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1
Pryor, Jameau R. y Ballard V. Johnson. "A study of the IEEE 802.16 MAC Layer and its utility in augmenting the ADNS Architecture to provide adaptable intra-strike group high-speed packet switched data, imagery, and voice communications". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1977.
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This research evaluates the Medium Access Control Layer (MAC) of the IEEE 802.16 Wireless standard and its utility in augmenting the IP (Internet Protocol) router based Automated Digital Network System (ADNS). This research explores the need for a high throughput, high speed network for use in a network centric wartime environment and how commercial off-the-shelf (COTS) technologies that take advantage of the IEEE 802.16 wireless protocol can satisfy these requirements. The intent of this research is to prove that IEEE 802.16 systems can provide the ADNS with a viable alternative in order to enhance its capabilities and mitigate its limitations. This research includes a discussion on the current configuration of the ADNS architecture and its uses in the Carrier Strike Group (CSG). This research also analyzes the IEEE 802.16 MAC layer and identifies and tests its unique quality attributes that make it a viable high speed, high throughput communication link for point-to-point and point-to-multipoint naval applications.
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Malik, Anushay. "Narrowing politics : the labour movement in Lahore, 1947-1974". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675413.
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Wood, Geoffrey. "Strikes and stayaways in relation to political developments in South Africa, 1970-1987". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17233.
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Bibliography: pages 272-298.This study is an attempt to assess the degree to which strikes and stayaways in South Africa are related to broader political developments. Traditional theories of industrial conflict are first evaluated. This is followed by a direct study of industrial conflict in relation to wider political developments in South Africa in the 1970-87 period. The broad themes emerging from these chapters are then compared to established theories pertaining to strike action. The conclusion reached is that certain aspects of theory are of relevance to the South. African situation, but none are adequate in their entirety. It is noted that it is important to include theories covering the nature of broader society to make possible a coherent explanation as to the nature of strikes and stayaways in South Africa. The conclusions reached verify the stated hypothesis that political factors play an important role in determining the nature of strikes and stayaways. Furthermore, it appears evident that this relationship has become stronger over the 1970-87 period, especially following the declaration of the State of Emergency which has severely curtailed most other avenues of peaceful protest.
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Hughes, Rosaleen Anne. "'Governing in hard times' : the Heath government and civil emergencies : the 1972 and the 1974 miners' strikes". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/2967.
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This thesis examines how the government of Edward Heath (Prime Minister 1970-74) managed the two most significant domestic political and economic crises which determined both its fate and its long term reputation; first, the 1972 miners’ strike and secondly, the 1973-4 miners’ dispute and the three-day week. Its defeat by the miners in 1972 was an enormous humiliation from which the Heath government never fully recovered. The violent mass picketing which accompanied the strike shook both the government’s and the public’s confidence in the ability of the state to maintain law and order. Their victory boosted the miners’ confidence to take industrial action again in the autumn of 1973 when their position was strengthened by the oil price rise in the wake of the Yom Kippur war. This led to the imposition of a three-day week on industry which ended in the general election of February 1974 and the fall of the Heath Government. This thesis uses the new material in the National Archives to examine the interplay between these events and the government machinery for handling civil emergencies. It reveals the manner in which Heath’s first attempt to reform the system was defeated by Whitehall resistance. The incompetent handling of the 1972 miners strike then strengthened the case for reform and led to the thorough overhaul of contingency planning which laid the foundations for the system which exists to the present day. It examines the factors which influenced the handling of the crises, including the relationship between the Prime Minister and his colleagues, between ministers and officials, the problems posed by external events and the cumulative exhaustion which placed ministers and officials as well as the machinery of government under increasing strain.
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WARNER, L. MARGARET. "THE PERCEPTIONS OF TEACHERS ON THE PICKET LINE AND IN THE CLASSROOM DURING A TEACHER STRIKE (PHENOMENOLOGY, THREAT-ANXIETY, RELATIONAL, REFERENCE GROUPS, SELF-ADEQUACY)". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187988.
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This study examined the perceptions of teachers on the picket line and in the classroom during the 1978 Tucson Unified School District teacher strike and the perceptions and relationships they experienced. Literature from sociology, psychology and education was reviewed to develop the theoretical framework. It is recognized in the literature that theory has utility in designing, shaping and organizing research, giving meaning to data and summarizing and interpreting the findings. The theoretical framework was comprised of two sections: the perceptual and the relational. In the perceptual, self-adequacy, self-concept and threat-anxiety were included. In the relational, communication, shared interests and reference groups were included. An interview schedule of twenty-one items based on the theoretical framework was developed and administered to forty selected school district teachers. The twenty-one questions were derived from the two major sections and the six subsections of the theoretical framework. Some demographic data were also collected. Strikers and non-strikers agreed more than they disagreed. There was general agreement among both strikers and non-strikers that human relationships were handled so ineptly by the superintendent and school board that the teachers perceived themselves to be demeaned and held unworthy.
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Ford, Emma Jane. "Quality of life after stroke and aphasia : stroke survivors' and spouses' perspectives". Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2014. http://eprints.staffs.ac.uk/1997/.
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Having previously worked in research teams investigating the impact of stroke and aphasia upon individuals and spending two years working therapeutically with people with low mood and post-stroke aphasia, a passion for aiding this client group to achieve a good quality of life was developed. Furthermore, completing this work highlighted the paucity of good quality research including this population, despite having learned from personal experience that it was feasible to do so, given that the appropriate adaptations and considerations were made to accommodate communication difficulties. Subsequently, a need for further research regarding quality of life post-stroke and aphasia was acknowledged. An initial review of the existing literature regarding quality of life post-stroke and aphasia was conducted, to determine what was already known, and what remained to be found. The studies identified for review were subjected to evaluation. The outcome of the review suggested that quality of life was a complex, multifaceted concept, impacted by a number of factors, but that it was not possible to determine for certain what factors were important in achieving a good quality of life, primarily due to the methodological limitations of the studies forming the evidence base. