Literatura académica sobre el tema "Sociology, Lictor"

This essay rereads Jacques-Louis David’s The Lictors Bring to Brutus the Bodies of His Sons (1789)—long interpreted in terms of revolutionary virtue—in the light of Carl Schmitt’s theories of political foundation and sovereignty. By recovering the early complexity of the figure of Brutus, the essay shows how David’s painting anticipated the constitutional debates of September 1789.

In the June 1987 issue of this Review, Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter offered evidence to support their argument that “the new environmental movement in the United States is partly a symbolic issue,” that elites in the news media and in public interest groups misrepresent the dangers of nuclear energy as a surrogate for more direct criticism of liberal capitalism in the United States. In this controversy, Charles J. Helm expresses skeptictem about the Rothman-Lichter line of argument; and they respond.

Pierre Bourdieu constantemente señaló que el mundo social es historia acumulada. Por tanto, a partir de esa historia encarnada los agentes se posicionan dentro de un mundo social establecido previamente a su propia existencia. El presente artículo pretende poner en marcha las ideas de Bourdieu a partir de un socio análisis en los puntos nodales de su vida, aquellos que definieron su pensamiento y su mirada al mundo: por un lado las coyunturas políticas y sociales de su contexto social, el Mayo Francés y la Independencia de Argelia; por otro lado, su vida personal, siendo oriundo de una ciudad al norte de Francia, se confrontó a distintos campos sociales al estudiar el liceo en Paris, motivo que lo hace reflexionar sobre el papel de los capitales económicos y culturales dentro de campos sociales. La epistemología de su pensamiento sirve de referencia para la comprensión de los conceptos centrales que formula: el habitus, los campos y los capitales. Para el científico social, el socioanálisis como método, puede servir para transformar problemas de la propia existencia en problemas científicos, generando de esta manera una propia sociología. Pierre Bourdieu constantly pointed out that the social world is accumulated history. Therefore, from that accumulated history we position ourselves within a social world established prior to our own existence. This article aims to launch Bourdieu’s ideas from a socio-analysis at the nodal points of his life, those that defined his thinking and his outlook on the world: on the one hand, the political and social conjunctures of his social context, the May 68 and the Independence of Algeria; On the other hand, his personal life, being a native of a city in the north of France, he confronted different fieldworks when he studied at the Lyceum in Paris, which makes him reflect on the role of economic capital and cultural capital within social fields. The epistemology of his critical thinking serves as a reference for understanding his central concepts: habitus, fields and capitals. For the social scientist, socio-analysis can be used to transform common problems into scientific problems, thus generating an own sociology.

El estudio tiene como objetivo describir las visiones de los docentes sobre la participación de las familias migrantes en la escuela, en términos de cómo esta establece mecanismos de vinculación con los padres y cómo ellos participan en el proceso escolar de sus hijos/as. Complementariamente, se indaga en las capacitaciones para docentes en Educación Intercultural. Esta investigación de tipo cualitativa configura un estudio de caso con nueve docentes pertenecientes al liceo municipal de enseñanza secundaria con mayor concentración de matrícula de alumnado hijo/a de personas migrantes en Chillán, capital regional de Ñuble (Chile); territorio que presenta un creciente aumento de su población extranjera. Los resultados indican que los docentes manifiestan visiones contrapuestas sobre la participación de las familias migrantes. La visión positiva, constata dicha participación que responde a la normativa del liceo, valorando en los apoderados extranjeros su actitud más bien sumisa a las normas del establecimiento. Emerge también una visión negativa, que apunte a la ausencia de participación de los padres inmigrantes, quienes, a juicio de los docentes, se ven constreñidos por sus compromisos laborales. Ambas visiones derivan de una relación escuelocéntrica entre docentes y familias, donde la escuela establece mecanismos de inducción estandarizada de las familias inmigradas, resultando estas invisibilizadas. A su vez, los discursos docentes revelan una ausencia formativa en Educación Intercultural en contextos de migración.

Die Normgebundenheit des sozialen Verhaltens ist eine einfache, ja triviale Alltagserfahrung: wir geraten ständig an Kreuzungen, die mit grünen und roten Signalen versehen sind, — in soziale Situationen, die offenbar bereits von anderen entdeckt, fixiert, vorgeformt sind. Es steht uns nicht frei, diese Vorgeformtheit, diese Besetzung von Situationen mit positiv und negativ bewerteten Alternativlösungen ohne weiteres zu ignorieren. Wenn wir uns um die grünen und roten Lichter nicht scheren, wird unser Verhalten dennoch von anderen als eine Antwort auf diese Signale interpretiert, — auch wenn es gar nicht in unserer Absicht lag, uns eine Frage stellen zu lassen. So können wir in einer ersten Annäherung sagen : die Normgebundenheit sozialen Verhaltens bedeutet, daß soziale Situationen mit bestimmten Alternativen belastet sind, die auf irgendwelchen Verabredungen zu beruhen scheinen; Verabredungen, von denen man nicht recht weiß, wer sie eigentlich getroffen hat; Verabredungen, die wir nicht aus der Welt schaffen, wenn wir sie von Fall zu Fall nicht akzeptieren. Sie sind irgendwie so auf Dauerhaftigkeit angelegt, daß sie vom Einzelnen nicht beliebig außer Kraft gesetzt werden können.

