Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Sound recording industry – Zambia"

The recording industry is now over 120 years old. During the first half of its existence, however, few archives documented or collected its products. Many early recordings have been lost, and discography, the documentation of historical recordings, has mainly been in the hands of private collectors. An emphasis on genre-based discographies such as jazz or opera has often left other areas of record production in the shade. Recent years have seen a growth of national sound collections with online catalogues and at least partial online access to content. While academic historians have been slow to approach the field, there has been outstanding new research on the history of the recording industry, particularly in the USA and UK. This has encouraged the development of new academic research on musical performance, based on historical sound recordings. The article discusses some recent works in this field.

The author discusses performance utilizing his greis software system, which is built around the principle of a “scrubbing” interaction with roots in the recording industry and the paradigm of scrubbing tape across a magnetic head.

During the first half of the twentieth century, new mass media practices radically altered traditional cultural forms and performance in a complex encounter that incited much debate, criticism, and celebration the world over. This essay examines how the new sound media of gramophone and sound cinema took up the live performance genres of Tamil drama. Professor Hughes argues that south Indian music recording companies and their products prefigured, mediated, and transcended the musical relationship between stage drama and Tamil cinema. The music recording industry not only transformed Tamil drama music into a commodity for mass circulation before the advent of talkies but also mediated the musical relationship between Tamil drama and cinema, helped to create film songs as a new and distinct popular music genre, and produced a new mass culture of film songs.

Jazz is the first type of music art the earliest stage of development of which had been recorded. A single play recorded in 1917 by the quintet Original Dixieland “Jass” Band from New Orleans is known in history as the first jazz record. There’s a perception in the academic community that the musical material on this record can hardly be considered as a typical representative of jazz music of that period. The music was performed by the white musicians, though most first jazz bands were black, and the music was far from a real solo improvisation. However, it was not typical in the first place because it had been recorded. The research subject of the article is the influence of sound recording technology on jazz culture at the stage of its foundation. In those years, if jazz musicians wanted to make a recording they had to bear in mind numerous peculiarities of sound recording technology. The author gives special attention to the analysis of the consequences of reproducibility of a recording for jazz musicians, and for the audience’s perception. As a research methodology, the author uses the comprehensive approach which includes the study of historical sources and jazz musicians’ memoirs related to the sound recording industry. The research proves that audio recordings are not sufficient as a source for critical research of the first jazz gramophone record, and suggests alternative approaches to its interpretation.   

Abstract ““Aura””——configured as an interplay of preservation and loss or——to quote the first version of Walter Benjamin's famous artwork essay——as an ““interweaving of space and time””——is central not only to sound recording, but also to the musical dramaturgy of Wagner's final work. This article examines ways in which this unusual alignment affected early (pre-1948) recordings of Parsifal. The potential contradictions implicit in the concept of aura are nowhere more strikingly revealed than in these early recordings. On one hand, they foreground the problems of reducing complex and lengthy works to easily recorded excerpts or arrangements. In this quasi-Adornian reading, early sound recordings of Parsifal manifest the inexorable power of the culture industry to undermine the authentic work of art. And yet sound recording can also be seen as the fruit of a different impulse, the impulse toward a fully transcendent work of art, the realization of the ““invisible theater”” for which Wagner himself supposedly yearned. Indeed, Parsifal (even more than Wagner's other works) was recorded primarily as a symphonic work, divested of what Adorno so tellingly called the ““phony hoopla”” of operatic production. Early sound recording of Parsifal thus amplifies the conflict between materialism and transcendence that forms the ideological substratum of the plot. This conflict manifests itself in the ““resistance”” that Parsifal offers up to the process of recording, a resistance that is ironically most audible precisely during the age in which the recordings themselves are most ““imperfect.”” It is in these traces of resistance, I will argue, that we may imagine the aura of Wagner's final work.

Radiophonic art could not have emerged at the end of the 1920s without an intense period of experimentation across the creative fields of radio, new music, phonography, film, literature and theatre. The engagement with sound recording and broadcast technologies by artists radically expanded the scope of creative possibility within their respective practices, and more particularly, pointed to new forms of (inter-)artistic practice based in sound technologies including those of radio. This paper examines the convergence of industry, the development of technology, and creative practice that gave sound, previously understood as immaterial, a concrete objectification capable of responding to creative praxis, and so brought about the conditions that enabled a radiophonic art to materialize.

Background. Contemporary audio art in search of new sound design, as well as the artists working in the field of music show business, in an attempt to draw attention to the already well-known musical works, often turn to the forms of “remake” or “remix”. However, there are certain disagreements in the understanding of these terms by artists, vocalists, producers and professional sound engineer team. Therefore, it becomes relevant to clarify the concepts of “remake” and “remix” and designate the key differences between these musical phenomena. The article contains reasoned, from the point of view of art criticism, positions concerning the misunderstanding of the terms “remake” and “remix”, which are wide used in the circles of the media industry. The objective of the article is to explore the key differences between the principles of processing borrowed musical material, such as “remix” and “remake” in contemporary popular music, in particular, in recording studios. Research methodology. In the course of the study two concepts – «remake» and «remix» – were under consideration and comparison, on practical examples of some works of famous pop vocalists from Ukraine and abroad. So, the research methodology includes the methods of analysis for consideration of the examples from the Ukrainian, Russian and world show business and the existing definitions of the concepts “remake” and “remix”; as well as comparison, checking, coordination of the latter; formalization and generalization of data in getting the results of our study. The modern strategies of the «remake» invariance development in the work of musicians are taken in account; also, the latest trends in the creation of versions of «remix» by world class artists and performers of contemporary Ukrainian pop music are reflected. The results of the study. The research results reveal the significance of terminology pair «remix» and «remake» in the activities of the pop singer. It found that the differences of two similar in importance terms not all artists in the music industry understand. The article analyzes the main scientific works of specialists in the audiovisual and musical arts, in philosophical and sociological areas, which addressed this issue in the structure of music, such as the studies by V. Tormakhova, V. Otkydach, V. Myslavskyi, I. Tarasova, Yu. Koliadych, L. Zdorovenko and several others, and on this basis the essence of the concepts “remake” and “remix” reveals. The phenomenon of the “remake” is described in detail in the dictionary of V. Mislavsky [5], where the author separately outlined the concept of “remake” not only in musical art, but also in the film industry and the structure of video games. The researcher I. Tarasovа also notes the term “remake” in connection with the problem of protection of intellectual property and the certification of the copyright of the performer and the composer who made the original version of the work [13]. At the same time, the term “remix” in musical science has not yet found a precise definition. In contemporary youth pop culture, the principle of variation of someone else’s musical material called “remix” is associated with club dance music, the principle of “remake” – with the interpretation of “another’s” music work by other artist-singers. “Remake” is a new version or interpretation of a previously published work [5: 31]. Also close to the concept of “remake” the term “cover version” is, which is now even more often uses in the field of modern pop music. This is a repetition of the storyline laid down by the author or performer of the original version, however, in his own interpretation of another artist, while the texture and structure of the work are preserving. A. M. Tormakhova deciphered the term “remake” as a wide spectrum of changes in the musical material associated with the repetition of plot themes and techniques [14: 8]. In a general sense, “a wide spectrum of changes” is not only the technical and emotional interpretation of the work, including the changes made by the performer in style, tempo, rhythm, tessitura, but also it is an aspect of composing activity. For a composer this is an expression of creative thinking, the embodiment of his own vision in the ways of arrangement of material. For a sound director and a sound engineer, a “remix” means the working with computer programs, saturating music with sound effects; for a producer and media corporations it is a business. “Remake” is a rather controversial phenomenon in the music world. On the one hand, it is training for beginners in the field of art; on the other hand, the use of someone else’s musical material in the work can neighbor on plagiarism and provoke the occurrence of certain conflict situations between artists. From the point of view of show business, “remake” is only a method for remind of a piece to the public for the purpose of its commercial use, no matter who the song performed. Basically, an agreement concludes between the artists on the transfer or contiguity of copyright and the right to perform the work for profit. For example, the song “Diva” by F. Kirkorov is a “remake” of the work borrowed from another performer, the winner of the Eurovision Song Contest 1998 – Dana International [17; 20], which is reflected in the relevant agreement on the commercial use of musical material. Remix as a music product is created using computer equipment or the Live Looping music platform due to the processing of the original by introducing various sound effects into the initial track. Interest in this principle of material processing arose in the 80s of the XXth century, when dance, club and DJ music entered into mass use [18]. As a remix, one can considers a single piece of music taken as the main component, which is complemented in sequence by the components of the DJ profile. It can be various samples, the changing of the speed of sounding, the tonality of the work, the “mutation” of the soloist’s voice, the saturation of the voice with effects to achieve a uniform musical ensemble. To the development of such a phenomenon as a “remix” the commercial activities of entertainment facilities (clubs, concert venues, etc.) contributes. The remix principle is connected with the renewal of the musical “hit”, whose popularity gradually decreased, and the rotation during the broadcast of the work did not gain a certain number of listeners. Conclusions. The musical art of the 21st century is full of new experimental and creative phenomena. The process of birth of modified forms of pop works deserves constant attention not only from the representatives of the industry of show business and audiovisual products, but also from scientists-musicologists. Such popular musical phenomena as “remix” and “remake” have a number of differences. So, a “remix” is a technical form of interpreting a piece of music with the help of computer processing of both instrumental parts and voices; it associated with the introduction of new, often very heterogeneous, elements, with tempo changes. A musical product created according to this principle is intended for listeners of “club music” and is not related to the studio work of the performer. The main feature of the “remake”is the presence of studio work of the sound engineer, composer and vocalist; this work is aimed at modernizing the character of the song, which differs from the original version. The texture of the original composition, in the base, should be preserved, but it can be saturated with new sound elements, the vocal line and harmony can be partially changed according to interpreter’s own scheme. The introduction of the scientific definitions of these terms into a common base of musical concepts and the further in-depth study of all theoretical and practical components behind them will contribute to the correct orientation in terminology among the scientific workers of the artistic sphere and actorsvocalists.

Since Thailand's Copyright Act became law in 1979 an indigenous music industry has emerged. In the past, the small recording business was concentrated on two aspects: the sale of imported records and the manufacture of popular, mainly Lukkroong music, and classical records. However, the organisation of the Association of Music Traders – an immediate reaction to the enforcement of the Copyright law – coupled with the advent of cassette technology, has transformed the faltering gramophone trade. Today, middle-class youngsters appreciate Thai popular music in contrast to the previous generation who grew up with western pop and rock. Young people in the countryside have begun to acquire a taste for the same music as well as enjoy a wider range of Pleng Luktoong, the country music with which they identify. How did this change which has resulted in the creation of a new pleasure industry come about? And what are some of the consequences of this transformation.

This article analyzes discursive linkages between acts of listening and eating within a combined multisensory regime that the authors label the gustasonic. Including both marketing discourses mobilized by the commercial music industry and representations of record consumption in popular media texts, gustasonic discourses have shaped forms and experiences of recorded sound culture from the gramophone era to the present. The authors examine three prominent modalities of gustasonic discourse: (1) discourses that position records as edible objects for physical ingestion; (2) discourses that preserve linkages between listening and eating but incorporate musical recordings into the packaging of other foodstuffs; and (3) discourses of gustasonic distinction that position the listener as someone with discriminating taste. While the gustasonic on one hand serves as an aid to consumerism, it can also cultivate a countervailing collecting impulse that resists music’s commodity status and inscribes sound recording within alternative systems of culture value.

The Bombay film music industry has been dominated by male music composers for the past eight decades. In this essay, the author explores the work of Sneha Khanwalkar, a young female music director who has brought forward new sound practices on popular television in India and in Bombay cinema. Instead of working in Bombay studios, Khanwalkar prefers to step out into the “field,” carving out dense acoustic territories using portable recording technologies. Her field studio becomes an unlimited space as readers see her backpacking, collecting sounds and musical phrases, and, finally, working with the material she has collected. Khanwalkar's collaborative approach to musical sound has challenged genre boundaries between film music and folk music on the one hand and the oral and the recorded on the other. Her radical intervention in sound and music brings together unexplored spatialities, voices, bodies, and machines by foregrounding the process of citation, recording, and digital reworking. Through an exploration of Khanwalkar's work, involving travel, mobility, and a prosthetic extension of the body through the microphone, the author brings into discussion emerging practices that have expanded the aural boundaries of the Bombay film song.

This article presents a reading of ‘Modulation’ (2008) by Richard Powers. Firstly, I consider the short story’s representation of the MP3 music file, specifically its effects on how music is circulated and stored, as well as how it sounds. These changes are the result of different processes of compression. The MP3 format makes use of data compression to reduce the file size of a digital recording significantly. Such a loss of information devises new social and material relations between what remains of the original music, the recording industry from which MP3s emerged and the online markets into which they enter. I argue that ‘Modulation’ is a powerful evocation of a watershed moment in how we consume digital sound: what Jonathan Sterne has termed the rise of the MP3 as ‘cultural artifact’. I contend that the short story, like the MP3, is also a compressed manner of representation. I use narrative theory and short story criticism to substantiate this claim, before positioning ‘Modulation’ alongside Powers’s novels of information. I conclude by suggesting that ‘Modulation’ offers an alternative to representing information through an excess of data. This article reads Powers’s compressed prose as a formal iteration of the data compression the story narrates.

Traditionally, moral rights have not extended to the creators of sound recordings under either common law or civil law systems. The somewhat outdated rationale of this exclusion of sound recordings from the ambit of moral rights protection was generally that sound recordings were merely mechanical reproductions of already existing musical works, and hence the recordings lacked sufficient creativity to make them worthy of moral rights protection. In 1996, the WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty sought to remedy this anomaly in copyright law by extending the moral rights of paternity and of integrity to performers whose performances are fixed in sound recordings.This paper argues that New Zealand should follow WIPO's lead and extend the moral rights provisions of the Copyright Act 1994 to sound recordings. The author argues that sound recordings are imbued with sufficient creativity to merit moral rights protection and that this protection should be granted not only to performers but to sound engineers and producers, who also contribute creatively to the recording. This paper examines how moral rights in relation to sound recordings might work in practice and what remedies should be available for breach of these rights. The author concludes that the extension of moral rights to sound recordings need not impact detrimentally on the music industry, as some commentators fear.

In this article, Anna Fishzon explores how the phenomena of celebrity culture and early sound recording contributed to notions of audientic selfhood in late imperial Russia. Public discussions about celebrities like the Bol'shoi Theater bass Fedor Shaliapin helped forge understandings of sincerity and spoke to contemporary concerns regarding the relationship between fame and artifice, the public persona and the inner self. Fishzon suggests that the emergent recording industry penetrated and altered everyday emotional experience, the arena of work, and the organization of leisure, linking gramophonic discourses to celebrity culture and its rhetoric of authenticity and sincerity. In part because Russian audio magazines and gramophone manufacturers heavily promoted celebrity opera recordings, sonic fidelity was equated with the capacity of the recorded voice to convey “sincerity,” understood, in turn, as the announcement of ardent feelings. Fan letters to Shaliapin and Ivan Ershov document these new sensibilities regarding self, authenticity, desire, and emotions.

AbstractThis article introduces three situated moments – or plateaux – in order to partially uncover the particular affinities between popular music and the ‘logic of waste’ in the Anthropocene Era, from early phonography to the present digital realm (with a focus on the UK, United States, and British India). The article starts with a ‘partial inventory’ of the Anthropocene, outlining the heuristic values of waste studies for research in popular music. The first plateau retraces the more historical links between popular music and waste, showing how waste (and the positive discourses surrounding it) became a defining element of the discourse and practices of early phonography. It aims to show how recorded sound participated in (and helped define, in an emblematic manner) a rapidly expanding ‘throwaway culture’ at the turn of the 20th century. The second plateau presents a more global panorama of the recording industry through a focus on shellac (a core, reversible substance of the early recording industry). Finally, the third plateau presents some insights into the ways in which popular music may ‘play’ and incorporate residual materialities in the contemporary ‘digital age’. I argue that the logic of waste defined both the space and pace of the early record industry, and continued to inform musical consumption across the 20th century – notably when toxic, non-recyclable synthetic materials (especially polyvinyl) were introduced.

Over the past twenty years, the field of popular music studies has significantly enhanced our understanding of pop music production. Studies have drawn from a range of industry discussions to explore, for example, the ways in which emergent technologies have led to distinctive production techniques and the important role that recording technologies play in shaping the sound of pop music. Whereas many industry discussions have provided productive sites of analysis, they can also obstruct research in some respects. This article focuses on an area of music production where such industrial discussions tend to hinder, rather than enhance, an understanding of its practices. It examines the ways in which industry discussions position the process of mastering as “mysterious.” This article argues representations of mastering as “mysterious” work to reinforce the importance of this practice and also safeguard it from new technologies that might challenge its dominance. These representations can function to reproduce and secure social hierarchies within the field.

Over the course of the past several years the use of digital audio-sampling by composers, musicians, engineers and producers has increased to a point where the sampler is now as common in the recording studio as the microphone. Digital samplers allow one to encode a fragment of sound, from one to several seconds in duration, in a digitised binary form which can then be stored in computer memory. This stored sound may be played back through a keyboard, with its pitch and tonal qualities accurately reproduced or, as is often the case, manipulated through electronic editing. Because of its unsurpassed mimetic capabilities, one common use of the sampler has been to store in computer memory a note or set of notes played by an individual who has a unique playing style. When played back through a keyboard, one could construct an entire solo line which would potentially sound as if that person were playing it. Another common use of the sampler is to extract a fragment of sound from one context and place it in a new one, with no appreciable loss of sound quality over each generation of extraction and repositioning. These three capabilities of the sampler – the mimetic/reproductive, the manipulative and the extractive – are crucial to understanding both the sampler's popularity and its potential to disrupt the production process in the music industry.

‘No modern communications medium is more intrusive in modern Indian life than recorded and electronically amplified sound’ (Babb 1995, p. 10). In South Asia, even the most exclusive student of unmediated music-making cannot avoid a mediated public soundscape that may well transmit the music being studied over loudspeakers, radios, televisions, and cassette players. This is certainly the case for qawwali, a musical genre which is firmly embedded in Sufi practice, but is also widely recorded and media-disseminated for as long as the life of the Indian record industry itself. Acknowledging this musical reality after years of live study has prompted me first to situate the study of recorded qawwali vis-à-vis my own scholarly conventions and vis-à-vis the pioneering work on sound recording done in the very region of my own study. The aim is to address the problematic of an ethnographic approach to recorded qawwali, and to present preliminary findings, including some culturally meaningful examples from the repertoire.

Abstract Sound banks are collections of sound samples from musical instruments of the symphonic orchestra, traditional instruments from various areas of the world and sounds of virtual devices, such as synthesizers, which are increasingly present in contemporary musical creations. Sound banks are loaded in a device called sampler, which can edit and play them. The article describes analog and especially virtual samplers, complex devices that can store or play sounds from specific libraries of sound banks. It also defines and catalogs the main types of digital virtual instruments (that include traditional symphonic orchestra instruments, ones with modern electronic instruments/percussion instruments, and ethnic collections for various geographic areas. Our research on digital applications used in music writing relies on 20 years of experience. Currently, applications are valuable tools for composers and musicians, and for everyone in the contemporary music industry. In 2006, I created the first collection of sound banks made in Romania “The Essence of Panflute”, library containing sound samples 583, grouped in 33 virtual instruments. This is the most complex virtual version of the Romanian pan flute, played by the renowned Cătălin Tîrcolea. The library is designed and edited by Cătălin Răsvan, for the company S.C. Canira Music Internațional. This collection of sound banks presents in minute detail the laborious process of recording and editing this virtual library. “The Essence of Panflute” has seen international acclaim, is distributed by the German company Best Service, one of the major companies in the world, was reviewed in the most prestigious magazine in this field, Sound on Sound, and has opened the door for current/future creators of music. We hope that it is only the beginning for our work in the research and development of digital virtual sound, which is a special category for the instruments in our country.

Modern versions of Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software (CAQDAS) are enabling the analysis of audio sound files instead of relying solely on text-based analysis. Along with other developments in computer technologies such as the proliferation of digital recording devices and the potential for using streamed media in online academic publication, this innovation is increasing the possibilities of systematically using media-rich, naturalistic data in place of transcribed ‘de-naturalised’ forms. This paper reports on a project assessing online learning materials that used Atlas.ti software to analyse sound files, and it describes the problems faced in gathering, analysing and using this data for report writing. It concludes that there are still serious barriers to the full and effective integration of audio data into qualitative research: the absence of ‘industry standard’ recording technology, the underdevelopment of audio interfaces in Atlas.ti (as a key CAQDAS package), and the conventional approach to data use in many online publication formats all place serious restrictions on the integrated use of this data. Nonetheless, it is argued here that there are clear benefits in pushing for resolutions to these problems as the use of this naturalistic data through digital formats may help qualitative researchers to overcome some long-standing methodological issues: in particular, the ability to overcome the reliance on data transcription rather than ‘natural’ data, and the possibility of implementing research reports that facilitate a more transparent use of ‘reusable’ data, are both real possibilities when using these digital technologies, which could substantially change the shape of qualitative research practice.

In the early- and mid-1960s, as mainstream popular music began to reach and exploit the growing youth market, the country music genre was going through a number of important transformations (see Malone 1985; Hemphill 1970). During this period the country music industry, including record companies, recording studios, managing and booking agents, music publishers and musicians, was becoming more fully consolidated in Nashville. In addition, a different kind of dominant sound was beginning to coalesce, based on a more ‘uptown’ feel and intended for a more cosmopolitan audience accustomed to mainstream, adult pop music. The beat and whine of the honky-tonk song, as epitomised by the rural twang in the music of Hank Williams, Lefty Frizzell and Webb Pierce, was being replaced as the dominant country music sound by the smooth and urbane ballad styles of Eddy Arnold, Jim Reeves and Patsy Cline. This shift was both caused by and helped to foster the development of a steady set of studio musicians who would appear on thousands of country recordings per year. The musical style that coalesced in Nashville studios through the regular collaboration of these musicians and the record label producers who loosely arranged them became known as the ‘Nashville Sound’, a marketable and identifiable name for a particular set of musical conventions. This sound, nearly as similar to Rosemary Clooney as it was to Hank Williams, called into question the generic boundaries between ‘country’ music and mainstream ‘pop’ music.

Music and literature have long-standing links. Music has drawn on literature, and vice versa. The advent of the phonograph transformed the condition of music in myriad ways. It made music more accessible and more portable. It also created a new industry of music makers: record producers and engineers, recording artists and record journalists. In this paper I examine the literary responses to the phonograph, and argue that novelists such as Jules Verne, Sinclair Lewis, Bram Stoker and Thomas Mann were among the first to respond to the phonograph, helping to demystify many of the fears that accompanied a machine that was able to preserve sound. I suggest that novelists and short stories, well in advance of phonographic historians and analysts, identified the ways in which records and recordings were incorporated into the day-to-day lives of individuals.

This article is discusses the works of the graphic designer Alex Steinweiss (1917 – 2011), who was involved in music industry of the United States. The author examines the causes and effects of the emergence of a new trend in graphic design, associated with the design of music album covers, as well as analyzed some of the covers invented by Steinweiss in the 1940s. A brief overview is given to the evolution of sound recording media and their packaging. The subject of this research is the art of Alex Steinweiss, while the object is the envelopes for LP vinyl records, invented by the designer during his work for the Columbia Record Label (1930s – 1940s). The relevance of this article is substantiate by the new wave of interest in vinyl records, and thus graphic design in the context of music industry, as well as by the demand to prepare specialists for working in modern music industry. The novelty lies in examination of causal link of the emergence of new trend graphic design on inventing music album covers. The conducted research indicates the influence of a number of socioeconomic factors and activity of Alex Steinweiss upon the emergence of a new trend in graphic design. The author concludes on the relevance of studying the creative path of Alex Steinweiss for the students and representatives of art professions.

AbstractWhat is the cost of music in the so-called Anthropocene? We approach this question by focusing on the case of sound-recording formats. We consider the cost of recorded music through two overlapping lenses: economic cost, on the one hand, and environmental cost, on the other. The article begins by discussing how the price of records has changed from the late 19th to the 21st century and across the seven most economically significant playback formats: phonograph cylinder, gramophone disc, vinyl LP, cassette tape, compact disc, digital audio files on hard drive, and streaming from the cloud. Our case study territory is the United States, and we chart the gradual decline in the price of recorded music up to the present. We then examine the environmental and human costs of music by looking at what recordings are made out of, where those materials come from, and what happens to them when they are disposed of. Despite what rhetorics of digital dematerialisation tell us, we show that the labour conditions in the digital electronics and IT industries are as inhumane as ever, while the amount of greenhouse gases released by the US recording industry could actually be higher today than at the height of any previous format. We conclude by asking the obvious (but by no means straightforward) question: what are musicians and fans to do?

A realized strategy can be understood as the sum of a company’s observable strategic actions over time. This concept of strategy is difficult to grasp empirically. However, the content analysis enables a systematic, dynamic and theoretically sound recording of realized strategies. To demonstrate the potential of the method in capturing strategies we encode 4,158 pieces of information about strategic actions of ten European dairy companies in the German market for over 11 years. Based on this we suggest a mixed methods approach to learn more about the individual companies’ competitive moves and their realized strategies. The companies investigated differ in their adaptation to changing environmental conditions and in particular in their brand policy. The trend ‘animal welfare’ shows that most dairy companies reacted late and left the initiative to the retail trade. Our approach can be applied to many questions in strategy research and promises new insights into the strategies of companies in the food industry.

The Alternative Histories of Electronic Music conference in 2016 reflected a rise in research that explores new and alternative directions in electronic music historiography. Accordingly, attention has been focused on practitioners previously either ignored or thought to be marginal; a significant number of these figures are women. This fact has caught the attention of print and online media and the independent recording industry and, as a result, historical narratives of female electronic musicians have become part of the modern music media discourse. While this has many positive aspects, some media representations of the female electronic musician raise concerns for feminist scholars of electronic music history. Following the work of Tara Rodgers, Sally MacArthur and others, I consider some new media representations of electronic music’s female ‘pioneers’, situate them in relation to both feminist musicology and media studies, and propose readings from digital humanities that might be used to examine and critique them. This article expands on a talk given at AHEM and was first conceived as a presentation for the Fawcett Society event Sound Synthesis and the Female Musician, in 2014.

The priority placed on animal welfare in the meat industry is increasing the importance of understanding livestock behavior. In this study, we developed a web-based monitoring and recording system based on artificial intelligence analysis for the classification of cattle sounds. The deep learning classification model of the system is a convolutional neural network (CNN) model that takes voice information converted to Mel-frequency cepstral coefficients (MFCCs) as input. The CNN model first achieved an accuracy of 91.38% in recognizing cattle sounds. Further, short-time Fourier transform-based noise filtering was applied to remove background noise, improving the classification model accuracy to 94.18%. Categorized cattle voices were then classified into four classes, and a total of 897 classification records were acquired for the classification model development. A final accuracy of 81.96% was obtained for the model. Our proposed web-based platform that provides information obtained from a total of 12 sound sensors provides cattle vocalization monitoring in real time, enabling farm owners to determine the status of their cattle.

Overabundant wild populations of herbivores often present challenges to primary industry, competing with stock, and damaging crops and property. Eastern grey kangaroos (Macropus giganteus) are one of seven macropodid species that are considered a problem in agriculture in Australia. Most deterrent devices available commercially use sounds that do not occur in nature (i.e. artificial sounds), which often have a short-lived or no effect on the target species, whereas trials with biologically significant sounds are often more effective and provide greater resistance to habituation. I used a playback trial of an eastern grey kangaroo foot thump, a biologically significant signal that is given in response to a predator and is usually followed by flight. I determined its effectiveness compared with a recording of background noise (control) for deterring kangaroos over a seven-week period. Kangaroos significantly increased their vigilance levels in response to the foot thump, but not in response to the control signal. Just over 60% of kangaroos took flight in response to the foot thump and the control signals, but more kangaroos took flight in the first 3 s when the foot thump was played. The foot thump shows potential as a deterrent of eastern grey kangaroos for primary industry, and is less likely to suffer from habituation because it is a natural sound.

Accurately quantifying the goodness of music based on the seemingly subjective taste of the public is a multi-million industry. Recording companies can make sound decisions on which songs or artists to prioritize if accurate forecasting is achieved. We extract 56 single-valued musical features (e.g. pitch and tempo) from 380 Original Pilipino Music (OPM) songs (190 are hit songs) released from 2004 to 2006. Based on an effect size criterion which measures a variable's discriminating power, the 20 highest ranked features are fed to a classifier tasked to predict hit songs. We show that regardless of musical genre, a trained feed-forward neural network (NN) can predict potential hit songs with an average accuracy of Φ NN = 81%. The accuracy is about +20% higher than those of standard classifiers such as linear discriminant analysis (LDA, Φ LDA = 61%) and classification and regression trees (CART, Φ CART = 57%). Both LDA and CART are above the proportional chance criterion (PCC, Φ PCC = 50%) but are slightly below the suggested acceptable classifier requirement of 1.25*Φ PCC = 63%. Utilizing a similar procedure, we demonstrate that different genres (ballad, alternative rock or rock) of OPM songs can be automatically classified with near perfect accuracy using LDA or NN but only around 77% using CART.

