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1
Viatkin, Ilia. "Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage". Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (29 de junio de 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.
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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.
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Silvia, Stephen J. "Left behind: The social democratic party in Eastern Germany". West European Politics 16, n.º 2 (abril de 1993): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389308424959.
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Sharikov, Pavel. "AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, n.º 6 (31 de diciembre de 2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.
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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.
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Mushtaq, Shireen, Dua Hamid y Javeria Sheikh. "Securitisation of the Refugee Issue in Germany: The Far Right Challenge to Government Policies". Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, n.º 1 (30 de diciembre de 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.1.
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The refugee crisis in Germany began as the Syrian Civil war soared into a large-scale conflict. Germany adopted the Open Door Policy and allowed over a million Syrian refugees to enter. This paper focuses on the implication of this refugee crisis on German national politics. In this paper, Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s theory of securitisation and de-securitisation is used, they describe Securitisation as an extreme version of politicisation and de-securitisation is the process of normalising the issue. Through a case study, we assess the role of securitising actors and desecuritising actors in Germany. The securitising actors include mainly Alternative for Germany (AfD), Pegida movement, Christian Social Union (CSU), whereby they focus on securitising the refugee and migrant issue by treating it as an existential threat to Germany. As a counter narrative the desecuritising actors include the ruling party and their coalition such as the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, and the Left Party which focus on desecuritising the issue. The paper concludes, the process of securitisation has been more effective as compared to the process of desecuritisation in German national politics.
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Chigasheva, M. A. "Gender political correctness in German (on the material of political leaders public performances)". Philology at MGIMO 23, n.º 3 (17 de septiembre de 2020): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-72-79.
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The issue of gender equality is currently being studied on the basis of different languages and from various positions, most intensively from the point of view of language policy. In this case, we are talking about the choice of language tools in oral or written speech that allow to unambiguously reflect gender and the social role of the named person. The word-building capabilities of the German language, in particular suffixation and substantiation, represent a significant potential for creating gender-correct lexical units. The main objective of the study was to identify lexical means of expressing political correctness in the speech of representatives of various political parties of Germany (Christian Democratic Union, Christian Social Union, Social Democratic Party of Germany, Free Democratic Party, Green Party, Left Party, Alternative for Germany) in close interconnection with extralinguistic factors. In the research process, the continuous sampling method, semantic, contextual, and statistical analysis were used, which made it possible to identify units with a gender marking. Based on semantic attributes, the identified lexemes were classified into four groups: feminitives, gender-neutral, gender-asymmetric, and gender-symmetric units. The analysis shows the changes in the German language towards gender equality. The main tendency of this process is feminization, the signs of which are found primarily in the language of female politicians, which also reflects the national-cultural specificity of the modern German language.
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Anderson, Karen M. y Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden". Journal of Public Policy 23, n.º 1 (enero de 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.
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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Rath, R. John. "The DollfuΒ Ministry: The Demise of the Nationalrat". Austrian History Yearbook 32 (enero de 2001): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001119x.
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The demise of Parliament in March 1933 was the most significant single act in the march to semifascism in Austria, which began with the formation of the Heimwehr in the early days of the First Republic and was well under way when significant changes were made in the government on September 21,1933, and a concentration camp was established at Wöllersdorf a few days later. Traditional democratic means were employed to abolish Parliament. Dollfuβ, the Heimwehr, and the Christian Social Party only did what parties in power in democracies do when under attack. They used all the means at their disposal to protect their government from being overthrown. The Social Democrats and Greater Germans, likewise, employed only democratic means in their effort to overthrow the Dollfuβ regime and to preserve a democratically elected Parliament. Dollfuβ and the leaders of all but the National Socialist Party in Austria were well aware of the great danger to Austria that stemmed from the intensification of National Socialist efforts to overthrow a democratic form of government in Austria after Hitler came to power in Germany and knew that the German National Socialists were providing financial support to the Austrian Greater German Party to support them in their efforts to take control of Austria.
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Martynov, Andrii. "GERMAN PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AFTER 2021 ELECTION". European Historical Studies, n.º 20 (2021): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7.
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The article examines the impact of the 2021 parliamentary elections on German parliamentary democracy. The pandemic and climate change have affected the mood of German voters. The peculiarities of the activity of German parliamentary parties during the election campaign are analyzed. German voters have demonstrated the ability to make rational political decisions. This made it possible to renew the composition of the Bundestag and preserve the professionalism of the deputies. The «Christian Democrats» believed that Germany should become a climate-neutral industrial state. Following the election, the «Christian Democrats» showed the worst result. The Bavarian «Christian Social Union» maintained its political position. The winners of the election, the «Social Democrats», conducted an ideal election campaign. The «Green Party» ran an optimistic election campaign. Opponents have accused the Greens of failing to combine climate protection with economic growth. The opposition Left Party promoted climate-friendly socialism. In the new Bundestag, the left is represented by a victory in two majority districts. The «Alternative for Germany» party ran a passive election campaign. It is the only party to support Germany’s withdrawal from the European Union. All parliamentary parties campaigned against «Alternatives for Germany». The «Free Democratic Party» conducted an active and optimistic election campaign. Following the election, the «Social Democrats», the «Green Party» and the «Free Democrats» formed a «social-liberal green coalition», Chancellor Olaf Scholz promised to ensure the heredity of the development of a social market economy. The innovation concerned the intentions of the «Green Party» to create a climate-neutral German economy. The article notes that the new ruling German coalition opens up positive opportunities for the development of Ukrainian-German relations. Maintaining the political balance in Germany maintains stability in the European Union.
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Nefedov, Vyacheslav. "The influence of Soviet Union on the post-war culture development of Eastern Germany (1945–1949)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n.º 178 (2019): 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-178-175-181.
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The study of cultural problems in the countries of the socialist community has acquired considerable relevance in historical research recently. At the same time there are considerable gaps in the study of culture of German Democratic Republic. For the period from 1945 to 1949 it is especially true. Appeal to the sources of the Soviet period can make it partly up. Nevertheless, this is insufficient. A modern view of the culture of East Germany after Second World War is ne-cessary. The policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany at the socialist culture formation period is the subject of this research. The consideration of the influence of Soviet Union and ideas of Oc-tober Revolution on the postwar cultural development of East Germany (1945–1949) is the aim of this research. The realization of research tasks based on the using of Soviet and German books, newspapers and magazines is achieved. Sociopragmatic method, that allows to objectively investigate the processes in Soviet occupation zone of German is the main in this work. Social processes that occurred from 1945 to 1949 in East Germany are investigated. The degree of influence of Soviet Union and the ideas of October Revolution on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany is determined. The study of the Soviet influence on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany in the German society allowed to determinate its level as quite high. The study confirms the conclusions of researchers that party persons of SUPG sought to conduct cultural policy in East Germany based on the Soviet sample.
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Gyu-Jung Park. "The Social Democratic Party and the Reichstag in Wilhelm Germany (1890-1914)". Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 14, n.º 1 (mayo de 2007): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.18107/japs.2007.14.1.006.
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Mckibben, David. "Who Were the German Independent Socialists? The Leipzig City Council Election of 6 December 1917". Central European History 25, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1992): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021452.
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The emergence of the Independent Socialist party (USPD) in Germany during World War I had momentous and long-reaching consequences. Organized as a group of dissenters within the established German Social Democratic party (SPD), independent socialism grew into a movement that split Germany's working class into two, then three, warring factions. The result was a struggle for supremacy among socialist party factions to which subsequent writers have attributed the “failed” revolution of November 1918, a Weimar Constitution that alienated rather than satisfied German workers, and ultimately the inability of German Socialists to present a unified front against the ultimate threat to German democracy: Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich.
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Tichenor, Kimba Allie. "Protecting Unborn Life in the Secular Age: The Catholic Church and the West German Abortion Debate, 1969–1989". Central European History 47, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2014): 612–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001666.
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In 1969, the newly elected coalition government of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) in West Germany announced plans to reform Paragraph 218, the law that regulated women's access to abortion. This announcement prompted a public debate in West Germany on the state's obligation to protect unborn life—a debate that continues today in reunified Germany. Through an analysis of key events in that debate between 1969 and 1989, this article makes a twofold argument. First it argues that despite West Germany's increasingly secular orientation, the Catholic Church exercised significant political influence with respect to abortion policy throughout the history of the Federal Republic. Second, it argues that the West German Church's participation in these debates exposed deep rifts within the Catholic community, which, in turn, contributed to the formation of a smaller, more activist, and conservative Church. This smaller Church has achieved a remarkable degree of political success in reunified Germany by mobilizing its conservative core constituency, embracing new arguments, and pursuing issue-specific alliances.
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Lisenkova, A. D. "The role of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union and Germany". UPRAVLENIE / MANAGEMENT (Russia) 9, n.º 4 (5 de enero de 2022): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2021-9-4-121-138.
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The subject of the study is the involvement of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union, using Germany and its federal states as an example. This article describes the theoretical and practical foundations of multi-level governance. The place of European parties and their national member parties from Germany in the institutional system and decision-making process of environmental policy has been defined. For practical illustration, the climate policy guidelines of Germany’s main national parties (the Christian Democratic Union of Germany and the Christian Social Union in Bavaria, the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Alternative for Germany, the Free Democratic Party of Germany, the Left and the Alliance 90 / The Greens) and their European affiliations (the European People’s Party, the Party of the European Socialists, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, the European Green Party and the Party of European Left) were compared with an emphasis on the new targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The unique opportunity for parties to participate in environmental policymaking at all key levels, which is not limited to parliamentary institutions has been highlighted. Appointments to environmental positions at different levels often correlate with membership of the most environmentally oriented parties, although the level of environmental involvement may differ between national parties and their European affiliations. Among other things, this has to do with participation in governing coalitions and dependence on a senior partner in them, as shown by the examples of the Bundestag and the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg. The final decision depends heavily on the unity of the coalition at federal and state level, whereas in the European Parliament there is a great differentiation of opinions, which allows even the most influential European People’s Party to be blocked from voting.
