and regulation, and the increasingly unequal distribution of productive property.
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Nolan-García, Kimberly A. y María Inclán. "Union Affiliation, Socialization, and Political Identities: The Case of Mexico". Latin American Politics and Society 59, n.º 2 (2017): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12018.
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AbstractThe literature on voting behavior has generally accepted that party identification largely determines voter choice. While many studies have found that party identification is largely transmitted through social learning, less studied are the processes of the construction of party identity by way of group membership. This study seeks to understand how group identity influences party identification among Mexican workers through an analysis of the effects of union affiliation on political behavior. It assesses the utility of corporatist legacies in explaining party identity in Mexico and provides a first assessment of party affinities among independent unionists. The evidence draws from original survey data collected during six demonstrations in Mexico City. The study finds that union membership does condition the party identity of corporatist workers but not that of independent unionists.
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Nakhaie, Reza y Barry Adam. "Political Affiliation of Canadian Professors". Canadian Journal of Sociology 33, n.º 4 (28 de septiembre de 2008): 873–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs1036.
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The social role of universities has been subject to a lengthy debate as to whether those who teach in the academy are system legitimizing conservatives or radicals helping to generate critical thinking and challenge to the status quo. Despite this controversy, neoconservatives in the U.S. have used the evidence of professors’ strong support for the Democratic candidates as an indication of universities being dominated by left-leaning radicals. The aim of this paper is to evaluate political affiliations of Canadian university professors, based on a national survey conducted in 2000. The study shows that Canadian professors’ political affiliation can be identified as left and/or right depending on how we conceptualize the political orientation of political parties. Although, university professors tended to vote to the Liberal Party more than other parties, they themselves are more likely to view this party as a centrist party. Moreover, the study highlights a complex and non-monolithic picture of the Canadian academy. University professors are not politically homogenous but that their party vote depends on the prestige of their university, their discipline, gender, ethnicity, marital status, generation and extent of their own liberalism.
Résumé. Le rôle social des universités fait depuis longtemps l’objet d’un débat sur l’orientation politique des professeurs : sont-ils des conservateurs qui légitiment le statu quo, ou des radicaux qui aident à créer une pensée critique qui le conteste? Le but du présent article est d’évaluer les affiliations politiques des professeurs canadiens telles qu’elles se dégagent d’un sondage national effectué en 2000. L’étude montre que leur affiliation politique peut être décrite comme de gauche ou de droite, selon la conception qu’on a de l’orientation des partis politiques. Ils votent plus souvent pour les Libéraux que pour d’autres partis, les voyant comme un parti du centre. D’ailleurs, l’étude donne des universités canadiennes un tableau complexe et nullement monolithique. Les professeurs n’ont pas de vues homogènes, ils votent en partie selon le prestige de leur université, leur discipline, leur sexe, leurs antécédents ethniques, leur situation de famille, leur âge et leur attitude envers le libéralisme.
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Smith, Joel. "Patterns of Early Political Socialization and Adult Party Affiliation*". Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 5, n.º 3 (14 de julio de 2008): 123–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1968.tb01191.x.
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Garner, Lauryn E., Dean Mckay, Sandra L. Cepeda y Eric A. Storch. "The Impact of Conservatism and Elected Party Representation on Mental Health Outcomes During Major Elections". Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology 40, n.º 3 (junio de 2021): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2021.40.3.221.
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Introduction: The American Psychological Association's national surveys have revealed high levels of stress surrounding the political climate since the 2016 United States (U.S.) presidential election. The two current studies aimed to further evaluate the impact of political factors, such as social and economic conservatism and political party affiliation mismatch between individuals and their local or federal officials, on emotional experiences. Methods: Data for these studies were collected through Amazon's Mechanical Turk following the 2016 and 2018 U.S. elections. Results: Results from Study 1 revealed that following the 2016 presidential election, higher social and economic conservatism was associated with less political obsessions and lower levels of depression. Results from Study 2 also demonstrated that following the 2018 midterm elections, higher conservatism predicted lower depression, less political obsessions, lower levels of negative affect, and higher positive affect. Additionally, conservatism moderated the relationship between party affiliation mismatch between participants and their official in the U.S. House of Representatives and both anxiety and obsessive-compulsive symptoms. The relationship between mismatch of party affiliation for participants’ Senators and obsessive-compulsive symptoms was also moderated by conservatism. Discussion: These studies suggest that political factors, particularly conservatism, may impact emotional experiences and mental health symptoms during times of increased political polarization. Future studies should further explore the impact of political divisiveness on individual's stress levels and emotional well-being.
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Bodin, Maria. "Gender Aspects of Affiliation with Alcoholics Anonymous after Treatment". Contemporary Drug Problems 33, n.º 1 (marzo de 2006): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090603300106.
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Studies incorporating gender aspects of post-treatment affiliation with Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) have often focused on meeting attendance, disregarding behavioral indicators of affiliation. This article describes meeting attendance and affiliative behaviors in a Swedish treatment sample of 112 men and 40 women, and also identifies predictors of high affiliation. While no gender differences were found for meeting attendance, more women than men reported that they had called an AA member for help, had experienced a spiritual awakening, and read AA literature after treatment. Bivariate analyses identified a treatment goal of abstinence as predictive of high affiliation for both sexes, and in a multivariate context, female gender, a treatment goal of abstinence and pre-treatment AA exposure increased the likelihood of high affiliation (R2 = .31). Findings suggest that the affiliation process differs by gender, but reflect study methodology and Swedish AA culture, so that these issues need further exploration.
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Alhasan, Khawla y Diab Al badayneh. "The impact of governmental efforts in the fight against corruption, and citizen’s satisfaction with the government’s performance on the participation of citizens in the social movement (Alherak) in Jordan". Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 6, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2015): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol6iss3pp47-60.
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This study aimed to identify the impact of government efforts in the fight against corruption, citizen’s satisfaction with the government’s performance and the personal, social and economic characteristics of in the citizens involvement in the social movement in Jordan. The study sample consisted of a convenient sample of (821) members of the participants in the social movement in Jordan in (12) governorates. In order to achieve the objectives of the study and for the purpose of data collection, a queioninaire has been developed by Al badayneh (2010) and was used as a research tool. The questionnaire was designed to measure corruption, and is based on international measures such as the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). Results of the study showed that the government efforts in the fight against corruption, citizen’s Satisfaction with the government’s performance and the personal, social and economic characteristics of participants explain 14% of the variation in the participation in the social movement in Jordan and the impact of these variables was statistically significant (F = 9.708, ∞ = .000). Effect of individual regression coefficients of gender, party affiliation, and the causes for the spread of corruption prevalence, and government efforts to combat corruption were statistically significant. A negative relationship between the participants in the social movement governorate (-0.189) where less participation in the social movement in the south and increasingly in the center and north region, party affiliation (-0.243) where participation increases with party affiliation and youth organization, the weakness of the government’s efforts in the fight against corruption (-0.241) and the dissatisfaction of citizens for government services (-0.216). Moreover, there were a positive relationship between participation in the social movement an age (0.110), and education (0.109), the type of party (0.132), and the causes for the spread of corruption (0.134).
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Kiess, Johannes M. y Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Ties of Solidarity and the Political Spectrum: Partisan Cleavages in Reported Solidarity Activity Across Europe". American Behavioral Scientist 63, n.º 4 (21 de enero de 2019): 459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218823839.
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The strength of solidarity ties among individuals is often discussed in relation to membership within a community of equals. This assumes strong links between reported solidarity actions, political attitudes, and national identity. We ask, first, whether differences in solidarity engagement can be explained by party affiliation: Do adherents of political parties driven by right-identitarian politics and adherents of parties driven by left-redistributive politics differ considerably in terms of reported solidarity action? Second, we investigate whether such differences can be explained by the nationality of the supported groups, and third, we explore whether there is a salience of reported solidarity action and party affiliation across European countries. We examine these questions by looking at cleavages in reported solidarity action in support of three different target groups: unemployed, disabled persons, and refugees. Our findings indicate first of all that partisan affiliation matters: cleavages in solidarity behavior follow traditional ideological patterns. Second, and contrary to the exclusive-communitarian rhetoric that is found in party programs and statements of right-wing populist parties, their adherents are among those supporting both nationals and foreigners least, while adherents of left and radical left parties engage in support toward nationals and non-nationals. Third, from a comparative European perspective, we observe similar patterns of a divide between an inclusive, solidary, and cosmopolitan left and a non-solidary right with low interests in community commitment.
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Czech, Brian y Rena Borkhataria. "The Relationship of Political Party Affiliation to Wildlife Conservation Attitudes". Politics and the Life Sciences 20, n.º 1 (marzo de 2001): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840000513x.
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Species conservation via the Endangered Species Act is highly politicized, yet few data have been gathered to illustrate the relationship of political party affiliation to species conservation perspectives. We conducted a nationwide public opinion survey and found that Democrats value species conservation more highly than do Republicans, and that Democrats are also more strongly supportive of the Endangered Species Act. Republicans place higher value on property rights than do Democrats, but members of both parties value economic growth as highly as wildlife conservation. The results imply that the Democratic propensity to value species conservation reflects a biocentric perspective that does not bode well for practical conservation efforts. Species conservation will depend upon the success of academicians and progressive political leaders in educating students and members of all parties about the fundamental conflict between economic growth and wildlife conservation.
