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1

Gwande, Victor Muchineripi y Abraham Mlombo. "Cooperation and Competition". Journal of African Military History 7, n.º 1-2 (7 de agosto de 2023): 76–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-bja10018.

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Abstract This paper discusses relations between South Africa and Southern Rhodesia from 1939 to 1948. The article begins in 1939 when the outbreak of the Second World War brought mixed fortunes for the two neighbours. For Southern Rhodesia, which relied mainly on imported manufactured goods from the United Kingdom, the war induced shortages resulting in huge domestic demand. Shortages stimulated calls for local industry to fill the vacuum. Consequently, an import substitution industrialisation (ISI) drive developed. In addition to the ISI, South Africa, which had a comparatively established secondary industry by the time the war broke out, increasingly became an essential source for Southern Rhodesian imports. This, however, was not without its challenges. Southern Rhodesia’s economic interest groups often raised complaints against South Africa’s economic competition and its threat to the Rhodesian economy. Nonetheless, Pretoria and Salisbury worked closely and found ways to ease the challenges. By 1948, the end date of the paper, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa’s relationship had resulted in the signing of a Customs Union Agreement. Thus, the article demonstrates, thematically and chronologically, that relations between the two countries evolved through cooperation and competition during the Second World War until the onset of Apartheid in South Africa and the Customs Agreement. The paper relies on primary material from the Zimbabwean and South African archives comprised of correspondences of Customs Agreements negotiations, economic policies and relations, and Parliamentary debates.
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2

Hendrich, Gustav. "“Wees jouself”: Afrikaner kultuurorganisasies in Rhodesië (1934-1980)". New Contree 66 (30 de julio de 2013): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v66i0.301.

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“Be Yourself”: Afrikaner cultural organizations in Rhodesia (1934- 1980). The problem of minority groups in host countries to preserve their culture is a world-wide phenomenon. In the history of Southern Africa the Afrikaners fundamentally experienced the same obstacles and restrictions concerning their linguistic and cultural rights, especially beyond the borders of South Africa. As a bulwark against potential assimilation, suppression and Anglicisation in predominantly English speaking Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe) the Afrikaner minority groups considered it essential to establish cultural organisations. The Afrikaanse Kultuurunie van Rhodesië (AKUR) [Afrikaans Cultural Union of Rhodesia] and the Genootskap van Rhodesiese Afrikaners (GRA) [Association of Rhodesian Afrikaners] thus came to serve as fundamental pillars in the preservation of the Afrikaner culture. These organisations would however not be exclusively concerned with culture, but would also strive for equal minority rights on the political front. This article aims to discuss the history and role of these cultural organisations.
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3

Shutt, Allison K. y Tony King. "Imperial Rhodesians: The 1953 Rhodes Centenary Exhibition in Southern Rhodesia". Journal of Southern African Studies 31, n.º 2 (junio de 2005): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500109573.

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4

Takura, Enest, Joseph Mujere y George Bishi. "Southern Rhodesia’s Adherence to the 1929 Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Italian and German Internees, 1939–1945". Journal of African Military History 7, n.º 1-2 (7 de agosto de 2023): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-bja10021.

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Abstract The article looks at the Southern Rhodesian government’s efforts to implement the 1929 Geneva Convention’s provisions in establishing and administering internment camps during Second World War, despite the fact that the convention did not apply to civilian internees. The article contends that, although the Southern Rhodesian government was committed to the Geneva Convention of 1929, which specified the guidelines and norms for the treatment of prisoners of war, this was fraught with ambiguities. This was partially due to the fact that internees were not initially considered prisoners of war and also because the pro-British Southern Rhodesia white community had conflicting feelings towards Germans and Italians. Hence, although the Geneva Convention obliged capturing states to adhere to certain norms, there was a limit to how far Southern Rhodesia could go in terms of executing these stipulations. This article is based on archival documents from the National Archives of Zimbabwe.
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5

Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics". Britain and the World 6, n.º 1 (marzo de 2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.

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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.
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6

Stapleton, Tim. "The Composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment during the First World War: A Look at the Evidence". History in Africa 30 (2003): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003259.

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Several scholars of the First World War in Southern Africa have briefly looked at the composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment (RNR), which was formed in Southern Rhodesia in 1916 and fought in the German East Africa campaign until the armistice in November 1918. According to Peter McLaughlin, who has written the most about Zimbabwe and the Great War, “[b]y 1918 seventy-five per cent of the 2360 who passed through the ranks of the regiment were ‘aliens;’ over 1000 came from Nyasaland. The Rhodesia Native Regiment had thus lost its essentially ‘Rhodesian’ character.” This would seem to suggest that because the RNR had many soldiers who originated from outside Zimbabwe, this regiment was somehow less significant to Zimbabwe's World War I history. While McLaughlin admits that “the evidence on the precise composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment is not available”, he claims that “approximately 1800 aliens served in the unit.”In a recent book on Malawi and the First World War, Melvin Page agrees with McLaughlin's estimate that “probably more than 1000 Malawians joined the Rhodesian Native Regiment.” However, Page freely admits that the evidence on which this approximation is based is far from conclusive. By looking at the available evidence, particularly a previously unutilized regimental nominal roll in the Zimbabwe National Archives, it is possible to gain a clearer picture of the composition of the only African unit from Zimbabwe to have fought in the First World War. This analysis will not only deal with the nationality of the soldiers, which is what the two previous writers focused on, but also their ethnic/regional origin and pre-enlistment occupations.
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7

Chakawa, Joshua y V. Z. Nyawo-Shava. "Guerrilla warfare and the environment in Southern Africa: Impediments faced by ZIPRA and Umkhonto Wesizwe." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, n.º 2 (4 de febrero de 2015): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/6.

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Zimbabwe Peoples’ Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) was the armed wing of Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) which waged the war to liberate Zimbabwe. It operated from its bases in Zambia between 1964 and 1980. Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) was ANC’s armed wing which sought to liberate South Africa from minority rule. Both forces (MK and ZIPRA) worked side by side until the attainment of independence by Zimbabwe when ANC guerrillas were sent back to Zambia by the new Zimbabwean government. This paper argues that the failure of ZIPRA and Umkhonto Wesizwe to deploy larger numbers of guerrillas to the war front in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) and South Africa was mainly caused by bio-physical challenges. ZAPU and ANC guerrillas faced the difficult task of crossing the Zambezi River and then walking through the sparsely vegetated areas, game reserves and parks until they reached villages deep in the country. Rhodesian and South African Defense Forces found it relatively easy to disrupt guerrilla movements along these routes. Even after entering into Rhodesia, ANC guerrillas had environmental challenges in crossing to South Africa. As such, they could not effectively launch protracted rural guerrilla warfare. Studies on ZIPRA and ANC guerrilla warfare have tended to ignore these environmental problems across inhospitable territories. For the ANC, surveillance along Limpopo River and in Kruger National Park acted more as impediments than conduits. ANC also had to cope with almost all challenges which confronted ZIPRA guerrillas such as the Zambezi, Lake Kariba and various parks which Rhodesians always used as a first line of defense but had a geographically difficult task in South Africa where the environment was not attractive for a guerrilla warfare.
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8

Ruzivo, Munetsi. "Ecumenical Initiatives in Southern Rhodesia: A History of The Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference 1903-1945". Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, n.º 1 (13 de julio de 2017): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1000.

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The article seeks, first and foremost, to investigate the origins, growth and development of the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference (SRMC) from 1903 to 1945. In the second place, the article will explore the formative factors that lay behind the rise of the ecumenical movement in the then Southern Rhodesia in 1903. In the third place, the study endeavours to examine the impact of the SRMC on the social, religious and political landscape of the country from 1903 to 1945. The research will make use of minutes of the SRMC, newspapers and books with information that date back to the period under investigation.
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9

BROWN, RICHARD. "Lost Chance: Southern Rhodesia 1945–1958". African Affairs 87, n.º 346 (enero de 1988): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097980.

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10

Johnson, David. "Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936–46". Journal of African History 33, n.º 1 (marzo de 1992): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370003187x.

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This paper contributes to a growing body of literature on the socio-economic impact of the Second World War on Africa. The focus is on the inter-relationship between the state, settler farmers and African labour in Southern Rhodesia. The war presented an opportunity for undercapitalized European farmers to enlist state support in securing African labour that they could not obtain through market forces alone. Historically, these farmers depended heavily on a supply of cheap labour from the Native Reserves and from the colonies to the north, especially Nyasaland. But the opportunities for Africans to sell their labour in other sectors of the Southern Rhodesian economy and in the Union of South Africa, or to at least determine the timing and length of their entry into wage employment, meant that settler farmers seldom obtained an adequate supply of labour. Demands for increased food production, a wartime agrarian crisis and a diminished supply of external labour all combined to ensure that the state capitulated in the face of requests for Africans to be conscripted into working for Europeans as a contribution to the Imperial war effort. The resulting mobilization of thousands of African labourers under the Compulsory Native Labour Act (1942), which emerged as the prize of the farmers' campaign for coerced labour, corrects earlier scholarship on Southern Rhodesia which asserted that state intervention in securing labour supplies was of importance only up to the 1920s. The paper also shows that Africans did not remain passive before measures aimed at coercing them into producing value for settler farmers.
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11

Cohen, Andrew. "“A difficult, tedious and unwanted task”: Representing the Central African Federation in the United Nations, 1960–1963". Itinerario 34, n.º 2 (30 de julio de 2010): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000379.

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On Tuesday 22 January, 1963, the First Secretary of State and Minister in charge of the Central Africa Office, R.A. Butler, met with the Southern Rhodesia Cabinet in Salisbury. Butler notified the Cabinet that he was visiting the Central African Federation in order to “gauge for himself” the situation. Southern Rhodesia, he remarked, was “an issue unjustifiably pursued at the United Nations” and countering this negative international opinion “was providing the British Government with a difficult, tedious and unwanted task”.
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12

Frederick, Katharine. "The production of precarity: industrialization and racial inequality in colonial Zimbabwe". Revista de Historia Industrial Economía y Empresa 31, n.º 85 (15 de julio de 2022): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/rhiihr.38047.

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During the mid-twentieth century, the colony of Southern Rhodesia (today Zimbabwe) underwent a rapid process of industrial development, leading tens of thousands of black African men to leave overcrowded rural Reserves in search of better economic prospects in burgeoning industrial cities. Cities in Southern Rhodesia promised higher wages relative to rural areas, but many urban black labourers found themselves in precarious economic positions. Few black industrial workers earned wages sufficient to support an urban family; meanwhile, white industrial workers secured wage rates ten times higher, afforded by colonial institutions geared primarily toward serving the needs of white European settlers. This study zooms in on the foundations and consequences of racial inequality in industrializing Southern Rhodesia and also considers the settler colony in comparative perspective relative to other sub-Saharan African colonies – both settler and non-settler – to draw attention to the interplay between economic development, institutions, and inequality in a colonial context.
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13

Swynnerton, C. F. M. "On the Birds of Gazaland, Southern Rhodesia". Ibis 49, n.º 1 (3 de abril de 2008): 30–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1907.tb03294.x.

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14

Hall, W. J. "OBSERVATIONS ON THE COCCIDAE OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA*". Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 1, n.º 9 (18 de marzo de 2009): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1932.tb01380.x.

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15

Parsons, Anthony. "From Southern Rhodesia To Zimbabwe, 1965-1988". International Relations 9, n.º 4 (octubre de 1988): 353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788800900406.

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16

Hall, W. J. "OBSERVATIONS ON THE COCCIDAE OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA*". Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 79, n.º 2 (24 de abril de 2009): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2311.1931.tb00700.x.

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17

Hall, W. J. "OBSERVATIONS ON THE COCCIDAE OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA.*". Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 86, n.º 8 (24 de abril de 2009): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2311.1937.tb00248.x.

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18

Geber, Jill. "Southern African sources in the Oriental & India Office Collections (OIOC) of the British Library". African Research & Documentation 70 (1996): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00010979.

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This article focuses on the range of sources to be found in the British Library's Oriental and India Office Collections for the study of southern Africa. For the purposes of this article ‘southern Africa’ is taken to include South Africa (comprising the former colonies of the Cape of Good Hope, Natal, Orange Free State and Transvaal); Namibia (formerly South West Africa); Lesotho (formerly Basutoland), Botswana (formerly Bechuanaland) and Swaziland; Zambia (formerly Northern Rhodesia), Zimbabwe (formerly Southern Rhodesia) and Malawi (formerly Nyasaland); Angola and Mozambique.At a first glance, the name Oriental and India Office Collections does not immediately suggest rich pickings for researchers as far as sources on southern Africa are concerned. Yet this lesser known corner of the British Library provides a rich mine of diverse information from Britain's earliest interests in the region from the 1600s until the present.
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19

Geber, Jill. "Southern African sources in the Oriental & India Office Collections (OIOC) of the British Library". African Research & Documentation 70 (1996): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00010979.

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This article focuses on the range of sources to be found in the British Library's Oriental and India Office Collections for the study of southern Africa. For the purposes of this article ‘southern Africa’ is taken to include South Africa (comprising the former colonies of the Cape of Good Hope, Natal, Orange Free State and Transvaal); Namibia (formerly South West Africa); Lesotho (formerly Basutoland), Botswana (formerly Bechuanaland) and Swaziland; Zambia (formerly Northern Rhodesia), Zimbabwe (formerly Southern Rhodesia) and Malawi (formerly Nyasaland); Angola and Mozambique.At a first glance, the name Oriental and India Office Collections does not immediately suggest rich pickings for researchers as far as sources on southern Africa are concerned. Yet this lesser known corner of the British Library provides a rich mine of diverse information from Britain's earliest interests in the region from the 1600s until the present.
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20

Pinfold, John. "Matabele Jim: The Journal of an Early White Settler in Rhodesia". African Research & Documentation 66 (1994): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016630.

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Rhodes House Library has recently acquired a typescript of the journal of “Matabele Jim” Archer Burton (1850-1922) who went out to southern Africa in 1894 to trade with the Matabele and the Mashona and to prospect for gold. There he became involved with Cecil Rhodes’ Chartered Company, and during the rebellion in Mashonaland in 1896 he took part in the Mazoe Valley action, being shot through the face at close range, a wound he was lucky to survive and which left his face disfigured for the rest of his life. He was evacuated to England for hospital treatment, but returned to Rhodesia in 1898, finally leaving the country for the last time in 1901. The original journal, illustrated with pen and ink sketches of great clarity, remains in the possession of Archer Burton's son, but is also destined for eventual deposit at Rhodes House.
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21

Pinfold, John. "Matabele Jim: The Journal of an Early White Settler in Rhodesia". African Research & Documentation 66 (1994): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016630.

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Rhodes House Library has recently acquired a typescript of the journal of “Matabele Jim” Archer Burton (1850-1922) who went out to southern Africa in 1894 to trade with the Matabele and the Mashona and to prospect for gold. There he became involved with Cecil Rhodes’ Chartered Company, and during the rebellion in Mashonaland in 1896 he took part in the Mazoe Valley action, being shot through the face at close range, a wound he was lucky to survive and which left his face disfigured for the rest of his life. He was evacuated to England for hospital treatment, but returned to Rhodesia in 1898, finally leaving the country for the last time in 1901. The original journal, illustrated with pen and ink sketches of great clarity, remains in the possession of Archer Burton's son, but is also destined for eventual deposit at Rhodes House.
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22

Henshaw, Peter y Alan Megahey. "Humphrey Gibbs, Beleaguered Governor: Southern Rhodesia, 1929-69". Canadian Journal of African Studies 32, n.º 3 (1998): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486337.

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23

KING, A. "Humphrey Gibbs: Beleaguered Governor. Southern Rhodesia, 1929-69". African Affairs 97, n.º 389 (1 de octubre de 1998): 572–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007975.

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24

Hall, W. J. "OBSERVATIONS ON THE COCCIDAE OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA.-VI.*". Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 4, n.º 4 (18 de marzo de 2009): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1935.tb00561.x.

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25

Hall, W. J. "OBSERVATIONS ON THE COCCIDAE OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA.-VII *". Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 4, n.º 10 (18 de marzo de 2009): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1935.tb00649.x.

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26

Shutt, Allison K. "Litigating Honor, Defamation, and Shame in Southern Rhodesia". African Studies Review 61, n.º 3 (9 de julio de 2018): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.27.

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Abstract:This article reviews the history of defamation cases involving Africans in Southern Rhodesia. Two precedent-setting cases, one in 1938 and the other in 1946, provided a legal rationale for finding defamation that rested on the ability of litigants to prove they had been shamed. The testimony and evidence of these cases, both of which involved government employees, tracks how colonial rule was altering hierarchy and changing definitions of honor, often to the bewilderment of the litigants themselves. Importantly, both cases concluded that African employees of the state deserved special protection from defamation. The article then traces how the rules and ambiguities resulting from the legal logic of the 1938 and 1946 cases gave a wider group of litigants such as clerks, police, clergy, and teachers room to maneuver in the courtroom where they also claimed their professional honor. Such litigants perfectly understood the expectations of the court and performed accordingly by recounting embarrassing, even painful, experiences, all to validate their personal and professional honor in court. Such performances raise the question of how we might use court records to write a history of the emotional costs to people who used astute strategies that rested on dishonorable revelations to win their cases.
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27

Kennedy, Dane y Alan Megahey. "Humphrey Gibbs, Beleaguered Governor: Southern Rhodesia, 1929-69". International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, n.º 1 (1998): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220897.