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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.
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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.
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Kudriachenko, Andrii y Viktoriia Soloshenko. "Contemporary Problems of Political Transformation in Modern Germany". Diplomatic Ukraine, n.º XXI (2020): 700–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-35.
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The article states that the political party system formed on the constitutional basis of the Basic Law of Germany is one of the key pillars of democracy of the German state. The Western German-style political party system, based on a substantial legal framework, political culture, and traditions, has convincingly proved its democratic spirit and viability over several decades of the post-war period. The effectiveness of this system was ensured by the presence of the two large parties, the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. The attractiveness of their policy priorities, broad political activity, and statist approaches made it possible to displace other, less influential, parties. The effectiveness and viability of the political party system of Germany are also proven by the course of the process of restoring the country’s state unity. The current period is characterised by systemic crisis phenomena, which have not spared German major parties. These processes are also taking place in other European countries, as previously stable parties transform over time into an idiosyncratic kind of political and technological institutions. For them, short-term success is a priority and is defined by the number of votes cast, rather than the focus on robust principles and visions of the future. However, it may be fair to claim that the whole previous experience testifies to the creativity of the political party system of post-war Germany, thus making the modern Federal Republic of Germany able to cope with contemporary problems and challenges. This is – and will be – buttressed by time and new approaches pursued by politicians, experts, and scholars as well as the previous practice of reaching compromises and social concord in the name of national interests. The political party system was and remains an important constituent of the entire state and political system of Germany. Keywords: political party system, Federal Republic of Germany, state system, Germany, Christian Democrats, Social Democrats.
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Lagenbacher, Eric. "Introduction". German Politics and Society 36, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360101.
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The elections for the German Bundestag on 24 September 2017 saw heavy losses for the two governing parties—the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD)—and the rise of the rightpopulist Alternative for Germany (AfD). It took almost six months for a new grand coalition to be formed in light of the extremely fragmented parliament. Despite the good economic situation and relative calm domestically and internationally, much change is occurring under the surface. Most importantly, the country is preparing for the end of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s long tenure. Who and what will come next? Can the surging AfD be contained? Will Germany step up into the leadership role for which so many have called?
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Rathkolb, Oliver. "Austria's “Ostpolitik” in the 1950s and 1960s: Honest Broker or Double Agent?" Austrian History Yearbook 26 (enero de 1995): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004276.
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In literature on diplomacy, the term Ostpolitik refers to the new foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany introduced in 1966. The policy, was initiated by the grand coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union (CSU), and the Social Democratic party (SPD) and was continued after 1969 by the SPD and Free Democratic party (FDP) coalition. The policy aimed at reconciling Germany with Poland and the Soviet Union. Willy Brandt, the SPD foreign minister from 1966 to 1969 and chancellor from 1969 until 1974, and Walter Scheel, FDP foreign minister from 1969 to 1974, were the architects of this new “selective Détente.” From the beginning, Brandt's Ostpolitik was “controlled” by the Nixon administration, especially by Kissinger. The United States feared that Brandt and Scheel would go too far without taking account of Washington's geo-political point of view.
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Intra-party democracy beyond aggregation". Party Politics 24, n.º 4 (21 de junio de 2016): 323–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816655563.
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Contemporary scholarship on intra-party democracy pays a great deal of attention to aggregative procedures like primaries or membership ballots but widely ignores deliberative procedures within parties. This article begins by highlighting why scholars should care about deliberation within parties, discussing several functions intra-party deliberation is said to serve in the democratic theory literature. It then goes on to explore the deliberative credentials of political discussion between party members, drawing on group interviews with party members in two Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria. Two issues are investigated: the preconditions for deliberation among party members and their justificatory patterns. The results of the analysis suggest that parties can be genuine vehicles of deliberation, and thus point towards a research programme on intra-party democracy that differs quite starkly from that which prevails.
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Hajek, André y Hans-Helmut König. "Political Party Affinity and Fear of Conventional and Nuclear War in Germany". Psychiatry International 3, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2022): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/psychiatryint3030017.
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Aim: to clarify the association between political party affinity and fear of conventional and nuclear war in Germany. Methods: data were used from a nationally representative online survey (in terms of age bracket, sex and state; n = 3091 individuals; mid-March 2022). Multiple linear regressions were used to investigate the association between political party affinity and fear of conventional and nuclear war in Germany, adjusting for several covariates. Results: while, for example, individuals who had an affinity with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) of Germany reported the highest frequency of severe fear of a conventional war (58.0%), individuals who had an affinity with the Left Party (Die Linken, left-wing) reported a somewhat lower frequency of severe fear (48.2%) and individuals who had an affinity with the Alternative for Germany (AFD, right-wing) reported the lowest frequency (43.7%). Regressions showed that—compared to individuals who had an affinity with the SPD—individuals who had an affinity with the Free Democratic Party (FDP, liberal) and particularly individuals who had an affinity with the Alternative for Germany (AFD) reported a markedly lower fear of war (both fear of a conventional war and fear of a nuclear war). Conclusion: our study showed some interesting associations between political party affinity and fear of war in Germany. This knowledge may assist in characterising individuals at risk for higher levels of fear of war.
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Spicka, Mark E. "Selling the Economic Miracle: Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957". German Politics and Society 20, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2002): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385462.
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Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.
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Kreuzer, Marcus. "Money, Votes, and Political Leverage: Explaining the Electoral Performance of Liberals in Interwar France and Germany". Social Science History 23, n.º 2 (1999): 211–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001806x.
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The capacity of political parties to adapt to rapid political change has received little attention. The literature on parties usually studies political organizations from either a sociological perspective, as if they are automatically transformed by socioeconomic changes, or a rational choice perspective, as if they optimally adapt themselves to environmental changes. Neither approach pays sufficient attention to parties’ internal decision making and its effect on their capacity to innovate. This article compares the Parti radical (French Radical Party, Radicals) with the Deutsche Demokratische Partei (German Democratic Party, DDP) and the Deutsche Volkspartei (German People’s Party, DVP) during the interwar period to demonstrate how electoral mechanisms can systematically account for their different innovative capacities.
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Rensmann, Lars. "Divided We Stand". German Politics and Society 37, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2019): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370304.
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Germany continues to face an inter-regional political divide between the East and the West three decades after unification. Most strikingly, this divide is expressed in different party systems. The right-wing populist Alternative for Germany and the left-wing populist Left Party are considerably more successful in the eastern regions, while German centrist parties perform worse (and shrink faster at the ballot-box) than in the West. The article discusses empirical evidence of this resilient yet puzzling political divide and explores three main clusters of explanatory factors: The after-effects of the German Democratic Republic’s authoritarian past and its politico-cultural legacies, translating into distinct value cleavage configurations alongside significantly weaker institutional trust and more wide-spread skepticism towards democracy in the East; continuous, even if partly reduced inter-regional socioeconomic divisions and varying economic, social and political opportunities; and populist parties and movements acting as political entrepreneurs who construct and politically reinforce the East-West divide. It is argued that only the combination of these factors helps understand the depth and origins of the lasting divide.
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Lamberti, Marjorie. "General Lucius Clay, German Politicians, and the Great Crisis during the Making of West Germany's Constitution". German Politics and Society 27, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2009): 24–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270402.
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This article examines the complex interplay between the American military governor and German political leaders through an analysis of two crises that occurred over the making of the Basic Law. Why did a trial of strength between General Lucius Clay and the Social Democratic Party leadership in March and April 1949 come about? Understanding Clay's intervention in the politics of constitution-making in occupied Germany requires a more probing investigation than references to the temperament of a “proconsul” or a bias against a left-wing party. The analysis of Clay's intervention in this account shows how the Social Democrats evaded and challenged directives from the occupation authorities, and illuminates the limits of his influence over German framers of the Basic Law.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "‘New Green’ Pragmatism in Germany – Green Politics beyond the Social Democratic Embrace?" Government and Opposition 39, n.º 4 (2004): 564–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00136.x.
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AbstractCoalitions with left-of-centre parties have traditionally been regarded as the only viable option for Green parties that have shed their stance of radical opposition. The German Greens are investigated as a case study putting this assumption into doubt. Historical analysis of their relationship with the Social Democratic Party reveals how they slipped into life-threatening dependency on the latter. A survey of consecutive reinterpretations of the positioning formula ‘Neither right, nor left but ahead’ maps the struggle for an independent Green identity. An appraisal of recent debates about Conservative– Green alliances investigates the basis for Green coalition politics beyond the Social Democratic embrace.
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Huken, Johannes. "The Next Step in German Tax Reform: Accelerating Economic Growth". Intertax 38, Issue 4 (1 de abril de 2010): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2010028.
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The latest German federal election took place on 27 September 2009 to elect the members of the Bundestag, the federal parliament of Germany. As preliminary results had already shown, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU), and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) were able to form a conservative/liberal coalition that will govern during the next four years. The coalition agreement was signed on 26 October 2009 setting out the agenda for the upcoming legislative period. The agreement that describes the government’s policy goals and how it intends to achieve those goals includes some details on planned tax changes, which are likely to affect many taxpayers.