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Powell, Lindsey J. y Elizabeth S. Spelke. "Human infants’ understanding of social imitation: Inferences of affiliation from third party observations". Cognition 170 (enero de 2018): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2017.09.007.
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Milaeva, О. y А. Piterova. "SOCIO-POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FEMALE DEPUTY OF THE FAR EASTERN FEDERAL DISTRICT". Transbaikal State University Journal 26, n.º 10 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2020-26-10-60-71.
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The relevance of the study is determined by the institutionalization of gender imbalance in the representation bodies of the Russian Federation, the lack of significant improvements in the aspect of women’s integration into the political management system. It is obvious that the two forms of women’s active and passive participation in the political process are disproportionate and, as a result, they have limited access to political influence and power, which suggests a weak articulation of their interests in various spheres of socio-political and economic space. The object of study – the current composition of the representative bodies of subjects the Far Eastern Federal District (FEFD) at the regional level and bodies’ representative of local government administrative centers. The subject of the study is the female deputy corps of the subjects of the FEFD. The purpose of the study: description and comparative analysis of the morphology of the female deputy corps of the subjects of the FEFD at the regional and municipal levels. The main task is to fix the level of representation of women in legislative bodies and local self-government bodies of the FEFD in comparison with all-Russian indicators. The main method of research is the method of statistical typological grouping of primary statistical material, on the basis of which summary indicators are identified according to the criteria for analyzing the main characteristics of the female deputy corps of the FEFD (quantitative, education, socio-professional experience, age, political affiliation, etc.). The sources of the study are the official websites of the representative bodies of 11 subjects of the FEFD, election commissions of the subjects, websites of the electoral information service, and party information systems. In the organs of representative offices of the FEFD remains a significant gender imbalance and gender pyramid, the level of participation of women in bodies of representation the FEFD is higher than the average for Russia. The morphology of regional and local representation models differs in quantitative terms, but the socio-demographic and socio-political characteristics are almost identical. The lack of dominance of representatives of the public sector is recorded, the business community is equally represented, but the institution of NGOs is practically not used in the political promotion of women. The relative social openness of the women’s deputy corps of the FEFD is noted: there is no overwhelming majority of senior organizational management, there is a cluster of non-executives
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Cirelli, Laura K., Stephanie J. Wan, Trenton C. Johanis y Laurel J. Trainor. "Infants’ use of interpersonal asynchrony as a signal for third-party affiliation". Music & Science 1 (1 de enero de 2018): 205920431774585. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059204317745855.
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Infants use social cues to form expectations about the social relationships of others. For example, they expect agents to approach helpful partners and avoid hindering partners. They expect individuals with shared food preferences to be affiliates and individuals with opposing food preferences to be nonaffiliates. Interpersonal synchrony and asynchrony are important signals that adults use to guide third-party understanding. Specifically, we expect synchronous partners to be higher in rapport than asynchronous partners. Here, using a within-subjects design, we investigated if 12- to 14-month-old infants ( n = 62) also use interpersonal synchrony and/or asynchrony to make sense of third-party social relationships. A violation of expectations paradigm adapted from Liberman and colleagues was used. Infant looking time was recorded while watching videos of two women. The women moved either synchronously or asynchronously during familiarization trials, and subsequently interacted either in a friendly way (waving) or an unfriendly way (turning away) on test trials. Results revealed that infants expected asynchronous partners to be nonaffiliates but showed no significant expectation for synchronous partners. These results suggest that infants use interpersonal movement to understand their social world from as early as 12 months of age.
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Gratz, Kim L., Julia R. Richmond, Sherry E. Woods, Katherine L. Dixon-Gordon, Kayla M. Scamaldo, Jason P. Rose y Matthew T. Tull. "Adherence to Social Distancing Guidelines Throughout the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Roles of Pseudoscientific Beliefs, Trust, Political Party Affiliation, and Risk Perceptions". Annals of Behavioral Medicine 55, n.º 5 (8 de abril de 2021): 399–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/abm/kaab024.