In 1996, Triple J's ‘Unearthed’ competition awarded the Central Queensland prize to Andalusion, a grunge band of four young high school students. Since winning this award, the band has been transformed from a group of musical amateur-enthusiasts to a semi-professional band with an industry manager, recording contracts, video and CD recordings, steady (paid) gigs in public venues and a clear career trajectory. The band's music is also changing from semi-heavy grunge, deeply inflected by teenage angst, to a more reflective and developed sound. In other words, it seems that they have been relocated from the private sphere to a position as one of the providers of public culture. This paper focuses on the conditions under which, and the institutional arrangements through which, relatively marginalised subjects can become legitimated as agents of the cultural industries and creators of authorised cultural products. By drawing on discussions with the band members and a reading of their audio and visual work, and through theoretical perspectives offered by Pierre Bourdieu, it investigates the logic of creative production and its agents, and identifies the capital necessary to enter the field. The paper also discusses the extent to which artists operating within the cultural industries are necessarily products of its discourses.

Music Production of De La Salle – College of Saint Benilde is a program first of its kind in the Philippines. Oriented to trail-blaze for 21st century Filipino musicians, the Music Production program is to be found not in a conservatory, but in a School of Design and Arts. As such, the program ensures responsiveness to the needs of the Creative Industries. With the government’s Long-term Development Plan, wherein culture and the arts are seen as key social and economic capitals, something is to look forward for people who innately possess a certain degree of musicality whether in traditional, folk, popular, indie or in other formats. The program, to a certain extent, makes its own contribution in realizing this governmental thrust. Situated in an amalgamation of cultural expressions as a result of historical determinations, sound and music culture in the Philippines feature a fusion of genres which also naturally results to distinct forms in the fusion and weaving processes. Recognizing this rich context, the program offers a wide variety of training to its students, and sensitive to the needs of the industry, outputs are always made relevant to the demands of the market and the society at large. The capstone projects of the students as well as their other outputs from immersions and on-the-job trainings are in need of safeguarding and proper documentation. In the program’s over two decades of existence, there is no good reason to wait for these outputs to become archaic in the future, acquiring the status of becoming objects or pieces of curiosities. The archival initiative is premised on the idea that these productivities entail a wealth of contemporary musical expressions nurtured in an emerging field of formal learning and mentoring. Offhand, there is a felt necessity of tracing the development of works. At the same time, as prompted by trends, the question to be asked now: What direction must the program take in order to be truly responsive to the industry as well as to actively engage in cultivating contemporary practices of music in the Philippines and in the world? Lastly, the archive is also a soundscape. Akin to the recording of varied sounds simultaneously present in an environment, the archive becomes an instrument of digitizing culture and pedagogy – of recording thought and learning processes of young people as well as educational approaches and methodologies in the part of the program. The initiative seeks to explore the charting of pedagogical outputs – its domiciliation and consignation, and processes involved in its retrieval and dissemination.

For 5 years, since the start-up of an array of 140 wind turbines, residents have filed complaints with the Ontario Ministry of the Environment (the regulator), and K2 Wind (the operator). Residents complained that the turbines produce a tonal sound, and that the irritation this produced impacted their sleep, their health, and the enjoyment of their property. To confirm tonality from the wind turbines, this research examined over 200 data examples from two families. These families collected data by two independent methods, a continuously recording system, and by making selected audio recordings. The recorded data was correlated with the wind turbine operational performance, and local weather conditions. The correlated data was analyzed for tonality using international standard evaluation methods. The analysis confirmed over 84% correlation between complaints of irritating conditions, and tonality from 5 dB to over 20 dB. The research also identified deviation between the recommended method for assessing wind turbine tonality of an expert group panel for the industry and the method for compliance monitoring now prescribed by regulations. The deviation can incorrectly reduce tonality calculated to significantly below the actual tonality. Finally, the results showed that the assumption of the regulator to only require assessment of compliance when the resident was downwind of the nearest wind turbine was incorrect. Most complaints arose from other wind directions. Neither was the regulator’s assumption correct that curtailing the wind turbine operation to continue operating at only partially reduced outputs would give remediation. The research concludes that tonality arises consistent with the wind turbine operation, identifying a critical need to revise the practices to prevent chronic irritation.

<em>Introduction</em> We are drowning in data. What kinds of data? - Text. Images. Sound. Numeric. Genome data. Text: Every day vast amounts of textual data are generated. This ranges from private corporate data, personal information, public and private government documents and so on. Much of this data needs to be accessed by many users for many tasks. For example, a corporate call centre needs fast access to documents at a semi-concept level to answer user requests. Another example: large litigations can involve 2 million documents, 200,000 of which are relevant, much fewer significant, and a handful pivotal. Techniques are desperately needer to automate the first few steps of this winnowing. Images: There are video cameras everywhere, trying to protect our safety in car parks, public places, even some lifts. There are huge and ever growing still and video archives of all aspects of our modern world. Access and indexing this data is a huge research enterprise. Much indexing is done manually. Sound: Often in concert with video in multi-media recordings. But what did the Prime Minister say on the 1st of November about the Republic? Did he sound like he meant it? These are currently not easily answered queries except if carried out by an expert human investigator. These kind of queries will need to be commonplace to access sound data in humanly meaningful ways. Numeric: Our industries generate vast amounts of valuable numeric data. In the petroleum industry geologic knowledge must be integrated with data from wells: laboratory core analysis data and on-site well logs, with seismic data generated from controlled explosions and dispersed recording devices. Then there is GIS data collected from satellites and so on. In the service industry, the stock exchange generates large amounts of hard to analyse data vital to the wellbeing of Australian companies. Genome data: The human genome project is almost complete. Researchers are finding genes by a mix of laboratory work and computerised database searches (e.g. as reported in the Weekend Australian 30 October). This is just the first step, the next will be sequencing of a number of individuals, and of course there are currently over 100 whole genome sequencing projects on other species. Fast genome sequencing is just around the corner. We will soon be drowning in this kind of data also. Multimedia data: Includes all of audio, text, graphics, images, video, animation, music. More data! <em>What Is The Real Problem?</em> Manual extraction of information from any large corpus is time con-suming and expensive, requiring specialised experience in the material. Even worse, beyond a certain point it is incredibly boring, and hence error prone. Human intelligence is best suited to dealing with information, as distinct to data! <em>A Solution</em> The development of automated systems for information extraction, and for the synthesis of the extracted information into humanly useful information resources. To avoid drowning in the ever increasing flow of multi-modal electronic information available, automated tools are required to reduce the cognitive load on users. <em>STEPS TOWARDS A SOLUTION</em> The key step towards a solution is the notion of information compression, being the compression of data to yield an information rich(er) resource. This is distinct from data compression which is merely the efficient storage of data. Further, the information compression must work on multi-model complex data, exemplified by multimedia data. Some of the techniques for doing this kind of information compression exist in a scattered way in areas such as fuzzy systems, and image analysis. We have identified a nascent field, which we can coalesce in an intensive short workshop. The first Australia-Japan Joint Workshop on Applications of Soft and Intelligent Computing to Multimodal and Multimedia Information Compression Technologies was held at Murdoch University in Perth, Western Australia from the 29 March to 5 April 2000. This special issue contains selected papers from the workshop.

This paper sheds new light on the developments in Italian jazz in the two decades 1960-1980. It opens by touching on context and antecedents: the relationships with Italian musical traditions in early American jazz, the acceptance and refusal of jazz by Italian cultural institutions and movements before 1960, and the late '50s key developments both in jazz and arts/media. In the early '60s, Italian jazz was characterized by two small scenes with marked differences in Rome and Milan and with a few further relevant events. An active and well rooted specialist magazine (Musica Jazz) provides relatively good documentation on these beginnings, quite detached from other general movements in music. By the end of the decade several ideological, cultural, political ruptures will have changed this panorama, and while Italian jazz was active in these changes, its exponents also had to deal with the complex situation they created from the point of view of artistic challenges, working conditions, and relationships with the recording industry. In order to discuss these changes and the different strategies adopted by musicians, four case studies will be examined to gain a better understanding of the process. Nunzio Rotondo, while almost unknown outside of Italy, was one of the first Italian musicians to successfully perform internationally after the war. He subsequently worked within the Rome jazz scene, with limited exposure both live and on record. Giorgio Gaslini's ground-breaking work of the late 50s, his training in ‘classical' music, and his unflagging commitment to exploration made him a personality similar to Portal and Gulda. However, his artistic successes did not close the chasm between ‘serious' music and jazz in Italy. Enrico Rava took the opposite road to Rotondo, widely performing abroad and paying dues in Buenos Aires, New York, and Paris before gaining acceptance worldwide and in his own country. He has been instrumental in the creation of an international image of Italian jazz and even of an Italian sound, opening the doors to many others. Perigeo was a ‘jazz-rock' group of the early 70s. Their recordings are still extremely popular. The reaction to their music by the jazz establishment and then their curt dismissal by the industry led to their disbanding, after which the single members—Franco D'Andrea, Claudio Fasoli, Giovanni Tommaso—produced and still produce some of the most exciting Italian jazz.

For more than fifty years, the recorded music industry has owed its existence to the development of analog sound recording technology. It was not, however, simply the development of a sound recording technology that created and sustained the industry. It was the fact that this recording technology was analog-based. Today, music recorded using analog technology is rare, having been almost completely replaced by the recently developed digital recording technology. As the use of digital recording technology continues to increase, particularly in conjunction with the evolving Internet, the likely outcome will be one of significant financial loss and structural change to the traditional recorded music industry.

Abstract The 14th International Symposium on Sound Engineering and Tonmeistering will be held on May 19-21, 2011, in Wrocław. The Symposium is organized by the Chair of Acoustics, Institute of Telecommunications, Teleinformatics and Acoustics, Wrocław University of Technology, under auspicious of the Polish Section of the Audio Engineering Society. The organizers cordially invite sound engineers, music producers, acousticians, and specialists in sound reinforcement, scientists who deal with sound engineering, sound recording and related areas, students, and employees of the audio industry to participate in the Symposium. The Symposium programme will include lecture sessions and workshop presentations.

Using Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction” as a template, this paper examines the impact of recording technology and the recording industry on the development and dissemination of jazz and on past and present popular perceptions of this musical form. For an unwritten and improvisatory art form such as jazz, the implications of the mass distribution of recordings become particularly significant, as one cannot, as with sculptures or paintings, compare the reproductions with the original work. This condition raises significant questions concerning the concept of original versus copy and whether it is really possible, in the case of performance art like jazz, to identify an “original.” Listening to a live performance of jazz is a very different experience from hearing it on a recording, which is a medium that is filled with numerous, often questionable, degrees of mediation. There are many elements, including racial prejudices, corporate and advertising interests, and the ambitions of individual musicians and producers, that have affected and structured many of the recordings that we now regard as “classic” jazz. The recording industry was also responsible for the vast proliferation of jazz across North America and eventually around the globe, however, introducing jazz recordings to scores of listeners, as well as many future jazz musicians who made significant contributions to the development of this art form, and who might otherwise have never even encountered this style of music. The music that we now know as jazz has been the product of a complex developmental process that flows freely between the media of live performance and sound recordings. As such, one should be wary of dismissing the role of recording technology in the development of jazz as being inherently corrupt and of regarding the sound recording as a fixed text.

Coming from a disciplinary background in ethnomusicology, I wanted to create an assignment outside of the norm in writing studies; rather than having the students understand sound as a text to be read, I wanted them to be able to read and respond to sound with sound. The majority of students in my “Music and Sports” course were journalism or music industry students who were fulfilling an elective requirement on the way to careers in sports broadcasting or news reporting. I wanted the students to experiment and enact our departmental goals of writing ethnographically about music and culture through well-constructed and well-referenced narratives that also would result in an interactive “real world” application beyond standard response papers or blogs. To this end, students had to respond to fairly open-ended prompts by recording three minutes of audio that included three citations to class readings and three audio clips of their choosing. The students grew dramatically in their ability to choose and contextualize the sound clips as effectively as article quotes in advancing their analyses. With technological developments like recording apps and free editing software, students can use sound itself as a primary source to propel their arguments. This assignment demonstrates how instead of describing sounds, we can now weave them into spoken narratives and then allow readers to hear them to support our arguments. We can now write with music.

The Recording Industry of America (RIAA) has made headlines1 and garnered a fair amount of criticism in recent years, both for the first jury trial against an individual copyright infringer2 and for its litigation tactics.3 In the midst of the RIAA‘s aggressive litigation, issues related to proof have come to the forefront, particularly regarding the use of Internet Protocol (IP) addresses4 to determine the identity of alleged copyright infringers.5 Additionally, the RIAA and other organizations have sought to hold individuals owning unsecured wireless routers6 liable for any illegal file-sharing that takes place through the individual‘s router.7 The RIAA, in their vigilant defense of copyrighted material, has gone too far and legislative action is needed to provide protection for unwary consumers from the aggressive tactics of the RIAA.

This article examines the growing internationalization of English Canada’s independent sound recording sector, largely defined by Canadian ownership. Although Canada’s music industry has had considerable links with the global music business for decades, the independent sector remained focused on the production of recordings by Canadian artists for sale in the domestic market. Recently, the links between Canadian music and Canadian-owned record companies have weakened, such that each is less reliant on the other. The article discusses the ways in which this dissociation has occurred within the context of the transformation of the global music industry over the past 15 years and considers the implications for future Canadian music industry policy.Cet article examine l’internationalisation croissante du secteur d’enregistrement sonore indépendant au Canada anglais (secteur caractérisé par le fait d’avoir des propriétaires canadiens). L’industrie de la musique canadienne a depuis des décennies noué de nombreux liens avec l’industrie mondiale, mais le secteur indépendant s’est concentré sur la production d’artistes canadiens pour le marché canadien. Récemment, cependant, les liens entre musique canadienne et compagnies de disques appartenant à des Canadiens se sont affaiblis, de manière à ce que l’un dépende moins de l’autre. Cet article commente les manières dont cette dissociation a eu lieu au cours des quinze dernières années dans le contexte de transformations mondiales de l’industrie de la musique et considère les conséquences pour l’avenir de politiques relatives à la musique au Canada.

Abstract: This paper focuses on the various interrelationships between the Canadian sound recording industry, broadcasting community, cultural-policy practitioners, and the CRTC, which influenced the application process for MuchMusic (Canada's national music video service) between 1979 and the station's debut in 1984. These dates are significant as they witness the intersection of a sound recording industry seeking reinvigoration and additional government support; a broadcast regulator seeking television applicants of solid financial grounding; and a cultural-policy strategy oriented toward improving the marketing and distribution of Canadian cultural products. Each of these elements converge on one point of general assent: that Canada "needed" a national music video broadcaster. Résumé : Cet article porte sur les rapports divers entre l'industrie canadienne de l'enregistrement sonore, la communauté de radiodiffuseurs, les praticiens de politiques culturelles et le CRTC concernant la demande d'application de MuchMusic (service canadien de vidéos musique) entre 1979 et la mise en ondes de la station en 1984. Ces dates sont importantes car elles marquent l'intersection d'une industrie de l'enregistrement sonore cherchant à se renouveler et à se faire appuyer davantage par le gouvernement, d'un organisme de réglementation de la radiodiffusion cherchant des candidats aux finances solides, et d'une stratégie en politique culturelle cherchant à améliorer la promotion et la distribution de produits culturels canadiens. Chacun de ces éléments allait mener à un seul point de convergence : le « besoin » d'un radiodiffuseur national de vidéos musique.