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Luxemburg, Rosa. "Karl Marx". tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, n.º 2 (4 de mayo de 2018): 729–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i2.1018.
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Marx died on March 14, 1883. Exactly twenty years later, on March 14, 1903, Rosa Luxemburg’s reflections on Karl Marx were published in German in Vorwärts, the newspaper of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. tripleC publishes an English translation of Luxemburg’s essay on the occasion of Marx’s bicentenary. Christian Fuchs’ postface “Karl Marx and Rosa Luxemburg” asks the question of how we can make sense of Rosa Luxemburg’s reading of Marx in 2018. Source of the German original: Luxemburg, Rosa. 1903. Karl Marx. Vorwärts 62: 1-2.
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Jorg Michael, Dostal. "The German Political Economy between Deregulation and Re-regulation: Party Discourses on Minimum Wage Policies". Korean Journal of Policy Studies 27, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2012): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps27205.
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In the German political economy of the early 21st century, labor market policymaking has shifted toward deregulation and liberalization. In particular, the so-called Hartz labor market reforms of the Social Democratic Party and Green Party government, introduced in 2002 and 2003, pushed for employment growth in low-wage and deregulated employment sectors. This article focuses on one of the key debates triggered by Germany`s labor market deregulation after 2002, namely whether the introduction of a statutory minimum wage is required to re-regulate the country`s labor market. Based on interviews with members of the five political parties in the German federal parliament and analysis of each party`s policy-making discourses over time (2002-2012), the article suggests that the deregulation of the last decade has triggered demand for new policies of reregulation. This would include the introduction of a statutory minimum wage in Germany at some future point in time. However, such re-regulation does not question earlier labor market liberalization but serves as a political side-payment to ingrain the shift of the German political economy toward a more liberal regime.
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Lysenko, Maksim. "The Process of Transformation of the Policy of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany in 1921-1922." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, n.º 6 (junio de 2022): 124–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.6.39404.
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The subject of the study is the internal processes in the USPD (Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany), as well as external factors from the spring of 1921 to the summer of 1922, which led to a change in the party's strategy and, ultimately, to its unification with the SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany). Special attention is paid to discussions on the party's strategy in the conditions of crisis for the Weimar Republic, namely, left-radical and right-radical threats, the difficult foreign policy situation and instability of the party-political system. The research methodology is based on the tools of historical and political sciences. In particular, it is important to use a psychological approach in party science, which implies the study of the NSDPG based on the subjective vision of political and socio-economic processes by individuals, a group of individuals or the whole collective, which allows us to analyze the motivation of the actions of independents. The study demonstrates that in the conditions of the extremely unstable situation in the Weimar Republic and competition with other left-wing parties, the NSDPG's action program became unviable, as a result of which the party became closer to the SPD on many key issues. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that, unlike the Social Democrats and Communists in Germany, the history of the NSDPG has been studied to a much lesser extent. Of course, there is a fairly extensive historiography, however, the authors paid close attention to the reasons for the separation of the party in 1917 and the issues of its split due to the issue of joining the Third International in 1920, while the process of rapprochement between the NSDPG and the SPD was considered superficially.
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Hepburn, Eve y Dan Hough. "Regionalist Parties and the Mobilization of Territorial Difference in Germany". Government and Opposition 47, n.º 1 (2012): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01351.x.
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AbstractAnalysis of political regionalism and regionalist parties has traditionally neglected the case of Germany. We argue that this is a curious ommission. This article looks to redress this balance by applying frameworks created for understanding the determinants of regionalist party success to the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU) and the eastern Germany Party of Democratic Socialism (1990–2005, PDS). Although very different in terms of their politics, both parties have been successful as they have followed strategies and tactics evident in the broader regionalist parties' literature. This article therefore deepens our knowledge of regionalism in Germany, while also testing regionalist literatures in a new country-context.
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Braunthal, Gerard. "The 1989 Basic Program of the German Social Democratic Party". Polity 25, n.º 3 (marzo de 1993): 375–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234970.
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Granieri, Ronald J. "Politics in C Minor: The CDU/CSU between Germany and Europe since the Secular Sixties". Central European History 42, n.º 1 (marzo de 2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000016.
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AbstractIn 1962, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) faced an uncertain future. The governing party within the Federal Republic of Germany since the state's founding in 1949 (along with its Bavarian partner, the Christian Social Union, known collectively as the CDU/CSU or Union), the CDU had endured a bruising election campaign through the summer of 1961. The combination of a dynamic young Social Democratic challenger, Willy Brandt, and the building of the Berlin Wall had exposed frustration with the leadership style of octogenarian Chancellor and CDU Chair Konrad Adenauer, and cost the Union its absolute majority in the Bundestag. Electoral disappointment was followed by protracted coalition negotiations with the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP), which nearly doubled its vote totals by promising voters a coalition “with the Union but without Adenauer.” The coalition negotiations dragged on well into late autumn and exposed internal divisions. Adenauer, the only chancellor the Federal Republic had ever known, had been forced to agree to retire before 1965 to allow his successor to prepare for the next campaign.
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NAKATANI, Tsuyoshi. "Voluntary Party Quota Regulations for Women's Political Representation in Germany: In the Case of the Social Democratic Party (SPD)". Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 61, n.º 2 (2010): 2_48–2_67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_48.
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Ruff, Mark Edward. "Building Bridges between Catholicism and Socialism: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and the Social Democratic Party of Germany". Contemporary European History 29, n.º 2 (3 de febrero de 2020): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000053.
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AbstractThis article examines the ideological and political transformations that allowed dialogue between Catholics and socialists to bear fruit in the Federal Republic of Germany in the immediate post-war era. It focuses on the role played by Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, the prominent Catholic intellectual, constitutional theorist, historian and future Constitutional Court justice.
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Kohl, Sebastian y Jardar Sørvoll. "Varieties of Social Democracy and Cooperativism: Explaining the Historical Divergence between Housing Regimes in Nordic and German-Speaking Countries". Social Science History 45, n.º 3 (2021): 561–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.16.
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AbstractThe historical-comparative study of social democracy and cooperative organization are the foster children of historical sociology. This article offers a first account of systematic ideological differences in social-democratic ideology regarding private ownership and different cooperative traditions in the housing sphere of Northern European and continental German-speaking countries. The long-run trajectory of housing welfare regimes in these two country groups has been one of divergence: Nordic countries have moved to Anglo-Saxon levels of high homeownership, high levels of mortgage indebtedness, and house price increases, whereas private tenancy, lower indebtedness, and lower price increases still characterize their German counterparts. Based on historical case studies of Germany and Norway, we argue that the divergence in these two countries can be understood by the different social-democratic and cooperative solutions to the urban housing question from the 1920s onward. Supported by a pro-ownership social democracy, Norway started to develop housing cooperatives of the owner cooperative type, whereas German social democracy was in favor of associations of the tenant cooperative type. The differential growth of these two types of cooperatives and disparities in social democratic party ideology contributed to the urban housing divergence between the two country groups that has been observed ever since. We argue, more generally, that varieties of social democracy and welfare-anticipating cooperative organizations are important in helping us understand the welfare differences between countries.
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Parlyk, Vladislav. "The search of ways out of crisis of the Social Democratic Movement of Austria". Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, n.º 2 (22 de abril de 2019): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171924.
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The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life.
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Paterson, William E. y James Sloam. "The SPD and the Debacle of the 2009 German Federal Election: An Opportunity for Renewal". German Politics and Society 28, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2010): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280304.
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The 2009 German federal election marked a devastating defeat for the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The debacle led some commentators to speculate about the end of the SPD as a “catch-all party“ and—given the recent poor performance of center-left parties across Europe—“the end of social democracy.“ In this article, we contextualize the result of the 2009 Bundestag election within the settings of German party politics and European social democracy, and show how the electoral disaster for the SPD can be explained by broad, long-term political developments. We nevertheless argue that the German Social Democrat's defeat in 2009 provides an opportunity for renewal at a time when the governing Conservative-Liberal coalition—already in disarray—must take some tough decisions with regard to the resource crunch in German public finances.
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Camerra-Rowe, Pamela. "Agenda 2010: Redefining German Social Democracy". German Politics and Society 22, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2004): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503004782353311.
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In March 2003, Social Democratic Chancellor Gerhard Schröderannounced a series of reforms that his government plans to undertakein order to deal with Germany’s pressing economic problems.These reform proposals, known as Agenda 2010, include cuttingunemployment benefits, making it easier to hire and fire workers,reducing health insurance coverage, and raising the retirement age.The reforms mark a change in the direction of the German SocialDemocratic Party’s (SPD) economic policy. Rather than promotingtraditional social democratic values such as collective responsibility,workers’ rights, and the expansion of state benefits, Schröder declaredthat “We will have to curtail the work of the state, encourage moreindividual responsibility, and require greater individual performancefrom each person. Every group in the society will have to contributeits share.”1 Despite opposition to these reforms by labor unions andleftist members of the party, Agenda 2010 was approved by nearly 90percent of SPD party delegates at a special party conference in June2003.2 Several of the reforms, including health care and job protectionreforms, were passed by the legislature at the end of 2003 andtook effect on 1 January 2004.
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Helms, Ludger. "Is there Life after Kohl? The CDU Crisis and the Future of Party Democracy in Germany". Government and Opposition 35, n.º 4 (octubre de 2000): 419–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00039.