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Abstract Background Adherence to COVID-19 social distancing guidelines varies across individuals. Purpose This study examined the relations of pseudoscientific and just world beliefs, generalized and institutional trust, and political party affiliation to adherence to COVID-19 social distancing guidelines over three months, as well as the explanatory role of COVID-19 risk perceptions in these relations. Methods A U.S. nationwide sample of 430 adults (49.8% women; mean age = 40.72) completed a prospective online study, including an initial assessment (between March 27 and April 5, 2020), a 1 month follow-up (between April 27 and May 21, 2020), and a 3 month follow-up (between June 26 and July 15, 2020). We hypothesized that greater pseudoscientific and just world beliefs, lower governmental, institutional, and dispositional trust, and Republican Party affiliation would be associated with lower initial adherence to social distancing and greater reductions in social distancing over time and that COVID-19 risk perceptions would account for significant variance in these relations. Results Results revealed unique associations of lower governmental trust, greater COVID-19 pseudoscientific beliefs, and greater trust in the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to lower initial adherence to social distancing. Whereas greater COVID-19 risk perceptions and CDC trust were associated with less steep declines in social distancing over time, both Republican (vs. Democratic) Party affiliation and greater COVID-19 pseudoscientific beliefs were associated with steeper declines in social distancing over time (relations accounted for by lower COVID-19 risk perceptions). Conclusions Results highlight the utility of public health interventions aimed at improving scientific literacy and emphasizing bipartisan support for social distancing guidelines.
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Bryant, Gregory A., Christine S. Wang y Riccardo Fusaroli. "Recognizing affiliation in colaughter and cospeech". Royal Society Open Science 7, n.º 10 (octubre de 2020): 201092. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.201092.
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Theories of vocal signalling in humans typically only consider communication within the interactive group and ignore intergroup dynamics. Recent work has found that colaughter generated between pairs of people in conversation can afford accurate judgements of affiliation across widely disparate cultures, and the acoustic features that listeners use to make these judgements are linked to speaker arousal. But to what extent does colaughter inform third party listeners beyond other dynamic information between interlocutors such as overlapping talk? We presented listeners with short segments (1–3 s) of colaughter and simultaneous speech (i.e. cospeech) taken from natural conversations between established friends and newly acquainted strangers. Participants judged whether the pairs of interactants in the segments were friends or strangers. Colaughter afforded more accurate judgements of affiliation than did cospeech, despite cospeech being over twice in duration relative to colaughter on average. Sped-up versions of colaughter and cospeech (proxies of speaker arousal) did not improve accuracy for either identifying friends or strangers, but faster versions of both modes increased the likelihood of tokens being judged as being between friends. Overall, results are consistent with research showing that laughter is well suited to transmit rich information about social relationships to third party overhearers—a signal that works between, and not just within conversational groups.
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Heser, Kathrin, Rainer Banse y Roland Imhoff. "Affiliation or Power". Swiss Journal of Psychology 74, n.º 1 (enero de 2015): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1421-0185/a000144.
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The present study investigated the relationship between explicit and implicit measures of affiliation, power, and achievement motives and behavior as related to social networking sites (SNS) in a sample of 59 participants. SNS appear to be designed to enable social connection via the Internet, so the potential for influence of the affiliation motive seemed self-evident. Additionally, we hypothesized that the power motive drives certain aspects of SNS behavior such that individuals with a high power motive have a larger number of friends and upload more pictures. The results of regression analyses showed that the explicit affiliation motive and the explicit power motive were related to different outcomes of SNS activity. Specifically, the explicit power motive predicted number of friends and number of uploaded pictures, whereas time spent on SNS per day was predicted by the explicit affiliation motive. Only weak evidence was found for an influence of implicit motives on SNS activity.
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Horváth, Peter y Karol Šebík. "Voting behavior and municipal elections 2014 in Slovakia". Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2015): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0005.
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Abstract This paper attempts to clarify the patterns of voting behavior among citizens and determinants that could explain voting behavior. In its theoretical part, it deals with the role of party affiliation across several theories of voting behavior - sociological, economic and social-psychological approaches. In section dedicated to interpretation of municipal elections 2014 in regional cities, we evaluate the party identification as the most important factor in voter decision process. We argue, that regional cities are affected by party politics more than smaller cities. Face-to-face contacts with candidates are less frequented and party support plays more and more significant role.
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Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions". Historijski pogledi 3, n.º 4 (30 de diciembre de 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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Iftikhar, Ifra, Irem Sultana y Malik Adnan. "Political Discussions on Social Media in Pakistan and Obstinate Partisanship". Global Political Review VI, n.º I (30 de marzo de 2021): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-i).11.
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With the rise of social media over the last two decades, people have become more polarized and rigid in their views. Social interactions on social media networks are affecting political behaviors and making people obstinate partisans. The term obstinate partisanship was coined by Ardevol-Abreu and Gil de Zuniga (2020) and referred to the blind, unconditional loyalty to a certain political party. The purpose of this study is to examine the prevalence of obstinate partisanship in Pakistani media users who are active consumers of political news and regularly engage in political discussions. This study seeks to investigate how significantly various factors impact obstinate partisanship. The factors studied are media use habits, affiliation with a political party, sociodemographic characteristics including age, gender, education, income, area of residence, and political discussion attributes. The survey data collected from the four major cities of Pakistan and their neighboring rural areas were used. The data revealed that the individuals who engage in political talk online and disagreements during discussions over political issues are more likely to remain unconditionally supportive of party policy and action regardless of their adequacy, the effectiveness of the policy and party performance and this disposition seems to increase with age.
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Povroznik, Nadezhda y Andrey Vladimirovich Smetanin. "The Network of Zemstvo Glasnye: Sources of “Party Affiliation” in the Local Government". Историческая информатика, n.º 1 (enero de 2020): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2585-7797.2020.1.31884.
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The article discusses how the factions in Moscow Zemstvo and Perm Zemstvo assemblies were formed in the first three years of their activity since zemstvos were founded in the second half of the 19th century. These zemstovs have been chosen in order to compare the political structure of the local government both in the capital and in provinces as well as to evaluate the factor of proximity to the imperial institutions and political processes. Both zemstvos directed the life of their economically developed guberniyas, were “active” and their experience was transferred across Russia due to its fruitful results. Social networks inform about glasnye (deputies) who led discussions as well as the decision making process and zemstvos work. As a result, one can find universal and specific features of deputies’ political fragmentation. The research methodology is the network approach and the social network analysis which provided for simulating interaction structures, identifying deputy groups and analyzing them. The authors have studied all journals of Moscow and Perm Zemstvos regular and emergency meetings held during the first three-year period of their activity and have singled out specific discussions. To study personal links they have collected auxiliary data sets providing information about deputies’ personal participation as well as the issues discussed. The study is the first to group glasnye, analyze their cliques and compare peculiar features of zemstvo meetings understudy. In general, the social network analysis supports the idea that personal activity at zemstvo meetings was more effective than the group one at the initial stage. This is supported by the voting results analysis as well. The formation of factions was also greatly hindered by social and political views of zemstvo members.
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Kuang, Xianwen. "Self-Caging or Playing With the Edge? News Selection Autonomy in Authoritarian China". SAGE Open 10, n.º 2 (abril de 2020): 215824402092298. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020922980.
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This article studies how the political affiliation and administrative rank of news organizations in a nondemocratic setting affect news selection autonomy. While existing studies have found that further commercialization contributes to more news selection autonomy, the extent to which political affiliation and administrative rank of news media explain autonomy remains unknown. Eight Chinese news organizations of varying political affiliations and administrative ranks were thus selected to compare their news and frame selection strategies. The findings reveal that political affiliation largely explains news selection autonomy: Party-affiliated outlets generally have lower news selection autonomy than nonparty outlets. Administrative rank has some effect on news selection autonomy in the highly competitive media markets, where news organizations with a lower administrative ranking must play more with propaganda control to compete with their higher ranking counterparts.
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Wang, Xi, Dong-Po Xia, Lixing Sun, Paul A. Garber, Randall C. Kyes, Lori K. Sheeran, Bing-Hua Sun, Bo-Wen Li y Jin-Hua Li. "Infant attraction: why social bridging matters for female leadership in Tibetan macaques". Current Zoology 66, n.º 6 (13 de junio de 2020): 635–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cz/zoaa026.
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Abstract Leadership is a key issue in the study of collective behavior in social animals. Affiliation–leadership models predict that dyadic partner preferences based on grooming relationships or alliance formation positively affect an individual’s decision to follow or support a conspecific. In the case of many primate species, females without young infants are attracted to mother–infant dyads. However, the effects of mother–infant–female associations on affiliation–leadership models remain less clear. In free-ranging Tibetan macaques Macaca thibetana, we used social network analysis to examine the importance of “mother-infant-adult female” social bridging events as a predictor of who leads and who follows during group movement. Social bridging is a common behavior in Tibetan macaques and occurs when 2 adults, generally females, engage in coordinated infant handling. Using eigenvector centrality coefficients of social bridging as a measure of social affiliation, we found that among lactating females, initiating bridging behavior with another female played a significant role in leadership success, with the assisting female following the mother during group movement. Among nonlactating females, this was not the case. Our results indicate that infant attraction can be a strong trigger in collective action and directing group movement in Tibetan macaques and provides benefits to mothers who require helpers and social support in order to ensure the safety of their infants. Our study provides new insights into the importance of the third-party effect in rethinking affiliation–leadership models in group-living animals.
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Frøland, Hans Otto, Tor Georg Jakobsen y Peder Berrefjord Osa. "Two Germanys? Investigating the Religious and Social Base of the 1930 Nazi Electorate". Social Science History 43, n.º 4 (2019): 765–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.33.