Introducción: En este texto se presentan resultados estadísticos de la relación entre directivos con características de talento verde y la implementación de prácticas de cadena de suministro verde. Debido a que existen investigaciones sobre la importancia de la visión de la alta dirección para la adopción de prácticas verdes; y sin embargo ninguna da cuenta de las características personales del directivo, ni tampoco de la relación significativa entre estas características y la puesta en marcha de prácticas de cadena de suministro verde, esta es la aportación de la presente investigación. El trabajo se desarrolló en empresas manufactureras con más de diez trabajadores de la zona oriente del estado de Morelos México. La caracterización del término talento verde se reportó en el artículo, Talento verde: caracterización y búsqueda, publicado en el número 14 de esta revista. Método: El método utilizado consistió en la construcción de una encuesta dividida en tres categorías que posteriormente se convirtieron en variables: prácticas de cadena de suministro verde, presiones institucionales y talento verde. Las dos primeras se adaptaron de la encuesta de Zhu y Sarkis (2007) y la tercera surgió de la representación social de talento verde, producto de una fase de esta investigación. La encuesta se validó con un grupo de empresarios miembros de la Cámara Nacional de la Industria de la Transformación (CANACINTRA) capítulo Morelos. El instrumento validado se aplicó a 26 directivos de empresas manufactureras con más de diez trabajadores de la zona oriente de Morelos, con el fin de probar la relación entre directivos con características de talento verde y la puesta en marcha de prácticas de cadena de suministro verde. Para ello se utilizaron como herramientas estadísticas la correlación de Pearson y la regresión lineal múltiple.Resultados: Las prácticas de cadena de suministro verde de las empresas manufactureras de la zona oriente del estado de Morelos se encuentran en etapa de planeación. Los encuestados de las empresas reconocen características de talento verde en sus directivos de mayor jerarquía. Las presiones institucionales (mercado, regulación y competidores) son importantes para las compañías que participaron en el estudio no obstante la dificultad estriba en ponerlas en marcha.Conclusión: Talento verde y prácticas de cadena de suministro verde son variables que se correlacionan, es decir, existe una relación estadísticamente significativa entre ambas variables. A través del método de regresión lineal múltiple se afirma que las presiones institucionales: mercado, regulación y competidores, son causa de la implementación de prácticas de cadena de suministro verde. Estas presiones institucionales y la presencia de características de talento verde en directivos, se combinan para la implementación de prácticas de cadena de suministro verde en las empresas manufactureras con más de diez trabajadores de la zona oriente del estado de Morelos, México. Alemán, J. (2014). En la frontera. Sujeto y Capitalismo. Buenos Aires: Capital intelectual. Álvarez Pedrosian, E. (2011). El afuera en el adentro. Estética, nomadismo y multiplicidades. Montevideo: Liccom – Udelar. Álvarez Pedrosian, E. (2014). La gestación de un territorio o de cómo se teje la convivencia. XII Congreso de la Asociación Latinoamericana de Investigadores de la Comunicación-(ALAIC). Lima, 6-8 de Agosto de 2014. Facultad de Ciencias y Artes de la Comunicación, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Perú. Álvarez Pedrosian, E; Blanco Latierro, M. (2013). Componer, habitar, subjetivar. Aportes para la etnografía del habitar. Revista Bifurcaciones [en línea] Verano 2013, Diciembre-Febrero, Nº 15. <http://www.bifurcaciones.cl/2013/12/numero-015> Autores varios. (2014). Habla ciudad. México D.F: Arquine. Baudrillard, J. (1978). A la sombra de las mayorías silenciosas o el fin de lo social. Barcelona: Kairós. Bauman, Z. (2002). Modernidad liquida. Buenos Aires: FCE. De Landa, M. (2011). Mil años de historia no lineal. Barcelona: Gedisa. De la Torre, M. (2015). Espacio público y colectivo social. Revista Nova Scientia, Vol. 7, número 14, pp. 495-510. Deleuze, G; Guattari, F. (1972). El anti Edipo. Capitalismo y Esquizofrenia. Buenos Aires: Paidós. Deleuze, G; Guattari, F. (1997). Mil mesetas. Capitalismo y esquizofrenia II. Valencia: Pre-textos. Delgado, M. (1999). El animal público. Hacia una antropología de los espacios urbanos. Barcelona: Anagrama. Delgado, M. (2005). Elogio del viandante. Del modelo Barcelona a la Barcelona real. Barcelona: Edic. de 1984. Delgado, M. (2007). De la ciudad concebida a la ciudad practicada. Blog Parafenia [en línea], 27 de Febrero de 2007. <http://www.zonalibre.org/blog/parafrenia/archives/archivos/articulos_fantasmas/de_la_ciudad_concebida_a_la_ciudad_practicada.php > Delgado, M. (2013). La nueva multitud y el regreso del sujeto. Conferencia: Congreso Procesos extremos en la construcción de la ciudad. Sevilla, 8 de Noviembre de 2013. Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura, Universidad de Sevilla. Foucault, M. (2010). El cuerpo utópico. Las Heterotopías. Buenos Aires: Nueva Visión. Giddens, A. (2000). Sociología. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Harvey, D. (2001). Espacios del capital. Hacia una geografía crítica. Madrid: Akal. Harvey, D. (2012). La condición de la posmodernidad: investigación sobre los orígenes del cambio cultural.Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Heidegger, M. (2008). Identidad y Diferencia.Barcelona: Anthropos Johnson, S. (2003). Sistemas emergentes. O qué tienen en común hormigas, neuronas, ciudades y software. Madrid: FCE. Lyotard, J. F. (1984). La condición postmoderna. Madrid: Ediciones Cátedra. Luhmann, N. (1998). Complejidad y modernidad: De la unidad a la diferencia. Madrid: Trotta. Montaner, J. M; Muxí, Z. (2011). Arquitectura y Política. Ensayos para mundos alternativos. Barcelona: GG. Touraine, A. (2005). Un nuevo paradigma para comprender el mundo de hoy. Barcelona: Paidós. Vattimo, G. (2007). El fin de la modernidad. Nihilismo y hermenéutica en la cultura posmoderna. Barcelona: Gedisa

Disponível em: O artigo objetivou identificar a percepção de produtores rurais de Tupã/SP sobre a legislação que implantou e regulamenta a logística reversa de embalagens de agrotóxicos, bem como as informações que têm sobre sua obrigação. Buscou-se trazer elementos contidos na legislação e considerações de diversos autores, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, assim como foi aplicado um formulário com 19 questões, sobre o comportamento de 20 produtores rurais frente às informações relativas à devolução das embalagens vazias de agrotóxicos. As discussões revelam que cerca de 60% dos respondentes são indiferentes, conhecem muito pouco ou desconhecem sua responsabilidade como primeiro elo da cadeia da logística reversa das embalagens vazias de agrotóxicos, talvez em virtude de falhas no processo de comunicação e na fiscalização. Sugere-se que deva haver maior empenho do Poder Público com vistas a intensificar a fiscalização e tornar mais compreensível as responsabilidades desses agricultores.