“As the old technologies become automatic and invisible, we find ourselves more concerned with fighting or embracing what’s new”—Dennis Baron, From Pencils to Pixels: The Stage of Literacy Technologies Popular music is firmly rooted within realist practice, or what has been called the "culture of authenticity" associated with modernism. As Lawrence Grossberg notes, the accelleration of the rate of change in modern life caused, in post-war youth culture, an identity crisis or "lived contradiction" that gave rock (particularly) and popular music (generally) a peculiar position in regard to notions of authenticity. Grossberg places rock's authenticity within the "difference" it maintains from other cultural forms, and notes that its difference "can be justified aesthetically or ideologically, or in terms of the social position of the audiences, or by the economics of its production, or through the measure of its popularity or the statement of its politics" (205-6). Popular music scholars have not adequately addressed issues of authenticity and individuality. Two of the most important questions to be asked are: How is authenticity communicated in popular music? What is the site of the interpretation of authenticity? It is important to ask about sound, technology, about the attempt to understand the ideal and the image, the natural and artificial. It is these that make clear the strongest connections between popular music and contemporary culture. Popular music is a particularly appropriate site for the study of authenticity as a cultural category, for several reasons. For one thing, other media do not follow us, as aural media do, into malls, elevators, cars, planes. Nor do they wait for us, as a tape player paused and ready to play. What is important is not that music is "everywhere" but, to borrow from Vivian Sobchack, that it creates a "here" that can be transported anywhere. In fact, we are able to walk around enveloped by a personal aural environment, thanks to a Sony Walkman.1 Also, it is more difficult to shut out the aural than the visual. Closing one's ears does not entirely shut out sound. There is, additionally, the sense that sound and music are interpreted from within, that is, that they resonate through and within the body, and as such engage with one's self in a fashion that coincides with Charles Taylor's claim that the "ideal of authenticity" is an inner-directed one. It must be noted that authenticity is not, however, communicated only via music, but via text and image. Grossberg noted the "primacy of sound" in rock music, and the important link between music, visual image, and authenticity: Visual style as conceived in rock culture is usually the stage for an outrageous and self-conscious inauthenticity... . It was here -- in its visual presentation -- that rock often most explicitly manifested both an ironic resistance to the dominant culture and its sympathies with the business of entertainment ... . The demand for live performance has always expressed the desire for the visual mark (and proof) of authenticity. (208) But that relationship can also be reversed: Music and sound serve in some instances to provide the aural mark and proof of authenticity. Consider, for instance, the "tear" in the voice that Jensen identifies in Hank Williams's singing, and in that of Patsy Cline. For the latter, voicing, in this sense, was particularly important, as it meant more than a singing style, it also involved matters of self-identity, as Jensen appropriately associates with the move of country music from "hometown" to "uptown" (101). Cline's move toward a more "uptown" style involved her visual image, too. At a significant turning point in her career, Faron Young noted, Cline "left that country girl look in those western outfits behind and opted for a slicker appearance in dresses and high fashion gowns" (Jensen 101). Popular music has forged a link with visual media, and in some sense music itself has become more visual (though not necessarily less aural) the more it has engaged with industrial processes in the entertainment industry. For example, engagement with music videos and film soundtracks has made music a part of the larger convergence of mass media forms. Alongside that convergence, the use of music in visual media has come to serve as adjunct to visual symbolisation. One only need observe the increasingly commercial uses to which music is put (as in advertising, film soundtracks and music videos) to note ways in which music serves image. In the literature from a variety of disciplines, including communication, art and music, it has been argued that music videos are the visualisation of music. But in many respects the opposite is true. Music videos are the auralisation of the visual. Music serves many of the same purposes as sound does generally in visual media. One can find a strong argument for the use of sound as supplement to visual media in Silverman's and Altman's work. For Silverman, sound in cinema has largely been overlooked (pun intended) in favor of the visual image, but sound is a more effective (and perhaps necessary) element for willful suspension of disbelief. One may see this as well in the development of Dolby Surround Sound, and in increased emphasis on sound engineering among video and computer game makers, as well as the development of sub-woofers and high-fidelity speakers as computer peripherals. Another way that sound has become more closely associated with the visual is through the ongoing evolution of marketing demands within the popular music industry that increasingly rely on visual media and force image to the front. Internet technologies, particularly the WorldWideWeb (WWW), are also evidence of a merging of the visual and aural (see Hayward). The development of low-cost desktop video equipment and WWW publishing, CD-i, CD-ROM, DVD, and other technologies, has meant that visual images continue to form part of the industrial routine of the music business. The decrease in cost of many of these technologies has also led to the adoption of such routines among individual musicians, small/independent labels, and producers seeking to mimic the resources of major labels (a practice that has become considerably easier via the Internet, as it is difficult to determine capital resources solely from a WWW site). Yet there is another facet to the evolution of the link between the aural and visual. Sound has become more visual by way of its representation during its production (a representation, and process, that has largely been ignored in popular music studies). That representation has to do with the digitisation of sound, and the subsequent transformation sound and music can undergo after being digitised and portrayed on a computer screen. Once digitised, sound can be made visual in any number of ways, through traditional methods like music notation, through representation as audio waveform, by way of MIDI notation, bit streams, or through representation as shapes and colors (as in recent software applications particularly for children, like Making Music by Morton Subotnick). The impetus for these representations comes from the desire for increased control over sound (see Jones, Rock Formation) and such control seems most easily accomplished by way of computers and their concomitant visual technologies (monitors, printers). To make computers useful tools for sound recording it is necessary to employ some form of visual representation for the aural, and the flexibility of modern computers allows for new modes of predominately visual representation. Each of these connections between the aural and visual is in turn related to technology, for as audio technology develops within the entertainment industry it makes sense for synergistic development to occur with visual media technologies. Yet popular music scholars routinely analyse aural and visual media in isolation from one another. The challenge for popular music studies and music philosophy posed by visual media technologies, that they must attend to spatiality and context (both visual and aural), has not been taken up. Until such time as it is, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to engage issues of authenticity, because they will remain rootless instead of situated within the experience of music as fully sensual (in some cases even synaesthetic). Most of the traditional judgments of authenticity among music critics and many popular music scholars involve space and time, the former in terms of the movement of music across cultures and the latter in terms of history. None rely on notions of the "situatedness" of the listener or musicmaker in a particular aural, visual and historical space. Part of the reason for the lack of such an understanding arises from the very means by which popular music is created. We have become accustomed to understanding music as manipulation of sound, and so far as most modern music production is concerned such manipulation occurs as much visually as aurally, by cutting, pasting and otherwise altering audio waveforms on a computer screen. Musicians no more record music than they record fingering; they engage in sound recording. And recording engineers and producers rely less and less on sound and more on sight to determine whether a recording conforms to the demands of digital reproduction.2 Sound, particularly when joined with the visual, becomes a means to build and manipulate the environment, virtual and non-virtual (see Jones, "Sound"). Sound & Music As we construct space through sound, both in terms of audio production (e.g., the use of reverberation devices in recording studios) and in terms of everyday life (e.g., perception of aural stimuli, whether by ear or vibration in the body, from points surrounding us), we centre it within experience. Sound combines the psychological and physiological. Audio engineer George Massenburg noted that in film theaters: You couldn't utilise the full 360-degree sound space for music because there was an "exit sign" phenomena [sic]. If you had a lot of audio going on in the back, people would have a natural inclination to turn around and stare at the back of the room. (Massenburg 79-80) However, he went on to say, beyond observations of such reactions to multichannel sound technology, "we don't know very much". Research in psychoacoustics being used to develop virtual audio systems relies on such reactions and on a notion of human hardwiring for stimulus response (see Jones, "Sense"). But a major stumbling block toward the development of those systems is that none are able to account for individual listeners' perceptions. It is therefore important to consider the individual along with the social dimension in discussions of sound and music. For instance, the term "sound" is deployed in popular music to signify several things, all of which have to do with music or musical performance, but none of which is music. So, for instance, musical groups or performers can have a "sound", but it is distinguishable from what notes they play. Entire music scenes can have "sounds", but the music within such scenes is clearly distinct and differentiated. For the study of popular music this is a significant but often overlooked dimension. As Grossberg argues, "the authenticity of rock was measured by its sound" (207). Visually, he says, popular music is suspect and often inauthentic (sometimes purposefully so), and it is grounded in the aural. Similarly in country music Jensen notes that the "Nashville Sound" continually evoked conflicting definitions among fans and musicians, but that: The music itself was the arena in and through which claims about the Nashville Sound's authenticity were played out. A certain sound (steel guitar, with fiddle) was deemed "hard" or "pure" country, in spite of its own commercial history. (84) One should, therefore, attend to the interpretive acts associated with sound and its meaning. But why has not popular music studies engaged in systematic analysis of sound at the level of the individual as well as the social? As John Shepherd put it, "little cultural theoretical work in music is concerned with music's sounds" ("Value" 174). Why should this be a cause for concern? First, because Shepherd claims that sound is not "meaningful" in the traditional sense. Second, because it leads us to re-examine the question long set to the side in popular music studies: What is music? The structural homology, the connection between meaning and social formation, is a foundation upon which the concept of authenticity in popular music stands. Yet the ability to label a particular piece of music "good" shifts from moment to moment, and place to place. Frith understates the problem when he writes that "it is difficult ... to say how musical texts mean or represent something, and it is difficult to isolate structures of musical creation or control" (56). Shepherd attempts to overcome this difficulty by emphasising that: Music is a social medium in sound. What [this] means ... is that the sounds of music provide constantly moving and complex matrices of sounds in which individuals may invest their own meanings ... [however] while the matrices of sounds which seemingly constitute an individual "piece" of music can accommodate a range of meanings, and thereby allow for negotiability of meaning, they cannot accommodate all possible meanings. (Shepherd, "Art") It must be acknowledged that authenticity is constructed, and that in itself is an argument against the most common way to think of authenticity. If authenticity implies something about the "pure" state of an object or symbol then surely such a state is connected to some "objective" rendering, one not possible according to Shepherd's claims. In some sense, then, authenticity is autonomous, its materialisation springs not from any necessary connection to sound, image, text, but from individual acts of interpretation, typically within what in literary criticism has come to be known as "interpretive communities". It is not hard to illustrate the point by generalising and observing that rock's notion of authenticity is captured in terms of songwriting, but that songwriters are typically identified with places (e.g. Tin Pan Alley, the Brill Building, Liverpool, etc.). In this way there is an obvious connection between authenticity and authorship (see Jones, "Popular Music Studies") and geography (as well in terms of musical "scenes", e.g. the "Philly Sound", the "Sun Sound", etc.). The important thing to note is the resultant connection between the symbolic and the physical worlds rooted (pun intended) in geography. As Redhead & Street put it: The idea of "roots" refers to a number of aspects of the musical process. There is the audience in which the musician's career is rooted ... . Another notion of roots refers to music. Here the idea is that the sounds and the style of the music should continue to resemble the source from which it sprang ... . The issue ... can be detected in the argument of those who raise doubts about the use of musical high-technology by African artists. A final version of roots applies to the artist's sociological origins. (180) It is important, consequently, to note that new technologies, particularly ones associated with the distribution of music, are of increasing importance in regulating the tension between alienation and progress mentioned earlier, as they are technologies not simply of musical production and consumption, but of geography. That the tension they mediate is most readily apparent in legal skirmishes during an unsettled era for copyright law (see Brown) should not distract scholars from understanding their cultural significance. These technologies are, on the one hand, "liberating" (see Hayward, Young, and Marsh) insofar as they permit greater geographical "reach" and thus greater marketing opportunities (see Fromartz), but on the other hand they permit less commercial control, insofar as they permit digitised music to freely circulate without restriction or compensation, to the chagrin of copyright enthusiasts. They also create opportunities for musical collaboration (see Hayward) between performers in different zones of time and space, on a scale unmatched since the development of multitracking enabled the layering of sound. Most importantly, these technologies open spaces for the construction of authenticity that have hitherto been unavailable, particularly across distances that have largely separated cultures and fan communities (see Paul). The technologies of Internetworking provide yet another way to make connections between authenticity, music and sound. Community and locality (as Redhead & Street, as well as others like Sara Cohen and Ruth Finnegan, note) are the elements used by audience and artist alike to understand the authenticity of a performer or performance. The lived experience of an artist, in a particular nexus of time and space, is to be somehow communicated via music and interpreted "properly" by an audience. But technologies of Internetworking permit the construction of alternative spaces, times and identities. In no small way that has also been the situation with the mediation of music via most recordings. They are constructed with a sense of space, consumed within particular spaces, at particular times, in individual, most often private, settings. What the network technologies have wrought is a networked audience for music that is linked globally but rooted in the local. To put it another way, the range of possibilities when it comes to interpretive communities has widened, but the experience of music has not significantly shifted, that is, the listener experiences music individually, and locally. Musical activity, whether it is defined as cultural or commercial practice, is neither flat nor autonomous. It is marked by ever-changing tastes (hence not flat) but within an interpretive structure (via "interpretive communities"). Musical activity must be understood within the nexus of the complex relations between technical, commercial and cultural processes. As Jensen put it in her analysis of Patsy Cline's career: Those who write about culture production can treat it as a mechanical process, a strategic construction of material within technical or institutional systems, logical, rational, and calculated. But Patsy Cline's recording career shows, among other things, how this commodity production view must be linked to an understanding of culture as meaning something -- as defining, connecting, expressing, mattering to those who participate with it. (101) To achieve that type of understanding will require that popular music scholars understand authenticity and music in a symbolic realm. Rather than conceiving of authenticity as a limited resource (that is, there is only so much that is "pure" that can go around), it is important to foreground its symbolic and ever-changing character. Put another way, authenticity is not used by musician or audience simply to label something as such, but rather to mean something about music that matters at that moment. Authenticity therefore does not somehow "slip away", nor does a "pure" authentic exist. Authenticity in this regard is, as Baudrillard explains concerning mechanical reproduction, "conceived according to (its) very reproducibility ... there are models from which all forms proceed according to modulated differences" (56). Popular music scholars must carefully assess the affective dimensions of fans, musicians, and also record company executives, recording producers, and so on, to be sensitive to the deeply rooted construction of authenticity and authentic experience throughout musical processes. Only then will there emerge an understanding of the structures of feeling that are central to the experience of music. Footnotes For analyses of the Walkman's role in social settings and popular music consumption see du Gay; Hosokawa; and Chen. It has been thus since the advent of disc recording, when engineers would watch a record's grooves through a microscope lens as it was being cut to ensure grooves would not cross over one into another. References Altman, Rick. "Television/Sound." Studies in Entertainment. Ed. Tania Modleski. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1986. 39-54. Baudrillard, Jean. Symbolic Death and Exchange. London: Sage, 1993. Brown, Ronald. Intellectual Property and the National Information Infrastructure: The Report of the Working Group on Intellectual Property Rights. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce, 1995. Chen, Shing-Ling. "Electronic Narcissism: College Students' Experiences of Walkman Listening." Annual meeting of the International Communication Association. Washington, D.C. 1993. Du Gay, Paul, et al. Doing Cultural Studies. London: Sage, 1997. Frith, Simon. Sound Effects. New York: Pantheon, 1981. Fromartz, Steven. "Starts-ups Sell Garage Bands, Bowie on Web." Reuters newswire, 4 Dec. 1996. Grossberg, Lawrence. We Gotta Get Out of This Place. London: Routledge, 1992. Hayward, Philip. "Enterprise on the New Frontier." Convergence 1.2 (Winter 1995): 29-44. Hosokawa, Shuhei. "The Walkman Effect." Popular Music 4 (1984). Jensen, Joli. The Nashville Sound: Authenticity, Commercialisation and Country Music. Nashville, Vanderbilt UP, 1998. Jones, Steve. Rock Formation: Music, Technology and Mass Communication. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1992. ---. "Popular Music Studies and Critical Legal Studies" Stanford Humanities Review 3.2 (Fall 1993): 77-90. ---. "A Sense of Space: Virtual Reality, Authenticity and the Aural." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 10.3 (Sep. 1993), 238-52. ---. "Sound, Space & Digitisation." Media Information Australia 67 (Feb. 1993): 83-91. Marrsh, Brian. "Musicians Adopt Technology to Market Their Skills." Wall Street Journal 14 Oct. 1994: C2. Massenburg, George. "Recording the Future." EQ (Apr. 1997): 79-80. Paul, Frank. "R&B: Soul Music Fans Make Cyberspace Their Meeting Place." Reuters newswire, 11 July 1996. Redhead, Steve, and John Street. "Have I the Right? Legitimacy, Authenticity and Community in Folk's Politics." Popular Music 8.2 (1989). Shepherd, John. "Art, Culture and Interdisciplinarity." Davidson Dunston Research Lecture. Carleton University, Canada. 3 May 1992. ---. "Value and Power in Music." The Sound of Music: Meaning and Power in Culture. Eds. John Shepherd and Peter Wicke. Cambridge: Polity, 1993. Silverman, Kaja. The Acoustic Mirror. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1988. Sobchack, Vivian. Screening Space. New York: Ungar, 1982. Young, Charles. "Aussie Artists Use Internet and Bootleg CDs to Protect Rights." Pro Sound News July 1995. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Steve Jones. "Seeing Sound, Hearing Image: 'Remixing' Authenticity in Popular Music Studies." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.4 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/remix.php>. Chicago style: Steve Jones, "Seeing Sound, Hearing Image: 'Remixing' Authenticity in Popular Music Studies," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 4 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/remix.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Steve Jones. (1999) Seeing Sound, Hearing Image: "Remixing" Authenticity in Popular Music Studies. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(4). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/remix.php> ([your date of access]).

The purpose of the article is to determine the stages of development of music broadcasting and to reveal their features in the context of the evolution of audio recording means. The methodology consists of the application of general scientific and special methods, namely: information and system approaches, terminological and historical methods, as well as methods of analysis and generalization of source information, comparison and interrelation of theory and practice. Scientific novelty. The significance of musical resources has been brought to the development of radio communications and the early stages of development of musical radio communications have been clarified in the context of the evolution by means of audio recording. Conclusions. Radio has played one of the leading roles in the field of music and, conversely, without music, radio broadcasting has not received the appropriate technical development and, accordingly, would not have had such an impact on society. Clusters of music radio recordings on the rights of subsystems are connected to the metasystem of information communications. Music publishers, who were then the most influential part of the industry, allied with the musicians. At the time of birth, radio notes were the main musical product, and songwriters were real stars. However, when the whole world began to buy records instead of music, the power from publishers and singers passed to record companies and cooperated with them performers. In the early stages of its existence, musical radio broadcasting underwent an evolutionary path from the musical telegraph (1876), the first radio shows with magnetic recording (1914), the rapid development of radio engineering and recording technology (1920–1940), and 3-minute rock ‘n’ roll from artisanal records (1950s) to «pirate music», which was broadcast from ships (1960s). The study of the historical and cultural preconditions for the formation and development of musical radio broadcasting at an early stage in the context of the evolution of audio recording allowed to identify three main stages: «search» (1870–1920), 2) «competitive» (early 1920s – second half of the 1940s). .), 3) «vinyl-tape» (first half of the 1950s – 1970s). The term «music broadcasting» is proposed to mean technological means of sound transmission to an unlimited number of listeners of musical compositions and / or other musical information on the radio, as well as wired radio networks or packet-switched networks, classifying them as «active phonograms». , broadcast) and «passive phonograms» (performed a functional role and transferred to the archive). Key words: Archive, Records, Storage, Music, Digitization, Radio.

The purpose of the article is to characterize the peculiarities of organizing the storage of musical audio recordings in the repositories of radio stations. The methodology is based on the use of general scientific and special methods. The universal nature of music as a special language determines the internationality of music art. From the moment of birth and during the past years verbal report of the unwritten conditions, that are connected to music sound record accumulation in different cultural institutions, has changed not once. The transformations of this relationship were caused by different reasons – social, political, technical, and technological nature. In current high-technology conditions integration properties inherent in the holistic process of creation, circulation, and spread of information, accumulated in music compositions for radio. Today the formation of the new qualitative communication area with the rapid growth of the sound messages streams level occurs. The article is dedicated to the scientific problem of the preservation and use of music audio recordings of radio companies as objects of archival storage. Archived musical radio records are defined as a special cluster of the communication area. The socio-communicative approach is the methodological basis of the publication. The scientific novelty. The main directions of ensuring the preservation, restoration, and restoration of music audio recordings of archival audio recordings are substantiated, as well as the peculiarities of digitization and use of sound documents of this type, are revealed. The specifics of the formation of the respective collections are considered on the example of the BBC Archive Center and The British Library Sound Archive as leading foreign institutions where music records are stored. It is concluded that digital technologies have led to a change in the culture of music consumption and, accordingly, have transformed the processes of storing music archival recordings in the repositories of radio companies, which have acquired specific properties. Examining music radio recordings as archival objects have shown that in the age of the digital revolution, the music industry around the world has undergone significant changes. Both the revenue structure and the cost structure of record labels and music radio companies have fundamentally changed. Conclusions. Digital technologies have led to a change in the culture of music consumption (there has been a change in the ideology of authorship for music products) and the emergence of digital recording technologies that use artificial intelligence, digital workstations, etc. In this regard, the specifics of the organization of storage of music archival recordings were transformed, in particular in the phono repositories of radio companies that have acquired specific properties of the service grade (reprint of archival music recordings that were previously specially recorded for radio stations).

Dubbing is a term used to describe filling in the sound on film or video. Voice conversion can be done to support dubbing, for purposes such as obtaining a child’s voice for dubbing on children’s films. However, problems frequently occur with this process, including difficulty finding children’s voice resources and difficulty getting children to express the desired tone and mood while recording. Therefore, in this study, we propose a method for creating a cross-gender and age voice conversion from adult voices to children’s voices. The feature extraction method that is used is Linear Predictive Coding, and the modeling method is the Hidden Markov Model. The parts synthesized are fundamental frequency (F0) and spectral content. From the simulation test, the best results for the voice conversion are achieved by Linear Predictive Coding order 19. The best state of Hidden Markov Model modeling is the 5th state. F0 Root Mean Square Error of adult men to children after the conversion increased by 57.7%, while the F0 Root Mean Square Error of adult women to children after the conversion increased by 15.29%. Root Mean Square Error Cepstral after conversion increased by 43.69%. A subjective test was also performed in terms of the mean opinion score. In terms of similarities, mean opinion score testing for Hidden Markov Model has an average value of 2.64, and in terms of quality, testing mean opinion score for Hidden Markov Model has an average value of 3.23. It is hoped that this proposed method can be used in real terms for dubbing in the film industry, especially for Indonesian dialogue.

Nine Inch Nails have just released a new single; In addition to the usual formats, “The Hand That Feeds” was available for free download in Garageband format. Trent Reznor explained, “For quite some time I’ve been interested in the idea of allowing you the ability to tinker around with my tracks – to create remixes, experiment, embellish or destroy what’s there” (MacMinute 15 April 2005). Reznor invites creativity facilitated by copying and transformation. “Copy” carries connotations of unsavoury notions such as piracy, stealing, fake, and plagiarism. Conversely, in some circumstances copying is acceptable, some situations demand copying. This article examines the treatment of “copy” at the intersection of musical creativity and copyright law with regard to cover versions and sampling. Waldron reminds us that copyright was devised first and foremost with a public benefit in mind (851). This fundamental has been persistently reiterated (H. R Rep. (1909); Sen. Rep. (1909); H. R. Rep. (1988); Patterson & Lindberg 70). The law grants creators a bundle of rights in copyrighted works. Two rights implicated in recorded music are located in the composition and the recording. Many potential uses of copyrighted songs require a license. The Copyright Act 1976, s. 115 provides a compulsory licence for cover versions. In other words, any song can be covered for a statutory royalty fee. The law curtails the extent of the copyright monopoly. Compulsory licensing serves both creative and business sides of the recording industry. First, it ensures creative diversity. Musicians are free to reinterpret cultural soundtracks. Second, it safeguards the composer’s right to generate an income from his work by securing royalties for subsequent usage. Although s. 115 permits a certain degree of artistic licence, it requires “the arrangement shall not change the basic melody or fundamental character of the work”. Notwithstanding this proviso, songs can still be transformed and their meaning reshaped. Johnny Cash was able to provide an insight into the mind of a dying man through covering such songs as Nine Inch Nails’ “Hurt”, Depeche Mode’s “Personal Jesus” and Parker & Charles’ “We’ll Meet Again”. Compulsory licensing was introduced in response to a Supreme Court decision that deprived composers of royalties. Congress recognised: The main object to be desired in expanding copyright protection accorded to music has been to give to the composer an adequate return for the value of his composition, and it has been a serious and difficult task to combine the protection of the composer with the protection of the public, and to so frame an act that it would accomplish the double purpose of securing to the composer and at the same time prevent the formation of oppressive monopolies, which might be founded upon the very rights granted to the composer for the purpose of protecting his interests (H. R. Rep. (1909)). Composers exercise rights over the initial exploitation of a song. Once a recording is released, the right is curtailed to serve the public dimension of copyright. A sampler is a device that allows recorded (sampled) sounds to be triggered from a MIDI keyboard or sequencer. Samplers provide potent tools for transforming sounds – filters, pitch-shifting, time-stretching and effects can warp samples beyond recognition. Sampling is a practice that formed the backbone of rap and hip-hop, features heavily in many forms of electronic music, and has proved invaluable in many studio productions (Rose 73-80; Prendergast 383-84, 415-16, 433-34). Samples implicate both of the musical copyrights mentioned earlier. To legally use a sample, the rights in the recording and the underlying composition must be licensed. Ostensibly, acquiring permission to use the composition poses few obstacles due to the compulsory licence. The sound recording, however, is a different matter entirely. There is no compulsory licence for sound recordings. Copyright owners (usually record labels) are free to demand whatever fees they see fit. For example, SST charged Fatboy Slim $1000 for sampling a Negativland record (Negativland). (Ironically, the sample was itself an unlicensed sample appropriated from a 1966 religious recording.) The price paid by The Verve for sampling an obscure orchestral version of a Rolling Stones song was more substantial. Allan Klein owns the copyright in “The Last Time” released by The Andrew Oldham Orchestra in 1965 (American Hit Network, undated). Licence negotiations for the sample left Klein with 100% of the royalties from the song and The Verve with a bitter taste. To add insult to injury, “Bittersweet Symphony” was attributed to Mick Jagger and Keith Richards when the song was nominated for a Grammy (Superswell, undated). License fees can prove prohibitive to many musicians and may outweigh the artistic merit in using the sample: “Sony wanted five thousand dollars for the Clash sample, which … is one thousand dollars a word. In retrospect, this was a bargain, given the skyrocketing costs of sampling throughout the 1990s” (McLeod 86). Adam Dorn, alias Mocean Worker, tried for nine months to licence a sample of gospel singer Mahalia Jackson. Eventually his persistent requests were met with a demand for $10,000 in advance with royalties of six cents per record. Dorn was working with an album budget of a mere $40 and was expecting to sell 2500 copies (Beaujon 25). Unregulated licensing fees stifle creativity and create a de facto monopoly over recorded music. Although copyright was designed to be an engine of free expression1 it still carries characteristics of its monopolistic, totalitarian heritage. The decision in Bridgeport Music v. Dimension Films supported this monopoly. Judge Guy ruled, “Get a license or do not sample. We do not see this stifling creativity in any significant way” (397). The lack of compulsory licensing and the Bridgeport decision creates an untenable situation for sampling musicians and adversely impacts upon the public benefit derived from creative diversity and transformative works (Netanel 288, 331). The sobering potential for lawsuits, ruinous legal costs, injunctions, damages (to copyright owners as well as master recordings), suppresses the creativity of musicians unwilling or unable to pay licence fees (Negativland 251.). I’m a big fan of David Bowie. If I wanted to release a cover version of “Survive”, Bowie and Gabrels (composers) and BMI (publishers) could not prevent it. According the Harry Fox Agency’s online licensing system, it would cost $222.50 (US) for a licence to produce 2500 copies. The compulsory licence demands fidelity to the character of the original. Although my own individual style would be embedded in the cover version, the potential for transformation is limited. Whilst trawling through results from a search for “acapella” on the Soulseek network I found an MP3 of the vocal acapella for “Survive”. Thirty minutes later Bowie was loaded into Sonar 4 and accompanied by a drum loop and bass line whilst I jammed along on guitar and tinkered with synths. Free access to music encourages creative diversity and active cultural participation. Licensing fees, however, may prohibit such creative explorations. Sampling technology offers some truly innovative possibilities for transforming recorded sound. The Roland VariOS can pitch-eliminate; a vocal sample can be reproduced to a melody played by the sampling musician. Although the original singer’s voice is preserved the melody and characteristic nuances can be significantly altered: V-Producer’s Phrase Scope [a system software component] separates the melody from the rest of the phrase, allowing users to re-construct a new melody or add harmonies graphically, or by playing in notes from a MIDI keyboard. Using Phrase Scope, you can take an existing vocal phrase or melodic instrument phrase and change the actual notes, phrasing and vocal gender without unwanted artefacts. Bowie’s original vocal could be aligned with an original melody and set to an original composition. The original would be completely transformed into a new creative work. Unfortunately, EMI is the parent company for Virgin Records, the copyright owner of “Survive”. It is doubtful licence fees could be accommodated by many inspired bedroom producers. EMI’s reaction to DJ Dangermouse’s “Grey Album“ suggests that it would not look upon unlicensed sampling with any favour. Threatening letters from lawyers representing one of the “Big Four” are enough to subjugate most small time producers. Fair use? If a musician is unable to afford a licence, it is unlikely he can afford a fair use defence. Musicians planning only a limited run, underground release may be forgiven for assuming that the “Big Four” have better things to do than trawl through bins of White Labels for unlicensed samples. Professional bootlegger Richard X found otherwise when his history of unlicensed sampling caught up to him: “A certain major label won’t let me use any samples I ask them to. We just got a report back from them saying, ‘Due to Richard’s earlier work of which we are well aware, we will not be assisting him with any future projects’” (Petridis). For record labels “copy” equals “money”. Allan Klein did very well out of licensing his newly acquired “Bittersweet Symphony” to Nike (Superswell). Inability to afford either licences or legal costs means that some innovative and novel creations will never leave the bedroom. Sampling masterpieces such as “It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back” are no longer cost effective (McLeod). The absence of a compulsory licence for sampling permits a de facto monopoly over recorded music. Tricia Rose notes the recording industry knows the value of “copy” (90). “Copy” is permissible as long as musicians pay for the privilege – if the resultant market for the sampling song is not highly profitable labels may decline to negotiate a licence. Some parties have recognised the value of the desire to creatively engage with music. UK (dis)band(ed) Curve posted component samples of their song “Unreadable Communication” on their website and invited fans to create their own versions of the song. All submissions were listed on the website. Although the band reserved copyright, they permitted me to upload my version to my online distribution website for free download. It has been downloaded 113 times and streamed a further 112 times over the last couple of months. The remix project has a reciprocal dimension: Creative engagement strengthens the fan base. Guitarist/programmer, Dean Garcia, states “the main reason for posting the samples is for others to experiment with something they love . . . an opportunity as you say to mess around with something you otherwise would never have access to2”. Umixit is testing the market for remixable songs. Although the company has only five bands on its roster (the most notable being Aerosmith), it will be interesting to observe the development of a market for “neutered sampling” and how long it will be before the majors claim a stake. The would-be descendants of Grand Master Flash and Afrika Bambaataa may find themselves bound by end-user licences and contracts. The notion of “copy” at the nexus of creativity and copyright law is simultaneously a vehicle for free expression and a vulgar infringement on a valuable economic interest. The compulsory licence for cover versions encourages musicians to rework existing music, uncover hidden meaning, challenge the boundaries of genre, and actively participate in culture creation. Lack of affirmative congressional or judicial interference in the current sampling regime places the beneficial aspects of “copy” under an oppressive monopoly founded on copyright, an engine of free expression. References American Hit Network. “Bittersweet Symphony – The Verve.” Undated. 17 April 2005 http://www.americanhitnetwork.com/1990/fsongs.cfm?id=8&view=detail&rank=1>. Beaujon, A. “It’s Not The Beat, It’s the Mocean.’ CMJ New Music Monthly, April 1999. EMI. “EMI and Orange Announce New Music Deal.” Immediate Future: PR & Communications, 6 January 2005. 17 April 2005 http://www.immediatefuture.co.uk/359>. H. R. Rep. No. 2222. 60th Cong., 2nd Sess. 7. 1909. H. R. Rep. No. 609. 100th Cong., 2nd Sess. 23. 1988. MacMinute. “NIN Offers New Single in GarageBand Format.” 15 April 2005. 16 April 2005 http://www.macminute.com/2005/04/15/nin/>. McLeod, K. “How Copyright Law Changed Hip Hop: An Interview with Public Enemy’s Chuck D and Hank Shocklee.” Stay Free 2002, 23 June 2004 http://www.stayfreemagazine.org/archives/20/public_enemy.html>. McLeod, K. Freedom of Expression: Overzealous Copyright Bozos and Other Enemies of Creativity. United States: Doubleday Books, 2005. Negativland. “Discography.” Undated. 18 April 2005 http://www.negativland.com/negdisco.html>. Negativland (ed.). Fair Use: The Story of the Letter U and the Numeral 2. Concord: Seeland, 2005. Netanel, N. W. “Copyright and a Democratic Civil Society.” 106 Yale L. J. 283. 1996. Patterson, L.R., and S. Lindberg. The Nature of Copyright: A Law of Users’ Rights. Georgia: U of Georgia P, 1991. Petridis, A. “Pop Will Eat Itself.” The Guardian (UK) 2003. 22 June 2004 http://www.guardian.co.uk/arts/critic/feature/0,1169,922797,00.html>. Prendergast, M. The Ambient Century: From Mahler to Moby – The Evolution of Sound in the Electronic Age. London: Bloomsbury, 2003. Rose, T. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2004. Sen. Rep. No. 1108, 60th Cong., 2nd Sess. 7. 1909. Superswell. “Horror Stories.” 17 April 2005 http://www.superswell.com/samplelaw/horror.html>. Waldron, J. “From Authors to Copiers: Individual Rights and Social Values in Intellectual Property.” 68 Chicago-Kent Law Review 842, 1998. Endnotes 1 Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enterprises 471 U.S. 539, 558 (1985). 2 From personal correspondence with Curve dated 16 September 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Collins, Steve. "Good Copy, Bad Copy: Covers, Sampling and Copyright." M/C Journal 8.3 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/02-collins.php>. APA Style Collins, S. (Jul. 2005) "Good Copy, Bad Copy: Covers, Sampling and Copyright," M/C Journal, 8(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/02-collins.php>.