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28

Hall, W. J. "OBSERVATIONS ON THE COCCIDAE OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA.-IX1". Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 90, n.º 18 (24 de abril de 2009): 487–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2311.1940.tb01032.x.

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29

Bomholt Nielsen, Mads. "Restraining Sub-imperialism in Southern Rhodesia, 1889–1898". Britain and the World 16, n.º 1 (marzo de 2023): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2023.0401.

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This article examines the relations between the British government and the British South Africa Company through the 1890s. It aims to explore the ways in which the imperial government sought to restrain and control the BSAC as a sub-imperial actor with its own distinct agenda and interests. While sub-imperial actors were a useful way to claim colonial hinterlands before rival colonial powers, they could also land the government in difficult and unwanted situations. The 1895 Jameson raid scandal and the rebellions of the Ndebele and Shona in 1896–7 necessitated government intervention and limitation of company privileges. Yet, while such situations were on a whole unwanted by the government, they also proved vital pretexts to limit, control and convert sub-imperialism to the imperial and geopolitical interests of the government.
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30

Phimister, Ian y Alfred Tembo. "A Zambian Town in Colonial Zimbabwe: The 1964 “Wangi Kolia” Strike". International Review of Social History 60, S1 (8 de septiembre de 2015): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000358.

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AbstractIn March 1964 the entire African labour force at Wankie Colliery, “Wangi Kolia”, in Southern Rhodesia went on strike. Situated about eighty miles south-east of the Victoria Falls on the Zambezi River, central Africa’s only large coalmine played a pivotal role in the region’s political economy. Described byDrum, the famous South African magazine, as a “bitter underpaid place”, the colliery’s black labour force was largely drawn from outside colonial Zimbabwe. While some workers came from Angola, Tanganyika (Tanzania), and Nyasaland (Malawi), the great majority were from Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). Less than one-quarter came from Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) itself. Although poor-quality food rations in lieu of wages played an important role in precipitating female-led industrial action, it also occurred against a backdrop of intense struggle against exploitation over an extended period of time. As significant was the fact that it happened within a context of regional instability and sweeping political changes, with the independence of Zambia already impending. This late colonial conjuncture sheds light on the region’s entangled dynamics of gender, race, and class.
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31

WORBY, ERIC. "‘DISCIPLINE WITHOUT OPPRESSION’: SEQUENCE, TIMING AND MARGINALITY IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA'S POST-WAR DEVELOPMENT REGIME". Journal of African History 41, n.º 1 (marzo de 2000): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007525.

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In 1941, Prime Minister Godfrey Huggins of Southern Rhodesia presented a prescription for his colony's survival under white stewardship. ‘It is essential for the preservation of the European civilization,’ he wrote, ‘that the African should be advanced’. A decade later, the variables in this explicitly racial equation had been fleshed out, and black Southern Rhodesians were subjected to a revised and actively interventionist regime of governance – a regime that we would immediately recognize today as one of ‘development’. As such, it had much in common with the forms and strategies through which ‘development’ was pursued elsewhere in the late colonial world: its local theorists sought justification in the sciences of nature and society, while its political apologists claimed to be twinning moral uplift with the material improvement of those ‘natives’ supposedly entrusted to their civilized care.
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32

Swynnebton, C. P. M. "On the Birds of Gazaland, Southern Rhodesia- Part II." Ibis 49, n.º 2 (28 de junio de 2008): 279–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1907.tb07824.x.

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33

Shutt, Allison K. y Carol Summers. "Colonial Lessons: Africans' Education in Southern Rhodesia, 1918-1940". International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, n.º 1 (2003): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559326.

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34

Miller, N. C. E. "A COLLECTION OF ACRIDIDAE MADE IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA (ORTHOPTERA)". Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 5, n.º 8 (18 de marzo de 2009): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1936.tb01321.x.