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Logística reversa, comunicação e agronegócios, embalagens vazias de agrotóxicos, legislação ambiental. ABSTRACTWith the purpose to identify the perception of farmers Tupa/SP on legislation that established and governs the reverse logistics of empty pesticide containers, as well as the information they have on their obligation. It sought to bring elements contained in the legislation and considerations of various authors, through literature, as well as a form with 19 questions about the behavior of 20 farmers in the face of information on the release of empty containers of pesticides were applied. The discussions show that about 60% of respondents are indifferent, know little or unaware of their responsibility as first link in the chain of reverse logistics of empty pesticide containers, perhaps because of flaws in the communication process and inspection. It is suggested that there should be greater commitment from the Government in order to step up surveillance and make more understandable the responsibilities of farmers.KEYWORDS: Reverse logistics, communications and agribusiness, empty pesticide containers environmental legislation. RESUMENCon el propósito de identificar la percepción del agricultor Tupa / SP en la legislación que estableció y administra la logística inversa de los envases vacíos de plaguicidas, así como la información que tienen sobre su obligación. Se intentó traer elementos contenidos en la legislación y las consideraciones de diversos autores, a través de la literatura, así como un formulario con 19 preguntas sobre el comportamiento de los 20 agricultores en la cara de la información sobre la liberación de los envases vacíos de plaguicidas se aplicaron. Los debates muestran que alrededor del 60% de los encuestados son indiferentes, saben poco o conscientes de su responsabilidad como primer eslabón de la cadena de la logística inversa de los envases vacíos de plaguicidas, tal vez debido a fallas en el proceso de comunicación e inspección. Se sugiere que debe haber un mayor compromiso del Gobierno con el fin de intensificar la vigilancia y hacer más comprensibles las responsabilidades de los agricultores.PALABRAS CLAVE: Logística inversa, las comunicaciones y la agroindustria, los envases de plaguicidas vacíos de la legislación ambiental. ReferênciasAnonymous. IBGE investiga o meio ambiente de 5.560 municipios brasileiros. Source: IPS. NoticiasFinancieras, Miami, p. 1, May 16 2005.BERLO, David. O processo de comunicação: introdução à teoria e à prática. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2003.BIGATÃO, Daniely Aparecida Reveillau. Cuidados e destinação final de embalagens, na utilização de agrotóxicos por produtores rurais no município de Itaporã - MS. Dissertação (Mestrado em Ciências da Saúde)-Universidade de Brasília, 2009.BOLDRIN, Vitor Paulo et al. A Gestão Ambiental e a Logística Reversa no Processo de Retorno de Embalagens de Agrotóxicos Vazias. RAI - Revista de Administração e Inovação, São Paulo, v. 4, n. 2, p. 29-48, 2007.BRAGA JUNIOR, Walter; ROMANIELLO, Marcelo Marcio. Direito Ambiental: Percepção dos agentes envolvidos na destinação final das embalagens de agrotóxicos, de acordo com a Lei n. 9.974/00, na região cafeeira do município de Lavras, no sul de Minas Gerais. Gestão & Regionalidade (online), v. 24, n. 69, jan-abr/2008.BRASIL. Decreto nº 3.550, de 27/07/2000. Dá nova redação a dispositivos do Decreto no 98.816, de 11 de janeiro de 1990, que dispõe sobre a pesquisa, a experimentação, a produção, a embalagem e rotulagem, o transporte, o armazenamento, a comercialização, a propaganda comercial, a utilização, a importação, a exportação, o destino final dos resíduos e embalagens, o registro, a classificação, o controle, a inspeção e a fiscalização de agrotóxicos, seus componentes e afins. Disponível em < https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/d3550.htm > Acesso em 12 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Decreto nº 3.694, de 21/12/2000. Altera e inclui dispositivos ao Decreto no 98.816 de 11 de janeiro de 1990, que dispõe sobre o controle e a fiscalização de agrotóxicos, e dá outras providências. Disponível em < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/D3694.htm > Acesso em 12 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Decreto nº 3.828, de 31/05/2001. Altera e inclui dispositivos ao Decreto no 98.816, de 11 de janeiro de 1990, que dispõe sobre o controle e a fiscalização de agrotóxicos e da outras providências. Disponível em < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/2001/D3828.htm > Acesso em 12 mar. 2015BRASIL. Decreto nº 4.074, de 04/01/2002. Regulamenta a Lei nº 7.802, de 11 de julho de 1989. Disponível em < https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/2002/d4074.htm> Acesso em 12 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Decreto nº 98.816, de 11/01/1990. Regulamenta a Lei 7.802/1989 e dá outras providências. Disponível em < https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/antigos/d98816.htm> Acesso em 12 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Lei Federal nº 12.305, de 02/08/2010. Institui a Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos; altera a Lei no 9.605, de 12 de fevereiro de 1998; e dá outras providências. Disponível em < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2007-2010/2010/lei/l12305.htm> Acesso em 05 set. 2014.BRASIL. Lei nº 6.938, de 31/08/1981. Dispõe sobre a Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente, seus fins e mecanismos de formulação e aplicação, e dá outras providências. Disponível em < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l6938.htm > Acesso em 04 set. 2014.BRASIL. Lei nº 7.802/1989, de 11/07/1989. Dispõe sobre a pesquisa, a experimentação, a produção, a embalagem e rotulagem, o transporte, o armazenamento, a comercialização, a propaganda comercial, a utilização, a importação, a exportação, o destino final dos resíduos e embalagens, o registro, a classificação, o controle, a inspeção e a fiscalização de agrotóxicos, seus componentes e afins, e dá outras providências. Disponível em https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l7802.htm Acesso em 03 fev. 2015.BRASIL. Lei nº 9.605, de 12/02/1998. Dispõe sobre as sanções penais e administrativas derivadas de condutas e atividades lesivas ao meio ambiente, e dá outras providências. Disponível em < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l9605.htm > Acesso em 27 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Lei nº 9.974, de 06/06/2000. Altera a Lei nº 7.802/1989, que dispõe sobre a pesquisa, a experimentação, a produção, a embalagem e rotulagem, o transporte, o armazenamento, a comercialização, a propaganda comercial, a utilização, a importação, a exportação, o destino final dos resíduos e embalagens, o registro, a classificação, o controle, a inspeção e a fiscalização de agrotóxicos, seus componentes e afins, e dá outras providências. Disponível em < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L9974.htm> Acesso em 12 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Resolução CONAMA nº 334, de 3 de abril de 2003. Dispõe sobre os procedimentos de licenciamento ambiental de estabelecimentos destinados ao recebimento de embalagens vazias de agrotóxicos. Disponível em < http://www.mma.gov.br/port/conama/legiabre.cfm?codlegi=356> Acesso em 20 mar. 2015.BRASIL. Resolução CONAMA nº 465, de 05/12/2014. Dispõe sobre os requisitos e critérios técnicos mínimos necessários para o licenciamento ambiental de estabelecimentos destinados ao recebimento de embalagens de agrotóxicos e afins, vazias ou contendo resíduos. Disponível em < http://www.mma.gov.br/port/conama/legiabre.cfm?codlegi=710> Acesso em 20 mar. 2015.CANTOS, Clotilde; MIRANDA, Zoraide Amarante I.; LICCO, Eduardo Antonio. Contribuições para a Gestão das Embalagens Vazias de Agrotóxicos. ©INTERFACEHS - Revista de Gestão Integrada em Saúde do Trabalho e Meio Ambiente - v.3, n.2, Seção Interfacehs 1, abr./ agosto. 2008 www.interfacehs.sp.senac.br.CARBONI, Gleriani Torres; SATO, Geni Satiko; MOORI, Roberto Giro. Logística Reversa para Embalagens de Agrotóxicos no Brasil: Uma Visão sobre Conceitos e Práticas Operacionais. XLIII CONGRESSO DA SOBER "Instituições, Eficiência, Gestão e Contratos no Sistema Agroindustrial". Ribeirão Preto, 24 a 27 de Julho de 2005.COMETTI, José Luís Said. Logística reversa das embalagens de agrotóxicos no Brasil: um caminho sustentável?. 2009. 152 f., il. Dissertação (Mestrado em Desenvolvimento Sustentável)-Universidade de Brasília, 2009.COSTA, Evandro. Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos / Logística Reversa. SIRECOM - Sindicato dos Representantes Comerciais do Paraná. Disponível em http://sirecompr.org.br/noticia/274/politica-nacional-de-residuos-solidos---logistica-reversa. Acesso em 03 set.2014.FARIA, Ana Cristina de; PEREIRA, Raquel da Silva. O Processo de Logística Reversa de Embalagens de Agrotóxicos: um estudo de caso sobre o INPEV. Organizações Rurais & Agroindustriais, Lavras, v. 14, n. 1, p. 127-141, 2012.GIL, Antonio Carlos. Métodos e Técnicas de Pesquisa Social. 6 ed. São Paulo: Atlas, 2014.GRUTZMACHER, Douglas Daniel et al. Embalagens Vazias de Agrotóxicos: organização dos fabricantes e suas obrigações (Lei Federal 9.974). R. Bras. Agrociência, Pelotas, v. 12, n. 1, p. 05-06, jan-mar, 2006.HAIR Jr, J. F.;MONEY, A. H.; BABIN, B.; SAMOUEL, P. Fundamentos de Metodos de Pesquisa Em Administraca. Bookman, 2005.LADEIRA, Wagner Junior; MAEHLER, Alisson Eduardo; NASCIMENTO, Luís Felipe Machado do. Logística reversa de defensivos agrícolas: fatores que influenciam na consciência ambiental de agricultores gaúchos e mineiros. Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural, v. 50, n. 1, p. 157-174, 2012.LEITE, Paulo Roberto. Logística Reversa - Nova área da logística empresarial. Revista Tecnologística, maio/2002. São Paulo, Edit. Publicare.MARCONI, M.A.; LAKATOS, E.M. Metodologia Científica. 6.ed.São Paulo: Atlas, 2011.MARCONI, Marina de Andrade; LAKATOS, Eva Maria. Técnicas de Pesquisa. 7 ed. São Paulo: Atlas, 2010.MAZZA, V.M.D.S. et al. Gestão de Resíduos Sólidos em Propriedades Rurais de Municípios do Interior do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Revista em Agronegócio e Meio Ambiente, Maringá, v. 7, n. 3, p. 683-706, Sep 2014.MELO, Wederson Miranda et al. 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The use of the family home as a setting for television sitcoms (situation comedies) has long been recognised for its ability to provide audiences with an identifiable site of ontological security (much discussed by Giddens, Scannell, Saunders and others). From the beginnings of American sitcoms with such programs as Leave it to Beaver, and through the trail of The Brady Bunch, The Cosby Show, Roseanne, The Fresh Prince of Bel Air, and on to Home Improvement, That 70s Show and How I Met Your Mother, the US has led the way with screenwriters and producers capitalising on the value of using the suburban family dwelling as a fixed setting. The most obvious advantage is the use of an easily constructed and inexpensive set, most often on a TV studio soundstage requiring only a few rooms (living room, kitchen and bedroom are usually enough to set the scene), and a studio audience. In Singapore, sitcoms have had similar successes; portraying the lives of ‘ordinary people’ in their home settings. Some programs have achieved phenomenal success, including an unprecedented ten year run for Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd from 1996-2007, closely followed by Under One Roof (1994-2000 and an encore season in 2002), and Living with Lydia (2001-2005). This article furthers Blunt and Dowling’s exploration of the “critical geography” of home, by providing a focused analysis of home-based sitcoms in the nation-state of Singapore. The use of the home tells us a lot. Roseanne’s cluttered family home represents a lived reality for working-class families throughout the Western world. In Friends, the seemingly wealthy ‘young’ people live in a fashionable apartment building, while Seinfeld’s apartment block is much less salubrious, indicating (in line with the character) the struggle of the humble comedian. Each of these examples tells us something about not just the characters, but quite often about class, race, and contemporary societies. In the Singaporean programs, the home in Under One Roof (hereafter UOR) represents the major form of housing in Singapore, and the program as a whole demonstrates the workability of Singaporean multiculturalism in a large apartment block. Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd (PCK) demonstrates the entrepreneurial abilities of even under-educated Singaporeans, with its lead character, a building contractor, living in a large freestanding dwelling – generally reserved for the well-heeled of Singaporean society. And in Living with Lydia (LWL) (a program which demonstrates Singapore’s capacity for global integration), Hong Kong émigré Lydia is forced to share a house (less ostentatious than PCK’s) with the family of the hapless Billy B. Ong. There is perhaps no more telling cultural event than the sitcom. In the 1970s, The Brady Bunch told us more about American values and habits than any number of news reports or cop shows. A nation’s identity is uncovered; it bares its soul to us through the daily tribulations of its TV households. In Singapore, home-based sitcoms have been one of the major success stories in local television production with each of these three programs collecting multiple prizes at the region-wide Asian Television Awards. These sitcoms have been able to reflect the ideals and values of the Singaporean nation to audiences both at ‘home’ and abroad. This article explores the worlds of UOR, PCK, and LWL, and the ways in which each of the fictional homes represents key features of the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural Singapore. Through ownership and regulation, Singaporean TV programs operate as a firm link between the state and its citizens. These sitcoms follow regular patterns where the ‘man of the house’ is more buffoon than breadwinner – in a country defined by its neo-Confucian morality, sitcoms allow a temporary subversion of patriarchal structures. In this article I argue that the central theme in Singaporean sitcoms is that while home is a personal space, it is also a valuable site for national identities to be played out. These identities are visible in the physical indicators of the exterior and interior living spaces, and the social indicators representing a benign patriarchy and a dominant English language. Structure One of the key features of sitcoms is the structure: cold open – titles – establishing shot – opening scene. Generally the cold opening (aka “the teaser”) takes place inside the home to quickly (re)establish audience familiarity with the location and the characters. The title sequence then features, in the case of LWL and PCK, the characters outside the house (in LWL this is in cartoon format), and in UOR (see Figure 1) it is the communal space of the barbeque area fronting the multi-story HDB (Housing Development Board) apartment blocks. Figure 1: Under One Roof The establishing shot at the end of each title sequence, and when returning from ad breaks, is an external view of the characters’ respective dwellings. In Seinfeld this establishing shot is the New York apartment block, in Roseanne it is the suburban house, and the Singaporean sitcoms follow the same format (see Figure 2). Figure 2: Phua Chu Kang External Visions of the Home This emphasis on exterior buildings reminds the viewer that Singaporean housing is, in many ways, unique. As a city-state (and a young one at that) its spatial constraints are particularly limiting: there simply isn’t room for suburban housing on quarter acre blocks. It rapidly transformed from an “empty rock” to a scattered Malay settlement of bay and riverside kampongs (villages) recognisable by its stilt houses. Then in the shadow of colonialism and the rise of modernity, the kampongs were replaced in many cases by European-inspired terrace houses. Finally, in the post-colonial era high-rise housing began to swell through the territory, creating what came to be known as the “HDB new town”, with some 90% of the population now said to reside in HDB units, and many others living in private high-rises (Chang 102, 104). Exterior shots used in UOR (see Figure 3) consistently emphasise the distinctive HDB blocks. As with the kampong housing, high-rise apartments continue notions of communal living in that “Living below, above and side by side other people requires tolerance of neighbours and a respect towards the environment of the housing estate for the good of all” (104). The provision of readily accessible public housing was part of the “covenant between the newly enfranchised electorate and the elected government” (Chua 47). Figure 3: Establishing shot from UOR In UOR, we see the constant interruption of the lives of the Tan family by their multi-ethnic neighbours. This occurs to such an extent as to be a part of the normal daily flow of life in Singaporean society. Chang argues that despite the normally interventionist activities of the state, it is the “self-enforcing norms” of behaviour that have worked in maintaining a “peaceable society in high-rise housing” (104). This communitarian attitude even extends to the large gated residence of PCK, home to an almost endless stream of relatives and friends. The gate itself seems to perform no restrictive function. But such a “peaceable society” can also be said to be a result of state planning which extends to the “racial majoritarianism” imposed on HDB units in the form of quotas determining “the actual number of households of each of the three major races [Chinese, Malay and Indian] … to be accommodated in a block of flats” (Chua 55). Issues of race are important in Singapore where “the inscription of media imagery bears the cultural discourse and materiality of the social milieu” (Wong 120) perhaps nowhere more graphically illustrated than in the segregation of TV channels along linguistic / cultural lines. These 3 programs all featured on MediaCorp TV’s predominantly English-language Channel 5 and are, in the words of Roland Barthes, “anchored” by dint of their use of English. Home Will Eat Itself The consumption of home-based sitcoms by audiences in their own living-rooms creates a somewhat self-parodying environment. As John Ellis once noted, it is difficult to escape from the notion that “TV is a profoundly domestic phenomenon” (113) in that it constantly attempts to “include the audiences own conception of themselves into the texture of its programmes” (115). In each of the three Singaporean programs living-rooms are designed to seat characters in front of a centrally located TV set – at most all the audience sees is the back of the TV, and generally only when the TV is incorporated into a storyline, as in the case of PCK in Figure 4 (note the TV set in the foreground). Figure 4: PCK Even in this episode of PCK when the lead characters stumble across a pornographic video starring one of the other lead characters, the viewer only hears the program. Perhaps the most realistic (and acerbic) view of how TV reorganises our lives – both spatially in the physical layout of our homes, and temporally in the way we construct our viewing habits (eating dinner or doing the housework while watching the screen) – is the British “black comedy”, The Royle Family. David Morley (443) notes that “TV and other media have adapted themselves to the circumstances of domestic consumption while the domestic arena itself has been simultaneously redefined to accommodate their requirements”. Morley refers to The Royle Family’s narrative that rests on the idea that “for many people, family life and watching TV have become indistinguishable to the extent that, in this fictional household, it is almost entirely conducted from the sitting positions of the viewers clustered around the set” (436). While TV is a central fixture in most sitcoms, its use is mostly as a peripheral thematic device with characters having their viewing interrupted by the arrival of another character, or by a major (within the realms of the plot) event. There is little to suggest that “television schedules have instigated a significant restructuring of family routines” as shown in Livingstone’s audience-based study of UK viewers (104). In the world of the sitcom, the temporalities of characters’ lives do not need to accurately reflect that of “real life” – or if they do, things quickly descend to the bleakness exemplified by the sedentary Royles. As Scannell notes, “broadcast output, like daily life, is largely uneventful, and both are punctuated (predictably and unpredictably) by eventful occasions” (4). To show sitcom characters in this static, passive environment would be anathema to the “real” viewer, who would quickly lose interest. This is not to suggest that sitcoms are totally benign though as with all genres they are “the outcome of social practices, received procedures that become objectified in the narratives of television, then modified in the interpretive act of viewing” (Taylor 14). In other words, they feature a contextualisation that is readily identifiable to members of an established society. However, within episodes themselves, it as though time stands still – character development is almost non-existent, or extremely slow at best and we see each episode has “flattened past and future into an eternal present in which parents love and respect one another, and their children forever” (Taylor 16). It takes some six seasons before the character of PCK becomes a father, although in previous seasons he acts as a mentor to his nephew, Aloysius. Contained in each episode, in true sitcom style, are particular “narrative lines” in which “one-liners and little comic situations [are] strung on a minimal plot line” containing a minor problem “the solution to which will take 22 minutes and pull us gently through the sequence of events toward a conclusion” (Budd et al. 111). It is important to note that the sitcom genre does not work in every culture, as each locale renders the sitcom with “different cultural meanings” (Nielsen 95). Writing of the failure of the Danish series Three Whores and a Pickpocket (with a premise like that, how could it fail?), Nielsen (112) attributes its failure to the mixing of “kitchen sink realism” with “moments of absurdity” and “psychological drama with expressionistic camera work”, moving it well beyond the strict mode of address required by the genre. In Australia, soap operas Home and Away and Neighbours have been infinitely more popular than our attempts at sitcoms – which had a brief heyday in the 1980s with Hey Dad..!, Kingswood Country and Mother and Son – although Kath and Kim (not studio-based) could almost be counted. Lichter et al. (11) state that “television entertainment can be ‘political’ even when it does not deal with the stuff of daily headlines or partisan controversy. Its latent politics lie in the unavoidable portrayal of individuals, groups, and institutions as a backdrop to any story that occupies the foreground”. They state that US television of the 1960s was dominated by the “idiot sitcom” and that “To appreciate these comedies you had to believe that social conventions were so ironclad they could not tolerate variations. The scripts assumed that any minute violation of social conventions would lead to a crisis that could be played for comic results” (15). Series like Happy Days “harked back to earlier days when problems were trivial and personal, isolated from the concerns of a larger world” (17). By the late 1980s, Roseanne and Married…With Children had “spawned an antifamily-sitcom format that used sarcasm, cynicism, and real life problems to create a type of in-your-face comedy heretofore unseen on prime time” (20). This is markedly different from the type of values presented in Singaporean sitcoms – where filial piety and an unrelenting faith in the family unit is sacrosanct. In this way, Singaporean sitcoms mirror the ideals of earlier US sitcoms which idealise the “egalitarian family in which parental wisdom lies in appeals to reason and fairness rather than demands for obedience” (Lichter et al. 406). Dahlgren notes that we are the