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ABSTRACTBy applying data from the 1930 Reichstag election we test whether the German National Socialist Worker’s Party (NSDAP) was a workers, bourgeois, or a catch-all party. We argue that the degree to which the different groups in society voted NSDAP is dependent on the proportion of Protestants and Catholics in their respective Kreis. We build on two important works on the Nazi electorate, Jürgen Falter’s Hitlers Wähler (1991) and King et al. (2008). We specifically make one important change to Falter and King et al.’s models whereby we include new social groups in our study of the interaction between religious affiliation and social groups as an explanation of the Nazi vote. Similar arguments have been made by other historians, yet this has not been tested on data for the whole of Germany until Falter’s work in 1991. We find significant explanatory power in the interaction between religion and social groups on the propensity to vote for the Nazi party.
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Anglin, Aaron H., Jeremy C. Short, David J. Ketchen, Thomas H. Allison y Aaron F. McKenny. "Third-Party Signals in Crowdfunded Microfinance: The Role of Microfinance Institutions". Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice 44, n.º 4 (12 de abril de 2019): 623–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1042258719839709.
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Crowdfunded microfinance research has routinely examined how campaign characteristics drive funding to crowdfunding campaigns but has neglected to examine the critical role of the microfinance institution (MFI). We leverage signaling theory to contend that entrepreneurs’ MFI affiliation is a salient third-party signal that shapes the performance of their crowdfunding campaign and examine how the financial and social performance of MFIs drive campaign funding. Our examination of 220,649 loans paired 173 MFIs supports our arguments. We provide insight into the importance of third-party signals in crowdfunding and into how investors seek to balance social motives with financial concerns in crowdfunded microfinance.
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Ballew, Matthew T., Seth A. Rosenthal, Matthew H. Goldberg, Abel Gustafson, John E. Kotcher, Edward W. Maibach y Anthony Leiserowitz. "Beliefs about others' global warming beliefs: The role of party affiliation and opinion deviance". Journal of Environmental Psychology 70 (agosto de 2020): 101466. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2020.101466.
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Kwon, Kyung Deuk y Hye-Jung Kang. "Social Backgrounds of Local Council Members in Korea: Focusing on Social Diversity". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 16, n.º 3 (30 de julio de 2018): 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/16.3.477-504(2018).
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Local council members have become an important research issue in many countries. However, the research on the social backgrounds of local council members has not enough progressed. This study analyzed the social backgrounds of local council members in Korea elected from 1991 to 2014. For the analysis, this study used gender, age, education, occupation, and political party affiliation and also used the index of qualitative variation to understand the social backgrounds of Korean local councilors. The results showed that social backgrounds of Korean local council members are centered on male, 50s, highly educated, people with political experience, and affiliated to two major parties. The gender diversity of local council members is lowest in comparison with other social background factors. To increase the gender diversity of local council members, the election system should be reformed, and social perception towards female politicians should be improved.
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DeYoung, Colin G., Yanna J. Weisberg, Lena C. Quilty y Jordan B. Peterson. "Unifying the Aspects of the Big Five, the Interpersonal Circumplex, and Trait Affiliation". Journal of Personality 81, n.º 5 (21 de febrero de 2013): 465–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12020.
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Weber, Deanne L. y T. Joel Wade. "INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN OVERT AND COVERT MEASURES OF SEXISM". Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 23, n.º 3 (1 de enero de 1995): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1995.23.3.303.
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The present research was conducted to examine individual differences in responses to overt and coven measures of sexism. First, 25 women and 16 men rated the negative content of sexist statements in order to create a covert and an overt measure of sexism. Next, an additional group of 35 men and-74 women responded to these measures in order to determine the relationships between sex, educational maturity, political party affiliation, participation in a gender awareness course, willingness to help a woman in the future and covert and overt sexism. Main effects for sex of respondent, and enrollment in a gender awareness course were hypothesized such that men, and students not enrolled in a gender awareness course would score higher than women, and students in a gender awareness course on both measures with scores for the covert measure being highest. Additionally, sex by political party affiliation, sex by educational maturity, and sex by willingness to help a woman in the future interactions were hypothesized such that conservative men, men with less educational maturity, and men unwilling to help a woman in the future would score higher than women in each case. Once again for each interaction men's scores for the coven items were hypothesized to be highest. Results obtained partially supported the hypotheses. Main effects for sex, and willingness to help a woman in the future, and a sex by enrollment in a gender awareness course interaction occurred. Results are discussed in terms of existing research and the lack of awareness of sexism in current society.