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There are few Chapters of the Federal Republic'S History that could be written without a prominent reference to the Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Since 1949 Christian Democratic chancellors have led German governments for no less than 37 years. Even when in opposition, the Christian Democrats - composed at the national level of the CDU and the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU)1 - constituted more often than not the strongest parliamentary party group (Fraktion) in the Bundestag, such as after the federal elections of 1969, 1976 and 1980. Also at state level and in the Bundesrat, which represents the individual states (L-nder) in the national decision-making process, the Christian Democrats quite often held a dominant position justifying occasional remarks of a ‘CDU/CSU bias’ within the German party system.
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Steinmetz, George. "Worker and the Welfare State in Imperial Germany". International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 18–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001113.
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A complex relationship existed between working-class formation and the development of the welfare state in Imperial Germany between 1871 and 1914. In the 1880s, the Social Democratic party voted against the three major national social insurance law's, and many workers seemed to spurn the incipient welfare state. But by 1914, socialists were active in social policy-making and workers were participating in the operations of the welfare state. Tens of thousands of workers and social democrats held positions in the social insurance funds and offices, the labor courts and labor exchanges, and other institutions of the official welfare state. Hundreds of workers had even become “friendly visitors” in the traditional middle-class domain of municipal poor relief. This shift is interesting not only from the standpoint of working-class orientations; it also challenges the received image of the German working class as excluded from the state —an interpretation based on an overly narrow focus on national parliamentary politics.
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Gaido, Daniel. "Archive Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions". Historical Materialism 16, n.º 3 (2008): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315266.
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AbstractThis work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky's reply to Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter's first European tour. The article was not only a criticism of Gompers's anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German trade-union officials. In this critical English edition we provide the historical background to the document as well as an overview of the issues raised by Gompers' visit to Germany, such as the bureaucratisation and increasing conservatism of the union leadership in both Germany and the United States, the role of the General Commission of Free Trade Unions in the abandonment of Marxism by the German Social-Democratic Party and the socialists' attitude toward institutions promoting class collaboration like the National Civic Federation.
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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Did They Read Marx? Marx Reception and Social Democratic Party Members in Imperial Germany, 1890–1914". Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, n.º 1 (marzo de 2002): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00248.
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Decker, Frank y Lazaros Miliopoulos. "From a Five to a Six-Party System? Prospects of the Right-wing Extremist NPD". German Politics and Society 27, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2009): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270207.
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Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.
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Allinson, Mark. "More from Less: Ideological Gambling with the Unity of Economic and Social Policy in Honecker's GDR". Central European History 45, n.º 1 (marzo de 2012): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911001002.
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In the numerous analyses of the economic failings of the German Democratic Republic, considerable attention and blame have attached to the extensive social policy program of Erich Honecker, leader of the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) after 1971. The “unity of economic and social policy” encompassed the GDR's entire political economy under Honecker. It was an attempt—a last-ditch attempt, as it transpired—to incentivize higher production, but also to fulfill the party's promise of higher living standards. In sum, the intention was to secure both the GDR's long-term economic viability and popular support via (modest) consumerism and an extensive program of social welfare measures. In so doing, the SED would prove the economic, social, and political theories that underpinned the whole ideology of “real existing socialism.”
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Leiter, Debra. "Social Networks, Predispositions and Split-Ticket Voting: The Case of the 1990 German Unification Election". Political Studies 67, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2018): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718761177.
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When casting a split-ticket ballot, voters in established democracies have strong political predispositions and electoral experience that influence their decision. However, voters in a new democracy, lacking long-term party attachment and experience with democracy, may instead be informed and motivated by their social networks. Using the 1990 Cross-National Election Project German Unification study, I examine which factors predict split-ticket voting for East and West Germans. I find that political disagreement within a social network is more influential for East Germans, while partisan predispositions, particularly party supporter type, play a greater role for West Germans. These findings indicate that, in absence of competition between long-term partisanship and democratic experience, network characteristics may have a profound impact on political decision-making.
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Rösslør, M. "Applied Geography and Area Research in Nazi Society; Central Place Theory and Planning, 1933 to 1945". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 7, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1989): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d070419.
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The earliest ventures in applied geography and area research were developed during the Weimar Republic. In 1933 the first theoretical study appeared: the central place theory by Walter Christaller. Under National Socialism good research conditions existed for social scientists (at least, those who were not persecuted, exiled, or murdered) who wanted to implement their theories. Law and central planning organizations provided the political and institutional basis for scientific research. Power struggles and conflicts concerning competence between different institutions headed by Hitler, Himmler, and Rosenberg afforded scientists freedom to develop new approaches and conduct research within the control imposed by a central organization. Walter Christaller, who was too old for a university career, worked in such institutions under Himmler. His personal and political biography is imbued with paradoxes: a former member of the Social Democratic Party, he switched to the Nazi Party in 1940, in 1945 to the Communist Party, and once again to the Social Democratic Party in 1959. However, these events merely hint at the complex nature of the political context in which Christaller and other scientists worked from 1933 to 1945. This paper is an attempt to illuminate the ‘reactionary modernism’ of the Nazi State, drawing from archival material and recent historical studies on social science in Germany in the 1930s and 1940s.
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Jun, Uwe. "The Changing SPD in the Schröder Era". Journal of Policy History 15, n.º 1 (enero de 2003): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0006.
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Public opinion data gathered from the latest surveys on Germany's upcoming parliamentary elections have turned out to be disheartening for the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Without exception, the Social Democrats take second place and lag behind the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) by several percentage points (Fig. 1). Today, only a few months before the next parliamentary election, a repetition of the electoral victory to the extent of 1998 seems to be rather unlikely. We are therefore faced with the perplexing question of how the SPD could arrive at such a disadvantageous position given the historic electoral success of 1998, when the party achieved its second-best result at parliamentary elections since Word War II. Is the SPD powerless against a strong tendency of the German electorate to cast its ballot in favor of the CDU/CSU, which has pervaded almost the entire history of the Federal Republic of Germany and has been described as “a permanent discrimination of the SPD against the CDU/CSU in the competition of parties.” Or is this situation just a snapshot without deeper consequences for the party?
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Towfigh, Emanuel. "Old Weimar Meets New Political Economy: Democratic Representation in the Party State". German Law Journal 13, n.º 3 (marzo de 2012): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020484.
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One of the prominent questions surrounding Weimar Theory of the State was that of the significance and influence of the political parties within the state. From the perspective of constitutional law, parties were as undesirable as they were an “inescapable” fact of modern statehood. They appeared to be an absolutely necessary consequence of the emancipation of all classes and social strata: Legitimation of state rule was no longer conceivable merely as a natural rule from above; on the other hand, there was no longer a unified bourgeoisie, and it thus seemed impossible for the political whole to be represented by people who felt beholden exclusively to the common weal. The homogeneous “people” had become a heterogeneous “mass.” The parties seemed to be a necessity, on the one hand, for active citizens to articulate themselves in the political system and, on the other hand, for state unity not to be torn apart by the power of a plurality of interests leaning in many different directions. Parties could therefore be conceived of as aprerequisitefor state organisation: The idea of the “party state” was born. One important protagonist in the discussion on the status of parties within the state structure was the constitutional legal scholar Gerhard Leibholz (1901–1982). In Weimar times, he was the most prominent representative of party state theory (Parteienstaatslehre), and as someone who “had somehow fallen between the eras,” he also actively shaped the party state of the Bonn Republic for over twenty years (1951–1971), as a judge at the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), by significantly influencing legislation on parliamentary, party, and electoral law. His persona was therefore a particularly important bridging link between the Weimar Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, and even today, his theses are highly topical: “Beyond all eras, Gerhard Leibholz stands for the great tradition of German constitutional theory.”
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Oliveira, Teresa Martins de. ""Flucht aus Frankreich, 1940" [Fuga da França] de Marianne Loring. Memórias: entre a fuga coletiva e o percurso individual". Cadernos de Literatura Comparada 45 (2021): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21832242/litcomp45a4.
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In 1940, the leaders of the Social Democratic Party of Germany which had taken refuge in Paris after years of exile in Prague, are forced to leave again, on an escape whose route crosses France, Spain and Portugal. The group included the young Marianne Loring, daughter of a prominent party member, who describes this escape in her memoirs, which were printed 50 years later. In my article, I will focus not only on the author's memoirs of the escape of the group, but also on her personal experiences, which evoke an education novel.
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Turner, Ed, Davide Vampa y Matthias Scantamburlo. "From Zero to Hero?" German Politics and Society 40, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2022): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400307.
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Germany’s Social Democratic Party, the spd, was in government between 2013 and 2021, but until just weeks before the federal election of 2021, its electoral prospects seemed poor. The party was able to turn things around and surge, in the final period of the campaign, to a remarkable victory. This article sets out structural challenges faced by social democrats in Europe in general and in Germany in particular, focusing on policies and voters, coalition politics, and questions about party organization. It argues that in each area, the spd, with a mixture of sound strategic choices and good fortune, was to some extent able to extricate itself from the challenges it faced, and that its success owed much to the peculiarities of the 2021 election.
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Weitz, Eric D. "Social Continuity and Political Radicalization: Essen in the World War I Era". Social Science History 9, n.º 1 (1985): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020307.
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In the reichstag election of June 1920, Germany’s Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) more than doubled its 1919 vote, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) declined precipitously. Coming only nineteen months after the establishment of a German republic, the election indicated widespread discontent with the governments led by the Social Democrats, who had assumed power in November 1918. In Essen, located in the center of the Ruhr and dominated by coal mines and the giant Krupp works, the SPD was almost eliminated as a political force (Essen, Amt für Statistik und Wahlen, n.d.).