products of “an ongoing process of the shaping and reshaping of identity, in response to the pluralised sets of social forces, cultural currents and personal contexts encountered by individuals” where we end up with “composite identities” (318). Such composite identities make the presentation (or re-presentation) of race problematic for producers of mainstream television. Wong argues that “Within the context of PAP hegemony, media presentation of racial differences are manufactured by invoking and resorting to traditional values, customs and practices serving as symbols and content” (118). All of this is bound within a classificatory system in which each citizen’s identity card is inscribed as Chinese, Malay, Indian or Other (often referred to as CMIO), and a broader social discourse in which “the Chinese are linked to familial values of filial piety and the practice of extended family, the Malays to Islam and rural agricultural activities, and the Indians to the caste system” (Wong 118). However, these sitcoms avoid directly addressing the issue of race, preferring to accentuate cultural differences instead. In UOR the tables are turned when a none-too-subtle dig at the crude nature of mainland Chinese (with gags about the state of public toilets), is soon turned into a more reverential view of Chinese culture and business acumen. Internal Visions of the Home This reverence for Chinese culture is also enacted visually. The loungeroom settings of these three sitcoms all provide examples of the fashioning of the nation through a “ubiquitous semi-visibility” (Noble 59). Not only are the central characters in each of these sitcoms constructed as ethnically Chinese, but the furnishings provide a visible nod to Chinese design in the lacquered screens, chairs and settees of LWL (see Figure 5.1), in the highly visible pair of black inlaid mother-of-pearl wall hangings of UOR (see Figure 5.2) and in the Chinese statuettes and wall-hangings found in the PCK home. Each of these items appears in the central view of the shows most used setting, the lounge/family room. There is often symmetry involved as well; the balanced pearl hangings of UOR are mirrored in a set of silk prints in LWL and the pair of ceramic Chinese lions in PCK. Figure 5.1: LWL Figure 5.2: UOR Thus, all three sitcoms feature design elements that reflect visible links to Chinese culture and sentiments, firmly locating the sitcoms “in Asia”, and providing a sense of the nation. The sets form an important role in constructing a realist environment, one in which “identification with realist narration involves a temporary merger of at least some of the viewer’s identity with the position offered by the text” (Budd et al. 110). These constant silent reminders of the Chinese-based hegemon – the cultural “majoritarianism” – anchors the sitcoms to a determined concept of the nation-state, and reinforces the “imaginative geographies of home” (Blunt and Dowling 247). The Foolish “Father” Figure in a Patriarchal Society But notions of a dominant Chinese culture are dealt with in a variety of ways in these sitcoms – not the least in a playful attitude toward patriarchal figures. In UOR, the Tan family “patriarch” is played by Moses Lim, in PCK, Gurmit Singh plays Phua and in LWL Samuel Chong plays Billy B. Ong (or, as Lydia mistakenly refers to him Billy Bong). Erica Sharrer makes the claim that class is a factor in presenting the father figure as buffoon, and that US sitcoms feature working class families in which “the father is made to look inept, silly, or incompetent have become more frequent” partly in response to changing societal structures where “women are shouldering increasing amounts of financial responsibility in the home” (27). Certainly in the three series looked at here, PCK (the tradesman) is presented as the most derided character in his role as head of the household. Moses Lim’s avuncular Tan Ah Teck is presented mostly as lovably foolish, even when reciting his long-winded moral tales at the conclusion of each episode, and Billy B. Ong, as a middle-class businessman, is presented more as a victim of circumstance than as a fool. Sharrer ponders whether “sharing the burden of bread-winning may be associated with fathers perceiving they are losing advantages to which they were traditionally entitled” (35). But is this really a case of males losing the upper hand? Hanke argues that men are commonly portrayed as the target of humour in sitcoms, but only when they “are represented as absurdly incongruous” to the point that “this discursive strategy recuperates patriarchal notions” (90). The other side of the coin is that while the “dominant discursive code of patriarchy might be undone” (but isn’t), “the sitcom’s strategy for containing women as ‘wives’ and ‘mothers’ is always contradictory and open to alternative readings” (Hanke 77). In Singapore’s case though, we often return to images of the women in the kitchen, folding the washing or agonising over the work/family dilemma, part of what Blunt and Dowling refer to as the “reproduction of patriarchal and heterosexist relations” often found in representations of “the ideal’ suburban home” (29). Eradicating Singlish One final aspect of these sitcoms is the use of language. PM Lee Hsien Loong once said that he had no interest in “micromanaging” the lives of Singaporeans (2004). Yet his two predecessors (PM Goh and PM Lee Senior) both reflected desires to do so by openly criticising the influence of Phua Chu Kang’s liberal use of colloquial phrases and phrasing. While the use of Singlish (or Singapore Colloquial English / SCE) in these sitcoms is partly a reflection of everyday life in Singapore, by taking steps to eradicate it through the Speak Good English movement, the government offers an intrusion into the private home-space of Singaporeans (Ho 17). Authorities fear that increased use of Singlish will damage the nation’s ability to communicate on a global basis, withdrawing to a locally circumscribed “pidgin English” (Rubdy 345). Indeed, the use of Singlish in UOR is deliberately underplayed in order to capitalise on overseas sales of the show (which aired, for example, on Australia’s SBS television) (Srilal). While many others have debated the Singlish issue, my concern is with its use in the home environment as representative of Singaporean lifestyles. As novelist Hwee Hwee Tan (2000) notes: Singlish is crude precisely because it’s rooted in Singapore’s unglamorous past. This is a nation built from the sweat of uncultured immigrants who arrived 100 years ago to bust their asses in the boisterous port. Our language grew out of the hardships of these ancestors. Singlish thus offers users the opportunity to “show solidarity, comradeship and intimacy (despite differences in background)” and against the state’s determined efforts to adopt the language of its colonizer (Ho 19-20). For this reason, PCK’s use of Singlish iterates a “common man” theme in much the same way as Paul Hogan’s “Ocker” image of previous decades was seen as a unifying feature of mainstream Australian values. That the fictional PCK character was eventually “forced” to take “English” lessons (a storyline rapidly written into the program after the direct criticisms from the various Prime Ministers), is a sign that the state has other ideas about the development of Singaporean society, and what is broadcast en masse into Singaporean homes. Conclusion So what do these home-based sitcoms tell us about Singaporean nationalism? Firstly, within the realms of a multiethnic society, mainstream representations reflect the hegemony present in the social and economic structures of Singapore. Chinese culture is dominant (albeit in an English-speaking environment) and Indian, Malay and Other cultures are secondary. Secondly, the home is a place of ontological security, and partial adornment with cultural ornaments signifying Chinese culture