In 1956, John Cage predicted that “in the future, records will be made from records” (Duffel, 202). Certainly, musical creativity has always involved a certain amount of appropriation and adaptation of previous works. For example, Vivaldi appropriated and adapted the “Cum sancto spiritu” fugue of Ruggieri’s Gloria (Burnett, 4; Forbes, 261). If stuck for a guitar solo on stage, Keith Richards admits that he’ll adapt Buddy Holly for his own purposes (Street, 135). Similarly, Nirvana adapted the opening riff from Killing Jokes’ “Eighties” for their song “Come as You Are”. Musical “quotation” is actively encouraged in jazz, and contemporary hip-hop would not exist if the genre’s pioneers and progenitors had not plundered and adapted existing recorded music. Sampling technologies, however, have taken musical adaptation a step further and realised Cage’s prediction. Hardware and software samplers have developed to the stage where any piece of audio can be appropriated and adapted to suit the creative impulses of the sampling musician (or samplist). The practice of sampling challenges established notions of creativity, with whole albums created with no original musical input as most would understand it—literally “records made from records.” Sample-based music is premised on adapting audio plundered from the cultural environment. This paper explores the ways in which technology is used to adapt previous recordings into new ones, and how musicians themselves have adapted to the potentials of digital technology for exploring alternative approaches to musical creativity. Sampling is frequently defined as “the process of converting an analog signal to a digital format.” While this definition remains true, it does not acknowledge the prevalence of digital media. The “analogue to digital” method of sampling requires a microphone or instrument to be recorded directly into a sampler. Digital media, however, simplifies the process. For example, a samplist can download a video from YouTube and rip the audio track for editing, slicing, and manipulation, all using software within the noiseless digital environment of the computer. Perhaps it is more prudent to describe sampling simply as the process of capturing sound. Regardless of the process, once a sound is loaded into a sampler (hardware or software) it can be replayed using a MIDI keyboard, trigger pad or sequencer. Use of the sampled sound, however, need not be a faithful rendition or clone of the original. At the most basic level of manipulation, the duration and pitch of sounds can be altered. The digital processes that are implemented into the Roland VariOS Phrase Sampler allow samplists to eliminate the pitch or melodic quality of a sampled phrase. The phrase can then be melodically redefined as the samplist sees fit: adapted to a new tempo, key signature, and context or genre. Similarly, software such as Propellerhead’s ReCycle slices drum beats into individual hits for use with a loop sampler such as Reason’s Dr Rex module. Once loaded into Dr Rex, the individual original drum sounds can be used to program a new beat divorced from the syncopation of the original drum beat. Further, the individual slices can be subjected to pitch, envelope (a component that shapes the volume of the sound over time) and filter (a component that emphasises and suppresses certain frequencies) control, thus an existing drum beat can easily be adapted to play a new rhythm at any tempo. For example, this rhythm was created from slicing up and rearranging Clyde Stubblefield’s classic break from James Brown’s “Funky Drummer”. Sonic adaptation of digital information is not necessarily confined to the auditory realm. An audio editor such as Sony’s Sound Forge is able to open any file format as raw audio. For example, a Word document or a Flash file could be opened with the data interpreted as audio. Admittedly, the majority of results obtained are harsh white noise, but there is scope for serendipitous anomalies such as a glitchy beat that can be extracted and further manipulated by audio software. Audiopaint is an additive synthesis application created by Nicolas Fournel for converting digital images into audio. Each pixel position and colour is translated into information designating frequency (pitch), amplitude (volume) and pan position in the stereo image. The user can determine which one of the three RGB channels corresponds to either of the stereo channels. Further, the oscillator for the wave form can be either the default sine wave or an existing audio file such as a drum loop can be used. The oscillator shapes the end result, responding to the dynamics of the sine wave or the audio file. Although Audiopaint labours under the same caveat as with the use of raw audio, the software can produce some interesting results. Both approaches to sound generation present results that challenge distinctions between “musical sound” and “noise”. Sampling is also a cultural practice, a relatively recent form of adaptation extending out of a time honoured creative aesthetic that borrows, quotes and appropriates from existing works to create new ones. Different fields of production, as well as different commentators, variously use terms such as “co-creative media”, “cumulative authorship”, and “derivative works” with regard to creations that to one extent or another utilise existing works in the production of new ones (Coombe; Morris; Woodmansee). The extent of the sampling may range from subtle influence to dominating significance within the new work, but the constant principle remains: an existing work is appropriated and adapted to fit the needs of the secondary creator. Proponents of what may be broadly referred to as the “free culture” movement argue that creativity and innovation inherently relies on the appropriation and adaptation of existing works (for example, see Lessig, Future of Ideas; Lessig, Free Culture; McLeod, Freedom of Expression; Vaidhyanathan). For example, Gwen Stefani’s 2004 release “Rich Girl” is based on Louchie Lou and Michie One’s 1994 single of the same title. Lou and One’s “Rich Girl”, in turn, is a reggae dance hall adaptation of “If I Were a Rich Man” from Fiddler on the Roof. Stefani’s “na na na” vocal riff shares the same melody as the “Ya ha deedle deedle, bubba bubba deedle deedle dum” riff from Fiddler on the Roof. Samantha Mumba adapted David Bowie’s “Ashes to Ashes” for her second single “Body II Body”. Similarly, Richard X adapted Tubeway Army’s “Are ‘Friends’ Electric?’ and Adina Howard’s “Freak Like Me” for a career saving single for Sugababes. Digital technologies enable and even promote the adaptation of existing works (Morris). The ease of appropriating and manipulating digital audio files has given rise to a form of music known variously as mash-up, bootleg, or bastard pop. Mash-ups are the most recent stage in a history of musical appropriation and they epitomise the sampling aesthetic. Typically produced in bedroom computer-based studios, mash-up artists use software such as Acid or Cool Edit Pro to cut up digital music files and reassemble the fragments to create new songs, arbitrarily adding self-composed parts if desired. Comprised almost exclusively from sections of captured music, mash-ups have been referred to as “fictional pop music” because they conjure up scenarios where, for example, Destiny’s Child jams in a Seattle garage with Nirvana or the Spice Girls perform with Nine Inch Nails (Petridis). Once the initial humour of the novelty has passed, the results can be deeply alluring. Mash-ups extract the distinctive characteristics of songs and place them in new, innovative contexts. As Dale Lawrence writes: “the vocals are often taken from largely reviled or ignored sources—cornball acts like Aguilera or Destiny’s Child—and recast in wildly unlikely contexts … where against all odds, they actually work”. Similarly, Crawford argues that “part of the art is to combine the greatest possible aesthetic dissonance with the maximum musical harmony. The pleasure for listeners is in discovering unlikely artistic complementarities and revisiting their musical memories in mutated forms” (36). Sometimes the adaptation works in the favour of the sampled artist: George Clinton claims that because of sampling he is more popular now than in 1976—“the sampling made us big again” (Green). The creative aspect of mash-ups is unlike that usually associated with musical composition and has more in common with DJing. In an effort to further clarify this aspect, we may regard DJ mixes as “mash-ups on the fly.” When Grandmaster Flash recorded his quilt-pop masterpiece, “Adventures of Grandmaster Flash on the Wheels of Steel,” it was recorded while he performed live, demonstrating his precision and skill with turntables. Modern audio editing software facilitates the capture and storage of sound, allowing mash-up artists to manipulate sounds bytes outside of “real-time” and the live performance parameters within which Flash worked. Thus, the creative element is not the traditional arrangement of chords and parts, but rather “audio contexts”. If, as Riley pessimistically suggests, “there are no new chords to be played, there are no new song structures to be developed, there are no new stories to be told, and there are no new themes to explore,” then perhaps it is understandable that artists have searched for new forms of musical creativity. The notes and chords of mash-ups are segments of existing works sequenced together to produce inter-layered contexts rather than purely tonal patterns. The merit of mash-up culture lies in its function of deconstructing the boundaries of genre and providing new musical possibilities. The process of mashing-up genres functions to critique contemporary music culture by “pointing a finger at how stifled and obvious the current musical landscape has become. … Suddenly rap doesn’t have to be set to predictable funk beats, pop/R&B ballads don’t have to come wrapped in cheese, garage melodies don’t have to recycle the Ramones” (Lawrence). According to Theodor Adorno, the Frankfurt School critic, popular music (of his time) was irretrievably simplistic and constructed from easily interchangeable, modular components (McLeod, “Confessions”, 86). A standardised and repetitive approach to musical composition fosters a mode of consumption dubbed by Adorno “quotation listening” and characterised by passive acceptance of, and obsession with, a song’s riffs (44-5). As noted by Em McAvan, Adorno’s analysis elevates the producer over the consumer, portraying a culture industry controlling a passive audience through standardised products (McAvan). The characteristics that Adorno observed in the popular music of his time are classic traits of contemporary popular music. Mash-up artists, however, are not representative of Adorno’s producers for a passive audience, instead opting to wrest creative control from composers and the recording industry and adapt existing songs in pursuit of their own creative impulses. Although mash-up productions may consciously or unconsciously criticise the current state of popular music, they necessarily exist in creative symbiosis with the commercial genres: “if pop songs weren’t simple and formulaic, it would be much harder for mashup bedroom auteurs to do their job” (McLeod, “Confessions”, 86). Arguably, when creating mash-ups, some individuals are expressing their dissatisfaction with the stagnation of the pop industry and are instead working to create music that they as consumers wish to hear. Sample-based music—as an exercise in adaptation—encourages a Foucauldian questioning of the composer’s authority over their musical texts. Recorded music is typically a passive medium in which the consumer receives the music in its original, unaltered form. DJ Dangermouse (Brian Burton) breached this pact to create his Grey Album, which is a mash-up of an a cappella version of Jay-Z’s Black Album and the Beatles’ eponymous album (also known as the White Album). Dangermouse says that “every kick, snare, and chord is taken from the Beatles White Album and is in their original recording somewhere.” In deconstructing the Beatles’ songs, Dangermouse turned the recordings into a palette for creating his own new work, adapting audio fragments to suit his creative impulses. As Joanna Demers writes, “refashioning these sounds and reorganising them into new sonic phrases and sentences, he creates acoustic mosaics that in most instances are still traceable to the Beatles source, yet are unmistakeably distinct from it” (139-40). Dangermouse’s approach is symptomatic of what Schütze refers to as remix culture: an open challenge to a culture predicated on exclusive ownership, authorship, and controlled distribution … . Against ownership it upholds an ethic of creative borrowing and sharing. Against the original it holds out an open process of recombination and creative transformation. It equally calls into question the categories, rifts and borders between high and low cultures, pop and elitist art practices, as well as blurring lines between artistic disciplines. Using just a laptop, an audio editor and a calculator, Gregg Gillis, a.k.a. Girl Talk, created the Night Ripper album using samples from 167 artists (Dombale). Although all the songs on Night Ripper are blatantly sampled-based, Gillis sees his creations as “original things” (Dombale). The adaptation of sampled fragments culled from the Top 40 is part of Gillis’ creative process: “It’s not about who created this source originally, it’s about recontextualising—creating new music. … I’ve always tried to make my own songs” (Dombale). Gillis states that his music has no political message, but is a reflection of his enthusiasm for pop music: “It’s a celebration of everything Top 40, that’s the point” (Dombale). Gillis’ “celebratory” exercises in creativity echo those of various fan-fiction authors who celebrate the characters and worlds that constitute popular culture. Adaptation through sampling is not always centred solely on music. Sydney-based Tom Compagnoni, a.k.a. Wax Audio, adapted a variety of sound bytes from politicians and media personalities including George W. Bush, Alexander Downer, Alan Jones, Ray Hadley, and John Howard in the creation of his Mediacracy E.P.. In one particular instance, Compagnoni used a myriad of samples culled from various media appearances by George W. Bush to recreate the vocals for John Lennon’s Imagine. Created in early 2005, the track, which features speeded-up instrumental samples from a karaoke version of Lennon’s original, is an immediate irony fuelled comment on the invasion of Iraq. The rationale underpinning the song is further emphasised when “Imagine This” reprises into “Let’s Give Peace a Chance” interspersed with short vocal fragments of “Come Together”. Compagnoni justifies his adaptations by presenting appropriated media sound bytes that deliberately set out to demonstrate the way information is manipulated to present any particular point of view. Playing the media like an instrument, Wax Audio juxtaposes found sounds in a way that forces the listener to confront the bias, contradiction and sensationalism inherent in their daily intake of media information. … Oh yeah—and it’s bloody funny hearing George W Bush sing “Imagine”. Notwithstanding the humorous quality of the songs, Mediacracy represents a creative outlet for Compagnoni’s political opinions that is emphasised by the adaptation of Lennon’s song. Through his adaptation, Compagnoni revitalises Lennon’s sentiments about the Vietnam War and superimposes them onto the US policy on Iraq. An interesting aspect of sampled-based music is the re-occurrence of particular samples across various productions, which demonstrates that the same fragment can be adapted for a plethora of musical contexts. For example, Clyde Stubblefield’s “Funky Drummer” break is reputed to be the most sampled break in the world. The break from 1960s soul/funk band the Winstons’ “Amen Brother” (the B-side to their 1969 release “Color Him Father”), however, is another candidate for the title of “most sampled break”. The “Amen break” was revived with the advent of the sampler. Having featured heavily in early hip-hop records such as “Words of Wisdom” by Third Base and “Straight Out of Compton” by NWA, the break “appears quite adaptable to a range of music genres and tastes” (Harrison, 9m 46s). Beginning in the early 1990s, adaptations of this break became a constant of jungle music as sampling technology developed to facilitate more complex operations (Harrison, 5m 52s). The break features on Shy FX’s “Original Nutta”, L Double & Younghead’s “New Style”, Squarepusher’s “Big Acid”, and a cover version of Led Zepplin’s “Whole Lotta Love” by Jane’s Addiction front man Perry Farrell. This is to name but a few tracks that have adapted the break. Wikipedia offers a list of songs employing an adaptation of the “Amen break”. This list, however, falls short of the “hundreds of tracks” argued for by Nate Harrison, who notes that “an entire subculture based on this one drum loop … six seconds from 1969” has developed (8m 45s). The “Amen break” is so ubiquitous that, much like the twelve bar blues structure, it has become a foundational element of an entire genre and has been adapted to satisfy a plethora of creative impulses. The sheer prevalence of the “Amen break” simultaneously illustrates the creative nature of music adaptation as well as the potentials for adaptation stemming from digital technology such as the sampler. The cut-up and rearrangement aspect of creative sampling technology at once suggests the original but also something new and different. Sampling in general, and the phenomenon of the “Amen break” in particular, ensures the longevity of the original sources; sampled-based music exhibits characteristics acquired from the source materials, yet the illegitimate offspring are not their parents. Sampling as a technology for creatively adapting existing forms of audio has encouraged alternative approaches to musical composition. Further, it has given rise to a new breed of musician that has adapted to technologies of adaptation. Mash-up artists and samplists demonstrate that recorded music is not simply a fixed or read-only product but one that can be freed from the composer’s original arrangement to be adapted and reconfigured. Many mash-up artists such as Gregg Gillis are not trained musicians, but their ears are honed from enthusiastic consumption of music. Individuals such as DJ Dangermouse, Gregg Gillis and Tom Compagnoni appropriate, reshape and re-present the surrounding soundscape to suit diverse creative urges, thereby adapting the passive medium of recorded sound into an active production tool. References Adorno, Theodor. “On the Fetish Character in Music and the Regression of Listening.” The Culture Industry: Selected Essays on Mass Culture. Ed. J. Bernstein. London, New York: Routledge, 1991. Burnett, Henry. “Ruggieri and Vivaldi: Two Venetian Gloria Settings.” American Choral Review 30 (1988): 3. Compagnoni, Tom. “Wax Audio: Mediacracy.” Wax Audio. 2005. 2 Apr. 2007 http://www.waxaudio.com.au/downloads/mediacracy>. Coombe, Rosemary. The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties. Durham, London: Duke University Press, 1998. Demers, Joanna. Steal This Music: How Intellectual Property Law Affects Musical Creativity. Athens, London: University of Georgia Press, 2006. Dombale, Ryan. “Interview: Girl Talk.” Pitchfork. 2006. 9 Jan. 2007 http://www.pitchforkmedia.com/article/feature/37785/Interview_Interview_Girl_Talk>. Duffel, Daniel. Making Music with Samples. San Francisco: Backbeat Books, 2005. Forbes, Anne-Marie. “A Venetian Festal Gloria: Antonio Lotti’s Gloria in D Major.” Music Research: New Directions for a New Century. Eds. M. Ewans, R. Halton, and J. Phillips. London: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2004. Green, Robert. “George Clinton: Ambassador from the Mothership.” Synthesis. Undated. 15 Sep. 2005 http://www.synthesis.net/music/story.php?type=story&id=70>. Harrison, Nate. “Can I Get an Amen?” Nate Harrison. 2004. 8 Jan. 2007 http://www.nkhstudio.com>. Lawrence, Dale. “On Mashups.” Nuvo. 2002. 8 Jan. 2007 http://www.nuvo.net/articles/article_292/>. Lessig, Lawrence. The Future of Ideas. New York: Random House, 2001. ———. Free Culture: How Big Media Uses Technology and the Law to Lock Down Culture and Control Creativity. New York: The Penguin Press, 2004. McAvan, Em. “Boulevard of Broken Songs: Mash-Ups as Textual Re-Appropriation of Popular Music Culture.” M/C Journal 9.6 (2006) 3 Apr. 2007 http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0612/02-mcavan.php>. McLeod, Kembrew. “Confessions of an Intellectual (Property): Danger Mouse, Mickey Mouse, Sonny Bono, and My Long and Winding Path as a Copyright Activist-Academic.” Popular Music & Society 28.79. ———. Freedom of Expression: Overzealous Copyright Bozos and Other Enemies of Creativity. United States: Doubleday Books. Morris, Sue. “Co-Creative Media: Online Multiplayer Computer Game Culture.” Scan 1.1 (2004). 8 Jan. 2007 http://scan.net.au/scan/journal/display_article.php?recordID=16>. Petridis, Alexis. “Pop Will Eat Itself.” The Guardian UK. March 2003. 8 Jan. 2007 http://www.guardian.co.uk/arts/critic/feature/0,1169,922797,00.html>. Riley. “Pop Will Eat Itself—Or Will It?”. The Truth Unknown (archived at Archive.org). 2003. 9 Jan. 2007 http://web.archive.org/web/20030624154252 /www.thetruthunknown.com/viewnews.asp?articleid=79>. Schütze, Bernard. “Samples from the Heap: Notes on Recycling the Detritus of a Remixed Culture”. Horizon Zero 2003. 8 Jan. 2007 http://www.horizonzero.ca/textsite/remix.php?tlang=0&is=8&file=5>. Vaidhyanathan, Siva. Copyrights and Copywrongs: The Rise of Intellectual Property and How It Threatens Creativity. New York, London: New York University Press, 2003. Woodmansee, Martha. “On the Author Effect: Recovering Collectivity.” The Construction of Authorship: Textual Appropriation in Law and Literature. Eds. M. Woodmansee, P. Jaszi and P. Durham; London: Duke University Press, 1994. 15. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Collins, Steve. "Amen to That: Sampling and Adapting the Past." M/C Journal 10.2 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/09-collins.php>. APA Style Collins, S. (May 2007) "Amen to That: Sampling and Adapting the Past," M/C Journal, 10(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/09-collins.php>.