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35

Jeater, Diana. "Race, Etiquette and Colonial Nation-Building in Southern Rhodesia". Journal of Southern African Studies 44, n.º 1 (5 de diciembre de 2017): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1403226.

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36

Smith, K. D. "XIII.-Notes on the Birds of Mashonaland, Southern Rhodesia." Ibis 83, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2008): 296–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1941.tb00618.x.

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37

Beach, D. N. "NADA and Mafohla: Antiquarianism in Rhodesia and Zimbabwe with Special Reference to the Work of F.W.T. Posselt". History in Africa 13 (1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171534.

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One of the casualties of the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe in 1980 was the journal NADA, which came to an end with the breakup of the government ministry that sponsored it. NADA originally stood for Native Affairs Department Annual and ran to 57 issues between 1923 and 1980. Essentially, it was intended to be the Southern Rhodesian equivalent of the Uganda Journal or Tanganyika Notes and Records, and it is not surprising that out of the 912 articles published in it at least 40% were by identifiable officials of the Native Affairs Department or its successor, the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Out of another 37% of contributors classifiable as ‘general,’ a considerable number were undoubtedly NAD officials hiding behind uncrackable pseudonyms and initials, while others in this category were policemen, forest and game rangers, education and agricultural officers, and so forth. Consequently, the journal always had a fairly ‘official’ image, in spite of editorial disclaimers, and this image became the more pronounced after the Rhodesian Front gained control of the government, with more official reports and statements filling the pages.
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38

Mandiringana, E. y T. J. Stapleton. "The Literary Legacy of Frederick Courteney Selous". History in Africa 25 (1998): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172188.

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In the works of many generations of white writers on Africa, the “Great White Hunter” has remained one of the most powerful and enduring images. A model of Caucasian masculinity, he quickly masters a hostile and wild environment in ways which amaze the aboriginal population, who are usually portrayed as savage and incompetent. Perhaps the best known real-life example of this classic image was Frederick Courteney Selous, a product of the English public school system, who hunted elephants in southern and central Africa during the 1870s and 1880s. Never having made much money from the ivory trade because of the dwindling number of elephants, Selous became an employee of Cecil Rhodes' British South Africa Company (BSAC) in the 1890s and worked towards the colonization of Southern Rhodesia. After fighting against the Ndebele in 1893 and 1896, Selous eventually based himself in England and became a recognized environmental expert, safari guide, and collector/seller of zoological specimens.Through writing six books and numerous articles from 1881 to the 1910s, Selous successfully created and popularized an image of himself as a skilled, yet sporting, hunter, a painfully honest gentleman of the bush, and a friend, as well as leader, of Africans. He was an adventurer with a dramatic habit of narrowly escaping danger and these episodes were often illustrated through drawings in his books. Discussing one such incident, a writer of hunting stories once remarked that “throughout Lobengula's country the story went that Selous was the man even the elephants could not kill. It helped to build the ‘Selous Legend’ among the Rhodesian tribes.”
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39

Stewart, John. "The Expulsion of South Africa and Rhodesia from the Commonwealth Medical Association, 1947–70". Medical History 61, n.º 4 (13 de septiembre de 2017): 548–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2017.58.

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In 1970 the medical associations of South Africa and Rhodesia (now, Zimbabwe) were expelled from the Commonwealth Medical Association. The latter had been set up, as the British Medical Commonwealth Medical Conference, in the late 1940s by the British Medical Association (BMA). These expulsions, and the events leading up to them, are the central focus of this article. The BMA’s original intention was to establish an organisation bringing together the medical associations of the constituent parts of the expanding Commonwealth. Among the new body’s preoccupations was the relationship between the medical profession and the state in the associations’ respective countries. It thus has to be seen as primarily a medico-political organisation rather than one concerned with medicine per se. Although, there were also tensions from the outset regarding the membership of the Southern African medical associations. Such stresses notwithstanding, these two organisations remained in the BMA-sponsored body even after South Africa and Rhodesia had left the Commonwealth. This was not, however, a situation which could outlast the growing number of African associations which joined in the wake of decolonisation; and hardening attitudes towards apartheid. The article therefore considers: why the BMA set up this Commonwealth body in the first place and what it hoped to achieve; the history of the problems associated with South African and Rhodesian membership; and how their associations came to be expelled.
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40

West, Michael O. "“Equal Rights for all Civilized Men”:". International Review of Social History 37, n.º 3 (diciembre de 1992): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111344.