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Löve, Jesper, Monica Bertilsson, Johan Martinsson, Lena Wängnerud y Gunnel Hensing. "Political Ideology and Stigmatizing Attitudes Toward Depression: The Swedish Case". International Journal of Health Policy and Management 8, n.º 6 (19 de marzo de 2018): 365–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15171/ijhpm.2019.15.
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Background: Stigmatizing attitudes toward persons with mental disorders is a well-established and global phenomenon often leading to discrimination and social exclusion. Although previous research in the United States showed that conservative ideology has been related to stigmatizing attitudes toward mental disorders, there is reason to believe that this mechanism plays a different role in the context of a universal welfare state with a multi-party system such as Sweden. Furthermore, "mental disorders" may signify severe psychotic disorders, which may evoke more negative attitudes. This suggests the importance of specific studies focusing on the more common phenomenon of depression. This paper investigates the relationship between political ideology and stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. Methods: This study is part of the New Ways research program. Data were collected by the Laboratory of Opinion Research (LORE) at the University of Gothenburg in 2014 (N = 3246). Independent variables were political ideology and party affiliation. The dependent variable was the Depression Stigma Scale (DSS). Data were analyzed with linear regression analyses and analyses of variance. Results: More conservative ideology (B = 0.68, standard error [SE] = 0.04, P<.001) and more conservative party affiliation (F(8 2920) = 38.45, P<.001) showed more stigmatizing attitudes toward depression. Item-level analyses revealed a difference where the supporters of the conservative party differed (P<.05) from supporters of the liberal party, with a higher proportion agreeing that "people could snap out of " depression if they wanted to; the populist right-wing party differed from the conservative party with a higher proportion agreeing on items displaying people with depression as "dangerous" and "unpredictable." Even self-stigma was highest among the populist right-wing party with 22.3% agreeing that "if I had depression I wouldn’t tell…." Conclusion: Political ideology was associated with stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. The results also confirm the need to distinguish between different forms of conservatism by observing social distance as being a more important driver among voters for the populist right-wing party compared with personal agency and responsibility among voters for the more traditional conservative party.
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Pennycook, Gordon y David G. Rand. "Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 45, n.º 2 (9 de julio de 2018): 224–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167218783192.
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We present a large exploratory study ( N = 15,001) investigating the relationship between cognitive reflection and political affiliation, ideology, and voting in the 2016 Presidential Election. We find that Trump voters are less reflective than Clinton voters or third-party voters. However, much (although not all) of this difference was driven by Democrats who chose Trump. Among Republicans, conversely, Clinton and Trump voters were similar, whereas third-party voters were more reflective. Furthermore, although Democrats/liberals were somewhat more reflective than Republicans/conservatives overall, political moderates and nonvoters were least reflective, whereas libertarians were most reflective. Thus, beyond the previously theorized correlation between analytic thinking and liberalism, these data suggest three additional consequences of reflectiveness (or lack thereof) for political cognition: (a) facilitating political apathy versus engagement, (b) supporting the adoption of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, and (c) drawing individuals toward candidates who share their cognitive style and toward policy proposals that are intuitively compelling.
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Goidel, Kirby, Brian Smentkowski y Craig Freeman. "Perceptions of Threat to Religious Liberty". PS: Political Science & Politics 49, n.º 03 (julio de 2016): 426–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516000809.
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ABSTRACTReligious freedom in the United States is widely enjoyed and vigorously protected. Yet, a substantial percentage of Americans believe that their religious liberties are threatened. This article investigates the origins of these perceptions, focusing on the role of political orientations, religious identities and behaviors, social issues (i.e., gay marriage and abortion), and news attentiveness. We found that perceptions of threat are related to political orientations (i.e., partisan affiliation, ideology, and Tea Party identification) and issue positions (i.e., opposition to gay marriage). Consistent with theories of elite cue-taking, the effects of partisan affiliation are contingent on news attentiveness. Republicans who pay closer attention to the news are more likely to state that their religious liberties are threatened.
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Mejri, Sami B. "Examining the Correlation between American Students’ Cultural Intelligence, Political Affiliations, and Their Social Distances from Their International Peers". Journal of International Students 9, n.º 3 (15 de agosto de 2019): 873–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v0i0.81.
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Guided by the theories of cultural intelligence and social distance, the purpose of this quantitative non-experimental study was to determine whether first-year American-born college students’ political party affiliations and cultural intelligence (CQ) relate to their self-reported social distances (SDs) from international students. One hundred and twenty-one first-year college students at a 4-year Midwestern university participated in this study. Regression analysis showed that political party affiliation (β = .194, t = 3.074, p = .003), metacognitive CQ (β = −.239, t = −.2.885, p = .005), motivational CQ (β = −.363, t = −4.225, p = .001), and behavioral CQ (β = −.215, t = −3.078, p = .003) of American-born college students were statistically significant predictors of their social distances from international peers. However, cognitive CQ (β = .009, t = .112, p = .911) was not a statistically significant predictor of social distance between these two groups of students.