All we hear is radio gaga, radio googoo, radio blahblah Radio, what’s new? Radio, someone still loves you Queen, “Radio Gaga” Someone still loves radio—and more people are beginning to discover its online form, Webcasting, as an alternative to terrestrial radio stations. Online radio allows listeners to swap local radio fare for more exotic programming, turning everyday PCs into world receivers, and offers a large variety of special-interest Webcasts catering to very genre-specific tastes. (Spinner.com, one of the largest commercial Webcasters, offers some 175 channels from Abstract Beats to Zydeco, for example.) For independent music labels whose content would never be played on mainstream terrestrial radio, Webcasting has become a major source of exposure. Unlike filesharing, however, Webcasts remain largely ephemeral: no permanent copy of radio content can be created on the user’s computer unless authorised by the Webcaster, or unless users specifically seek out software like Streambox VCR which circumvents such restrictions. Yet in the U.S. the year 2002 saw a protracted battle for the future of webcasting, waged between the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) and its royalty collection agency SoundExchange on one side, and a loose coalition of Webcasters on the other. Mirroring the sustained attack on filesharing services, the battle over Webcasting demonstrates once again the hardline position the RIAA has adopted in its dealings with new media music services. In the filesharing arena, we have seen the demise of early services such as Napster and their replacement with deliberately crippled, recording industry-run alternatives or more powerful underground services. In its approach to Webcasting, the RIAA similarly attempted to push through a solution that would have made Internet radio unaffordable to any but the major players in the industry. Its involvement in this fight provides a useful illustration of the shortcomings of the music industry’s strategy for dealing with new, Internet-based media. Casus Belli Prior to 2002, the battlelines had been drawn already. When the grandly named Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) became law in the U.S. in late October 1998, it introduced a requirement for royalties to be paid by online stations. Rates for such fees were to be determined according to a ‘willing buyer/willing seller’ model—in other words, they were expected to reflect what would be ‘standard’ fees in an established digital media market, as determined by an independent Copyright Arbitration Royalty Panel (CARP). Once set, royalties dating back to the date of passage of the DMCA were then to be paid retroactively by Webcasters. While agreements over performing rights (royalties due to the authors of copyrighted material) resulted in a requirement for Webcasters to pay an average rate of around 3% of their annual revenue, no decision had yet been made about royalties for sound recordings (due to the actual performers of a specific piece) as late as 2001, raising fears of a significant backlog of accumulated fees for at least three years suddenly burdening an industry which had yet to prove its profitability. Some Webcasters even pre-emptively began pulling the plug on their channels (see e.g. Borland). The Copyright Arbitration Royalty Panel (CARP) on Webcasting held its deliberations on a royalty fee structure during the second half of 2001, with submissions by the key parties. The RIAA demanded a payment of around 0.4¢ per song/ per listener. By contrast the Digital Media Association, on behalf of Webcasters, offered 0.14¢ per song/per hour (regardless of the number of listeners). The CARP recommendation markedly reduced the RIAA’s proposed fees, but retained the suggested per song/per listener royalty structure. Librarian of Congress James H. Billington rejected this recommendation but replaced it with a virtually identical model of 0.07¢ per song/per listener for commercial Webcasters, or about 18% of the original RIAA rate (Copyright Office). This still meant significant royalty fees for Webcasters: assuming an average of 10 songs per hour and 100 listeners per channel at any one time, Webcasters broadcasting only one channel, 24 hours a day, would have to pay around $6,100 per year (and this retroactively back to 1998), even though this small audience would be unlikely to generate any income. This fee punished stations for becoming moderately popular, as increasing average audience to 1000 would increase payable royalties to $61,000, while profit might still prove elusive. This was prohibitively expensive for smaller, start-up players, and contributed to a growing list of Webcasters switching off their streams in the belief that they had lost their fight for survival. By contrast U.S. terrestrial radio stations are exempt altogether from paying any royalties to the RIAA because their work is seen as providing a ‘promotional service’ to the music industry. Examining the RIAA Strategy and Its Motives Any negotiator worth their salt will make an opening offer aimed at maximising the eventual outcome of the negotiation, so the initial RIAA demand of 0.4¢ per song/per listener should perhaps be seen as ambitious. Nonetheless, the RIAA’s entire strategy in this conflict seemed geared more towards the terminal frustration of hopeful Webcaster aspirations. The strongest evidence to suggest that the RIAA never negotiated in good faith stems from June 2002 comments by erstwhile Broadcast.com founder Mark Cuban, who in 1999 was involved in negotiating a deal between his company (then newly acquired by Yahoo!) and the RIAA to set royalty rates for Broadcast.com streams. Cuban revealed that buyer and seller in this case were willing first and foremost to price out of the market any potential competition to Broadcast.com from smaller, start-up Webcast operators—this was the reason for choosing the per-song/per-listener fee structure over a percentage-of-revenue approach: I hated the [per-song/listener] price points and explained why they were too high. HOWEVER, … I, as Broadcast.com, didn’t want percent-of-revenue pricing. Why? Because it meant every “Tom, Dick, and Harry” webcaster could come in and undercut our pricing because we had revenue and they didn’t. … The Yahoo! deal I worked on, if it resembles the deal the CARP ruling was built on, was designed so that there would be less competition, and so that small webcasters who needed to live off of a “percentage-of-revenue” to survive, couldn’t. (qtd. in Maloney & Hanson) Therefore, the RIAA consciously presented to the CARP a pricing structure which was not representative of an agreement between willing buyer and seller, but rather an agreement designed to achieve specific objectives: to punish very small operators for becoming more popular, hence discouraging hobbyists from turning professional; make Webcasting unaffordable for independent, small to medium operations; open the market only to major players with significant revenue streams; encourage amalgamation of independent stations into larger networks, and incorporate networks into the bigger media organisations. Indeed, Levy cites the “testimony of an RIAA-backed economist who told the government fee panel [CARP] that a dramatic shakeout in Webcasting is ‘inevitable and desirable because it will bring about market consolidation’”—and ‘consolidation’ (thus excluding small business from the Webcasting market) was clearly the underlying motive of RIAA strategy during the fights of 2002. Reasons for such anti-competitive policies are speculative but the conduct suggests that it represents the interests of an oligopoly of major entertainment producers, defending their interests from independent and alternative upstarts emerging with the information age, whilst claiming to protect the entire music community from exploitation by digital media operators. For three years running music industry sales have been in decline, and “forecasts see sales sliding another six percent in 2003—a fall felt most by the big five music giants—Universal, Sony, Warner, EMI and BMG—which account for 70 percent of sales” (Warner & Marr). The transnationals have consistently attributed this decline to the impact of CD burning, filesharing and other Internet technologies for music transmission. Yet the RIAA was successful in shutting down Napster, and there are a host of other reasons for the downturn: There have been no major musical trends to emerge as major drivers of music sales since the advent of grunge in the early 1990s--“while record sales are dropping, they are also spreading into diverse genres” (Childress), Western economies have continued to skirt recession with a marked decrease in consumer spending, 15 years after the introduction of the CD medium, the initial waves of listeners replacing their vinyl records with CD re-releases and remasters (once a major source of income for labels) have subsided, CD prices remain high, even compared to DVD movie releases, and There is a growing backlash against the practices of an “industry founded on exploitation, oiled by deceit, riven with theft and fuelled by greed” (Fripp 9) and there are calls to boycott major labels altogether, and increased political scrutiny. Hence some observers have read the RIAA’s attacks on filesharing and Webcasts as the actions of an industry fighting for its own survival. Wired quotes former Billboard editor Timothy White as saying that 2003 “could determine whether the music business as we know it survives” (reported in Maloney, “Wired”), and this sentiment is echoed in other reports on the state of the music industry. Alternatively, analysts have noted “the industry released around 27,000 titles in 2001, down from a peak of 38,900 in 1999. Since year-on-year unit sales have dropped a mere 10.3 per cent, it’s clear that demand has held up extremely well: despite higher prices, consumers retain the CD buying habit” (Orlowski). Whether signs of an industry in decline or not, the RIAA’s uncompromising policies in its fight against unpoliced Internet music technologies have caused headaches amongst its own supporters. (A recent Wired article speaks of “civil war inside Sony” over such issues—see Rose.) The Time-Warner-Netscape-AOL conglomerate might find the benefits from its support of the RIAA will be negated by the new royalty fees required of Spinner.com in its new incarnation as ‘Radio@Netscape Plus’, or by the downturn in AOL Broadband’s ability to sign up customers as incentives such as access to filesharing and Web radio dry up. Postscript: Conflict Resolution in the Webcast Wars (?) Without significant policy shifts by the RIAA it has fallen to U.S. politicians to force an uneasy truce in the Webcast conflict. This intervention was prompted by dissatisfaction with the industry’s disregard for the stated aim of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act to cultivate not hinder business in new Internet technologies and the view that CARP had been tricked into accepting a flawed Yahoo!/RIAA deal as the basis for its fee structure recommendations. Following several attempts at legislation and emergency negotiations small Webcasters won a reprieve from the per song/per listener royalty structure which they had been threatened with, and will now pay a percentage of their revenue. This agreement is built on the “Small Webcaster Settlement Act,” which acknowledges that small Webcasters “have expressed their desire for a fee based on a percentage of revenue,” it rejects the CARP recommendations and the Librarian’s rulings as unsuitable for small operators, and instead requires the RIAA and small commercial Webcasters to develop their own structures in the spirit of this bill. While this solution generates division of the Webcast market into smaller and larger operators (and possibly makes the move from the first to the second group, who do pay per song/per listener royalties, all the more daunting), the new structure should be able to ensure its aim of protecting content diversity in Webcasting. That is until the industry finds a new battleground on which to engage Internet-based music technologies. Works Cited Borland, John. “Ad Disputes Tune Web Radio Out.” CNET News.com 11 April 2001. 9 Jan. 2003 <http://news.com.com/2100-1023-255673.htm...>. Childress, Donna J. “Boomers Key to Record Sales.” AARP: The Magazine Mar.-Apr. 2003. 12 Feb. 2003 <http://www.aarpmagazine.org/lifestyle/Ar...>. Copyright Office, Library of Congress, USA. “Summary of the Determination of the Librarian of Congress on Rates and Terms for Webcasting and Ephemeral Recordings.” 8 July. 2002. 9 Jan. 2003 <http://www.copyright.gov/carp/webcasting...>. Fripp, Robert. “Discipline Global Mobile: A Small, Mobile and Independent Record Company.” CD booklet. Space Groove. ProjeKct Two. Discipline Global Mobile, 1998. 9-10. Levy, Steven. “Labels to Net Radio: Die Now.” Newsweek 15 July 2002: 51. 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Warner, Bernhard, and Merissa Marr. “Battered Record Execs Set to Face the Music.” Reuters 17 Jan. 2003. 18 Jan. 2003 <http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml...> Links http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=musicNews&amp;amp;storyID=2065414 http://www.spinner.com/ http://www.boycott-riaa.com/ http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/010603/index.asp http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/010803/index.asp http://www.soundexchange.com/ http://www.theregister.co.uk/content/6/28588.html http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/062402/index.asp#story1 http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi- in/getdoc.cgi?dbname=107_cong_bills&amp;amp;docid=f:h5469eas.txt.pdf http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/011303/index.asp#story2 http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/102802/index.asp http://www.aarpmagazine.org/lifestyle/Articles/a2003-01-08-recordsales http://www.broadcast.com/ http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/010703/index.asp http://www.kurthanson.com/silenced.asp http://www.usatoday.com/life/music/news/2002-09-30-cd-settlement_x.htm http://www.riaa.org/ http://www.digmedia.org/ http://www.yahoo.com/ http://www.google.com/search?q=streambox+vcr&amp;amp;ie=UTF-8&amp;amp;oe=UTF-8&amp;amp;hl=en&amp;amp;meta= http://radio.netscape.com/ http://www.kurthanson.com/archive/news/102902/index.asp http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/11.02/sony.html http://www.napster.com/ http://news.com.com/2100-1023-255673.html?legacy=cnet http://www.wired.com/ http://archive.salon.com/tech/feature/2000/06/14/love/ http://www.copyright.gov/carp/webcasting_rates_final.html Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Bruns, Axel. "Fight for Survival" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 6.1 (2003). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/07-fightforsurvival.php>. APA Style Bruns, A., (2003, Feb 26). Fight for Survival. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,(1). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/07-fightforsurvival.html