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SummaryBetween 1924 and 1961 elite Africans in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) waged a protracted political struggle for the right legally to drink “European” liquor, which had been banned to colonized Africans under the Brussels Treaty of 1890. Refusing to be lumped with the black masses and basing their claim on the notion that there should be “equal rights for all civilized men”, elite Africans argued that they had attained a cultural level comparable to that of the dominant European settlers and should therefore be exempt from the liquor ban. This struggle, which ended successfully in 1961, also highlights other important themes in the history of the emergent African elite in Southern Rhodesia, most notably its political tactics and consciousness. The quest for European liquor helped to hone political skills as well, as a number of individuals who participated in it later became important African nationalist leaders.
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41

Barroso, Luís Fernando Machado. "The Independence of Rhodesia in Salazar's Strategy for Southern Africa". African Historical Review 46, n.º 2 (3 de julio de 2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2014.943922.

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42

Beresford Mouritz, L. "Notes on the Ornithology of the Matopo District, Southern Rhodesia." Ibis 57, n.º 2 (28 de junio de 2008): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1915.tb08188.x.

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43

Miller, N. C. E. "New genera and species of Reduviidae (Rhynchota) from Southern Rhodesia". Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 120, n.º 2 (21 de agosto de 2009): 189–264. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1950.tb00947.x.

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44

Miller, N. C. E. "Notes on the biology of the Reduviidae of Southern Rhodesia." Transactions of the Zoological Society of London 27, n.º 6 (7 de julio de 2010): 541–672. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1953.tb00233.x.

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45

Craggs, Ruth. "Towards a political geography of hotels: Southern Rhodesia, 1958–1962". Political Geography 31, n.º 4 (mayo de 2012): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2012.02.002.

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46

Kunicki, Jan. "LEGACY OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN EUROPEAN AND INDIGENOUS AFRICAN LEGAL CONSTRUCTS OF LAND TENURE IN CONTEMPORARY ZIMBABWE". Studia Iuridica, n.º 96 (7 de julio de 2023): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2023-96.9.

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The study focuses on the undeniable significance of the European legal traditions, brought to former Southern Rhodesia/Rhodesia by European settlers, for the legal status of land tenure in the country, the legacy of which traditions still deeply impacts the situation in present-day Zimbabwe. There are two main aspects of this influence: the aftermath of imposed land division and the prevalence of Western legal traditions in contemporary law. Numerous laws enacted unilaterally by white Rhodesians, most notably the 1930 Land Apportionment Act and the 1951 Native Land Husbandry Act, impacted the land tenure in the region. The indigenous African population was undoubtedly discriminated against by these legal actions: numerous acres of the land were taken by European conquerors and those left were of much lesser value in terms of farming and pasture. After the end of minority rule in Rhodesia in 1980, when Robert Mugabe rose to power, new land policies were imposed and numerous land allocations were awarded to the supporters of his regime in the name of removing racial injustices. The consequence was disastrous: the policy led to the demise of once world-famous agriculture and Zimbabwe became ceaselessly endangered by famine. Furthermore, laws concerning the land tenure and husbandry were (and still are) based on European legal constructs, alien to the native population of Zimbabwe. Indigenous traditions were subsequently ousted by the European law and are significantly absent in Zimbabwe today. Nowadays, after the fall of Mugabe in 2017, the country finds itself in the defining point of its history. The question persists: Can Zimbabweans derive useful values from their past in order to shape a new land policy in their homeland that would be just for all its citizenry?
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47

Phimister, I. R. "Secondary industrialisation in Southern Africa: the 1948 Customs agreement between Southern Rhodesia and South Africa". Journal of Southern African Studies 17, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1991): 430–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079108708286.

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48

Thompson, Guy y Jock McCulloch. "Black Peril, White Virtue: Sexual Crime in Southern Rhodesia, 1902-1935". African Studies Review 45, n.º 1 (abril de 2002): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1515023.

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49

Kennedy, Dane y Jock McCulloch. "Black Peril, White Virtue: Sexual Crime in Southern Rhodesia, 1902-1935". American Historical Review 106, n.º 5 (diciembre de 2001): 1912. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692928.

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50

Nyambara, Pius S. "Colonial Policy and Peasant Cotton Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia, 1904-1953". International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, n.º 1 (2000): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220259.

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