are ever-present as a reminder of the Asianness of the sitcom home, ostensibly reflecting the everyday home of the audience. The concept of home extends beyond the plywood-prop walls of the soundstage though. As Noble points out, “homes articulate domestic spaces to national experience” (54) through the banal nationalism exhibited in “the furniture of everyday life” (55). In a Singaporean context, Velayutham (extending the work of Morley) explores the comforting notion of Singapore as “home” to its citizens and concludes that the “experience of home and belonging amongst Singaporeans is largely framed in the materiality and social modernity of everyday life” (4). Through the use of sitcoms, the state is complicit in creating and recreating the family home as a site for national identities, adhering to dominant modes of culture and language. References Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London: Routledge, 2006. Budd, Mike, Steve Craig, and Clay Steinman. Consuming Environments: Television and Commercial Culture. New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 1999. Chang, Sishir. “A High-Rise Vernacular in Singapore’s Housing Development Board Housing.” Berkeley Planning Journal 14 (2000): 97-116. Chua, Beng Huat. “Public Housing Residents as Clients of the State.” Housing Studies 15.1 (2000). Dahlgren, Peter. “Media, Citizenship and Civic Culture”. Mass Media and Society. 3rd ed. Eds. James Curran and Michael Gurevitch. London: Arnold, 2000. 310-328. Ellis, John. Visible Fictions: Cinema, Television, Video. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982. Hanke, Robert. “The ‘Mock-Macho’ Situation Comedy: Hegemonic Masculinity and its Reiteration.” Western Journal of Communication 62.1 (1998). Ho, Debbie G.E. “‘I’m Not West. I’m Not East. So How Leh?’” English Today 87 22.3 (2006). Lee, Hsien Loong. “Our Future of Opportunity and Promise.” National Day Rally 2004 Speech. 29 Apr. 2007 http://www.gov.sg/nd/ND04.htm>. Lichter, S. Robert, Linda S. Lichter, and Stanley Rothman. Prime Time: How TV Portrays American Culture. Washington D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 1994. Livingstone, Sonia. Young People and New Media: Childhood and the Changing Media Environment. London: Sage, 2002 Morley, David. “What’s ‘Home’ Got to Do with It? Contradictory Dynamics in the Domestication of Technology and the Dislocation of Domesticity.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 6 (2003). Noble, Greg. “Comfortable and Relaxed: Furnishing the Home and Nation.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 16.1 (2002). Rubdy, Rani. “Creative Destruction: Singapore’s Speak Good English Movement.” World Englishes 20.3 (2001). Scannell, Paddy. “For a Phenomenology of Radio and Television.” Journal of Communication 45.3 (1995). Scharrer, Erica. “From Wise to Foolish: The Portrayal of the Sitcom Father, 1950s-1990s.” Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 45.1 (2001). Srilal, Mohan. “Quick Quick: ‘Singlish’ Is Out in Re-education Campaign.” Asia Times Online (28 Aug. 1999). Tan, Hwee Hwee. “A War of Words over ‘Singlish’: Singapore’s Government Wants Its Citizens to Speak Good English, But They Would Rather Be ‘Talking Cock’.” Time International 160.3 (29 July 2002). Taylor, Ella. “From the Nelsons to the Huxtables: Genre and Family Imagery in American Network Television.” Qualitative Sociology 12.1 (1989). Velayutham, Selvaraj. “Affect, Materiality, and the Gift of Social Life in Singapore.” SOJOURN 19.1 (2004). Wong, Kokkeong. Media and Culture in Singapore: A Theory of Controlled Commodification. New Jersey: Hampton Press, 2001. Images Under One Roof: The Special Appearances. Singapore: Television Corporation of Singapore. VCD. 2000. Living with Lydia (Season 1, Volume 1). Singapore: MediaCorp Studios, Blue Max Enterprise. VCD. 2001. Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd (Season 5, Episode 10). Kuala Lumpur: MediaCorp Studios, Speedy Video Distributors. VCD. 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Pugsley, Peter. "At Home in Singaporean Sitcoms: Under One Roof, Living with Lydia and Phua Chu Kang." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/09-pugsley.php>. APA Style Pugsley, P. (Aug. 2007) "At Home in Singaporean Sitcoms: Under One Roof, Living with Lydia and Phua Chu Kang," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/09-pugsley.php>.

Inhalt: Wie lässt sich Polizei definieren? - Eine Reise in die Antike – Eingliederung der Thematik in den historischen Kontext Das römische Staatswesen - Die Republikanische „Magistratur“ - Das Imperium - Das Apparitorenwesen – die Dienerschaft der Magistrate Liktoren – Insignien der Magistrate? - Liktoren - Das außergewöhnliche Verhältnis des Liktors zu seinem Beamten - Der Aufgabenbereich der Liktoren - Ausdruck staatlicher Gewalt – die Fasces Zusammenfassung

Soziologische Polizeiforschung hebt zumeist folgende Aspekte der Polizei hervor: Ihre Zuständigkeit für öffentliche Sicherheit, ihr Einsatz von Gewalt im Namen eines staatlichen Gewaltmonopols, die Tätigkeit des Polizisten als Beruf. Häufig wird auch die Verwurzelung des Polizeiwesens in okzidentalen Kulturen hervorgehoben. In dieser kulturvergleichenden Studie werden diese Punkte anhand historischer und nicht-deutscher Polizeien untersucht. 1. Sicherheit: Wie in Gesellschaften, in denen es eine Öffentlichkeit im polizeigesetzlichen Sinne gar nicht gibt Sicherheit und Ordnung garantiert werden, interessiert Franziska Harnisch und Anja Bruhn, die sich mit dem Phänomen der Blutrache auseinandergesetzt haben. 2. Staatlichkeit: Die Beobachtung, dass die moderne Polizei an die Existenz einer differenzierten Staatlichkeit gebunden ist, ermuntert zu weiterführenden der Frage, wie die Polizei in verschiedenen nationalen Rechtskontexten eingerichtet ist. Während Mathias Graßmann die Polizei der Bundesrepublik Deutschland analysiert, betrachtet Björn Schülzke die Lage in den USA. Wie eine über staatliche Grenzen hinaus agierende Polizeibehörde funktionieren kann, hat Frederick Sixtus anhand der Beispiele von Europol und Interpol untersucht. 3. Gewalt: Die soziologische Literatur interessiert sich besonders für die Verkörperung des Gewaltmonopols in der Polizei. Inwieweit dieses Interesse berechtigt ist und wie sehr polizeiliche Arbeit tatsächlich mit der Ausübung von Gewalt zu tun hat, ist für alle Beiträge in diesem Buch richtungsweisend, insbesondere aber für den von Christiane Mochan über Gewalt und Polizei. Inwieweit diese Gewalt auch als staatlicher Terror ausgeübt werden kann, ist eine leitende Frage des Kapitels über die Opritschnina von Julia Fatianova. 4. Gehalt: Vieles spricht dafür, von Polizei dann zu sprechen, wenn ihre Mitarbeiter ein regelmäßiges Einkommen beziehen. Viele Vertreter von Vorformen der Polizei lebten hingegen von anlassbezogenen Prämien. Die Liktoren im Alten Rom mit ihrem regelmäßigen Einkommen durchkreuzen allerdings die These, dass es ein Phänomen der Moderne sei, Polizisten regelmäßig zu entlohnen. Deswegen interessiert sich Tanja Zischke in ihrem Beitrag für diese antike Frühform der Polizei. 5. Okzident: Häufig geht die polizeisoziologische Forschung stillschweigend davon aus, dass die Polizei ein Phänomen der okzidentalen Moderne sei. Max Weber z.B. unterstellt orientalischen Gesellschaften, nichts mit der Polizei vergleichbares hervorgebracht zu haben. Vor diesem Hintergrund geht Jonas Grutzpalk der Frage nach, wie eine originär orientalische Polizei, nämlich die saudi-arabische Mutawa, entstehen konnte. Wie die nach okzidentalen Vorbildern eingerichtete Polizei in Kambodscha arbeitet und in der Bevölkerung angenommen wird, analysiert Saskia Ellenbeck. Ziel dieses Buches ist, durch den Vergleich der hier erfassten Polizeikulturen mehr über die Polizei als solche zu erfahren. Diese Sammlung soll die Polizeisoziologie auf dem Feld der kulturvergleichenden Forschung bereichern.