As the Next Big Thing in consumer electronics is introduced, Australia is once again feeling the tyranny of distance from the world's major markets DVD (Digital Video Disc, recently rechristened 'Digital Versatile Disc') has long been hyped as the next step in the digital revolution of home entertainment. A good decade after the audio CD began to replace LPs as the premier sound carrier medium, it is now video's turn to become digital. DVD, which in many aspects constitutes the next generation of CD technology, has inherited many of its ancestor's features -- the handy and robust physical format of the individual CD-like discs, superior picture and sound quality (especially when compared with VHS tapes) which doesn't degrade with multiple viewings, and the convenience of direct access to particular tracks and sections of the disc, without rewinding. As a second-generation medium, DVD also adds the enhanced gadgetry that was still beyond the CD's technological horizon -- DVDs offer multiple versions of a movie on one disc (e.g., standard and director's cuts, pan-and-scan, letterbox, and 16:9 editions, PG- to R-rated versions, alternative endings), up to eight alternative soundtracks (Dolby Stereo, Dolby Surround, various foreign-language overdubbed versions), a total of 32 sets of optional subtitles, and further interactive control options for the viewer. Such enhancements are partly due to the much-increased storage capacity of the DVD when compared to CDs: in addition to a sevenfold increase in capacity per surface area, DVDs can also double and quadruple that increase by carrying data on both sides of a disc, and by offering two surface layers of information per side. In keeping with the general trend towards an integration of various entertainment and computing technologies, then, DVDs will also gradually replace standard audio CDs (most DVD players can also play audio CDs, making the transition even easier) and CD-ROMs (DVD-ROMs, which are able to read older CD-ROMs, are already on the market). It is the consumer video market, however, where DVD has been expected to make its biggest impact -- and more than a year after its market introduction in the U.S., the signs there are positive. Around 350,000 DVD players have been sold, over 600 DVD titles are now available, video stores are setting up DVD rental sections, and even the major LaserDisc and video Internet mail-order stores like Ken Crane's or Movienow! are offering DVDs. Comparisons with the triumph of CDs over vinyl break down quickly, however, since those two technologies were fundamentally similar read-only media -- by contrast, the technology DVD has set out to supersede, VHS, is also a recording medium (recordable DVDs are still some way into the future; even recordable CDs are only now appearing at affordable prices). DVD, therefore, is targetted more at the growing 'home cinema' market, that is, at consumers who value quality vision and sound over recordability (they are likely to own a hi-fi VCR anyway). The satisfactory, but ultimately limited market LaserDiscs have been able to carve out for themselves in competition with VHS serves as a caution against overestimating the inevitability of success for the DVD campaign. In the course of that campaign, it is now Australia's turn, and the technology's move beyond the borders of such unified, self-contained national markets as North America points out a number of mostly self-inflicted problems which may very well reduce DVD to a digital video dud, for the time being. The availability of DVD hardware is unlikely to present much of an obstacle, but it is software choice which will ultimately determine the acceptance of any new entertainment medium. With Village Roadshow having jumped the gun for the official Australian DVD roll-out that was slated for Easter '98, there were originally only a total of nine titles available in Australia -- mixing the Australian flavour of Shine, Priscilla: Queen of the Desert and an ABC production of the opera La Bohème with an odd assortment of international movies: Dumb & Dumber, The Crow, Wild Rhapsody, Evita, The Mask, and Seven. That merely such a handful of titles are available (the entry of other distributors into the Australian market has not significantly increased the volume) is due to a particular arrangement of the future world market for DVDs into various zones -- these are: 1. North America 2. Europe, the Middle East, South Africa, Japan 3. South East Asia 4. Middle and South America, Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea 5. Russia, the remainders of Asia and Africa 6. China On the surface, such a division makes sense for various reasons: movie tastes will differ markedly from region to region, and differences in video standards (the use of PAL or NTSC systems) also mean that DVDs from one region may not play on another region's players. (With the growing market share of dual-system TVs, such technical distinctions are beginning to lose importance, though.) Mainly, however, the regions soon emerge clearly as instruments to counteract the increasing globalisation of trade in entertainment content -- they were demanded by Hollywood's studios, designed specifically so that DVDs of recent movies would not enter a particular region before the movie had run its course in the region's cinemas, and they exist to protect the status quo of video distribution rights which has come under threat from globally operating mail-order video stores. Europeans wanting to buy a copy of Armageddon on DVD, for example, would have to wait until the disc was available in their region, and couldn't simply get the U.S. release that came out after the movie had finished its theatrical run there, months ago. To ensure that they indeed would not order DVDs from another region, technical barriers have been implemented in players and discs: in essence, Australian-made players will only play Australian-made discs, for example -- a DVD that was made for the American 'region one' will simply refuse to play. Only die-hard movie fans, the DVD producers hope, will make the effort to also buy their DVD player in the U.S. (this would force them to buy all their discs there, too -- Australian-made discs wouldn't play). This strange form of inverted protectionism (a protection of the local market from imports, put into place by a transnational consortium), then, is the reason that despite the relative abundance of DVD titles in region one only such few are available in Australia -- none of the overseas ones would play on the local region four machines. The prospects for Australian DVD consumers appear bleak, then: having been included in the wildly heterogeneous 'rest of the Western world' group of region four, Australia seems unlikely to enjoy a great influx of major titles anytime soon -- while the Middle and South American markets within the region are too large to ignore for DVD manufacturers, they are likely to encourage a selection of DVDs that is significantly at variance with Australian movie interests. At the same time, the English-speaking component of the region is simply too small to make any great effort addressing: in the immediate future, the combined markets of Australia and New Zealand are likely to produce a few hundred DVD-equipped households at best. Australia, then, is once again about to feel the tyranny of its distance from the areas with which it feels the greatest cultural affinity, is once again about to be overlooked as a small player amongst the larger markets of North America and Europe, and is this time even technologically restrained from attaching itself to these markets. At least in Australia, then, the industry's decision to counteract the growing trend of market globalisation that has led to consumers' increased use of international mail-order services, particularly with the help of computerised shopping on the Internet's World Wide Web, may come back to haunt it. Should DVD in Australia turn out to be a digital video dud in the next few years, in fact, distributors may want to seriously rethink their positioning of the country in region four, moving it instead to the better-suited, larger-market regions one or two. In any event, the continuing convergence of home entertainment and computer technology also offers some hope for Australian movie fans: the regional division makes much less sense in DVD-ROM drives for computers (which will also play movie DVDs), since the software market is a global one, and so those drives are more likely to offer ways of overriding regional coding -- as the computer becomes the central element in the home entertainment system, then, it may remove the regional barriers which the movie industry has imposed on us. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Axel Bruns. "Digital Video Dud?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1.1 (1998). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9807/dvd.php>. Chicago style: Axel Bruns, "Digital Video Dud?," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1, no. 1 (1998), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9807/dvd.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Axel Bruns. (1998) Digital video dud? M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1(1). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9807/dvd.php> ([your date of access]).