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DeMarco, Tina C. y Anna-Kaisa Newheiser. "Coping With Group Members Who Insult the In-Group". Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, n.º 2 (20 de septiembre de 2017): 234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617732392.
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How do people cope with group members who insult the in-group? The 2016 U.S. Presidential election provided an opportunity to examine this question among group members experiencing unprecedented within-group strife. Participants read an essay written by an in-group or out-group member (Study 1, university affiliation; Study 2, U.S. political party affiliation, conducted at the height of the 2016 Presidential campaign), in which the author insulted his or her in-group. Participants reported the extent to which and reasons why they wanted to confront and avoid the target. Desire to rebuke the target, but not desire to protect oneself and the in-group, mediated the relationship between exposure to in-group (vs. out-group) deviance and confrontation. Desires to rebuke and protect jointly mediated the relationship with avoidance. Whereas people may differ on how they react to in-group deviance, they are primarily motivated by wanting to reprimand deviants, with implications for coping with intragroup conflict.
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Feo, Rebecca y Amanda LeCouteur. "Dealing with third-party complaints on a men’s relationship-counselling helpline". Discourse Studies 19, n.º 2 (1 de febrero de 2017): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445617691701.
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This article examines how third-party complaints were responded to by counsellors on a men’s relationship-counselling helpline. Much prior conversation analytic research has shown that third-party complaints in institutional settings are embedded in other activities and treated as secondary to the main interactional business. As such, complaints are routinely responded to with a shift to a new, institutionally relevant activity (e.g. the reason for the call/visit). In the context examined here, however, the third-party complaints constituted callers’ reasons for call. We show that, as in many other institutional contexts, counsellors do not, commonly, affiliate with callers’ complaints in the sense of displaying a similar stance towards a described third party. However, unlike in other settings that have been examined, counsellors’ responses did not result in an immediate shift away from callers’ complaints. This was primarily because, following counsellors’ non-affiliative responses, callers regularly engaged in work to pursue affiliation.
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Morris, Gary. "Beyond the Beach: Social and Formal Aspects of AIP's Beach Party Movies". Journal of Popular Film and Television 21, n.º 1 (10 de enero de 1993): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01956051.1993.9943970.
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Miller, Jordan A., Margaret A. Stanton, Elizabeth V. Lonsdorf, Kaitlin R. Wellens, A. Catherine Markham y Carson M. Murray. "Limited evidence for third-party affiliation during development in wild chimpanzees ( Pan troglodytes schweinfurthii )". Royal Society Open Science 4, n.º 9 (septiembre de 2017): 170500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.170500.
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Examining the ontogeny of conflict-mitigating behaviours in our closest living relatives is an important component of understanding the evolutionary origins of cooperation in our species. In this study, we used 26 years of data to investigate the emergence of third-party affiliation (TPA), defined as affiliative contact given to recipients of aggression by uninvolved bystanders (regardless of initiation), in wild immature eastern chimpanzees ( Pan troglodytes schweinfurthii ) of Gombe National Park, Tanzania. We also characterized TPA by mothers in the same dataset as an adult benchmark for interpreting immature TPA patterns. In summary, we found that immatures did not express TPA as measured by grooming between the ages of 1.5 and 12.0 years, and that there was limited evidence that immatures expressed TPA via play. We also found that mothers did express TPA to offspring, although mothers did not show TPA towards non-offspring. Cases of TPA by mothers to other adults were too few to analyse separately. These results contrast with findings from captive studies which found that chimpanzees as young as 6 years of age demonstrated TPA. We argue that within-species variation in the expression of TPA, both in immatures and adulthood, provides evidence that the conflict management behaviours of young chimpanzees may be heavily influenced by social, ecological and demographic factors.
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Maccio, Elaine M., Sara Mateer DeRosa, Scott E. Wilks y Amy L. Wright. "Age Differences in LGBT Attitudes Toward Marriage Equality". Advances in Social Work 15, n.º 2 (7 de octubre de 2014): 428–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/17162.
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The purpose of this study was to compare attitudes of older versus younger lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals regarding marriage equality. Data were collected via self-report questionnaires from 350 LGBT adults in a mid-size city in the southern United States. Older and younger LGBT cohorts did not differ significantly in voter registration, political party affiliation, awareness of LGBT political issues, or voting on social issues. Older LGBT adults were less likely to find same-sex marriage important. Yet, age cohorts did not differ significantly on legalizing same-sex marriage. Social work implications are discussed regarding this policy area.