The majority of the research work in sociology that deals with the phenomenon of the police force usually focuses on some major issues: it seeks to describe the function of the police as the provider of social security in a given society, to examine the use of violence through the police in the name of the state monopoly on violence and to investigate the structure of the occupational field of policemen. Some studies also highlight the rootedness of police in occidental cultures. This book aims to contribute to the study of these major questions of police sociology through applying them to different historical and modern examples of police structures in different cultures. 1. Public security: Are there ways to guarantee public order and security in a society where there is no such public in the sense of the police laws? This question was the central point of interest for the essay by Franziska Harnish and Anja Bruhn that deals with the phenomenon of blood feuds. 2. The state: The fact that the police in modern society is bound to a certain state context leads to a question about how police structures differ in various law contexts. While Mathias Graßmann analyzes the features of police in Germany, Björn Schülzke takes a look at the situation in the USA. In his essay on Interpol and Europol, Frederick Sixtus examines police structures that have to function beyond given state borders. 3. Violence: The embodiment of the state monopoly on violence through the police is commonly the central point of interest for sociologers. This interrelation was particularly important for the essay by Christiane Mochan on police and violence. An essay on oprichnina by Julia Fatianova deals with the question about whether this monopoly on violence can also serve to create state terror. 4. Salary: Has being a policeman always been a form of wage labour? Many premodern forms of police structures were not practicing continuous wage payment but regarding premiums. The example of Lictors in Ancient Rome, however, shows that regular payment in the police force is not just a modern phenomenon. Tanja Zischke took a detailed look at the Lictors in her essay provided in this book. 5. The Occident: Many sociologists take it for granted that the police force is an attribute of the Western modernity. Max Weber, for instance, says that oriental cultures have not brought about anything comparable. In this context the essay of Jonas Grutzpalk poses a question about the origins of such essentially oriental police structures as the Saudi-Arabian Mutawa. Saskia Ellenbeck analyzes the functioning of the police in Cambodia, which was formed according to the occidental models, and the way it is perceived in Cambodian society. The aim of this book is to contribute to our knowledge about the police through a comparative study of examples of police forms in different cultures.

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O presente trabalho consiste numa pesquisa sociol?gica sobre detentos evang?licos no Pres?dio Central de Porto Alegre e na Penitenci?ria Estadual do Jacu?, baseando-se em dados produzidos por meio de observa??o e de entrevistas com presos evang?licos e n?o evang?licos. Tem por objetivos analisar como os crentes pentecostais se adaptam, individualmente e em grupo, ?s institui??es prisionais, bem como a constru??o e manuten??o de sua identidade religiosa nas pris?es, suas estrat?gias para lidar com o estigma de preso e amenizar problemas de consci?ncia referentes ? responsabilidade por seus atos criminosos e as raz?es de sua reconvers?o ou convers?o religiosa no interior da pris?o. Para tanto, descrevo sucintamente o contexto das institui??es penais, a execu??o penal e a expans?o pentecostal nas pris?es citadas. Analiso o cotidiano dos presos evang?licos, suas pr?ticas religiosas, suas atividades proselitistas, sua rela??o com a massa carcer?ria, sua retomada de la?os afetivos familiares e suas expectativas para o futuro.

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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior
Nesse estudo apresentamos algumas das caracter?sticas marcantes da atual conjuntura religiosa nacional, resultantes de uma constante rela??o de concorr?ncia entre as igrejas que fazem parte do contexto brasileiro. Elegemos como ponto de partida a met?fora do mercado religioso trabalhada inicialmente por Berger (1985) Finke & Stark (1988, 1992) e Stark & Iannaccone (1994), entre outros, que visualizaram a possibilidade de trabalhar a esfera da religi?o enquanto uma categoria anal?tica semelhante a um mercado de bens simb?licos, o mercado religioso. Esse mercado ? um espa?o de crescente rela??o de concorr?ncia pela prefer?ncia dos fi?is, o que produz transforma??es organizacionais nas institui??es que operam nesse mercado, gerando novas demandas e estrat?gias para que seus objetivos sejam alcan?ados. Tomamos como campo de pesquisa a Avenida Cruz Cabug? no Recife-PE, por identificarmos nesse local uma possibilidade de estud?-lo enquanto campo religioso que pudesse representar bem o mercado religioso brasileiro. Para isso realizamos um recorte entre as igrejas presentes nessa avenida e trabalhamos com as neopentecostais, especificamente a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, a Igreja Internacional da Gra?a de Deus e a Igreja Mundial do Poder de Deus, por serem as de maior express?o atualmente no mercado religioso brasileiro e por serem vizinhas nessa avenida, proporcionando um espa?o de possibilidades para investigarmos as estrat?gias de concorr?ncia utilizadas por essas ag?ncias. Uma das ideias nas quais nos baseamos neste trabalho ? a de que presenciamos, dentro do contexto brasileiro, um processo crescente de transforma??o da religi?o baseada principalmente na l?gica de mercado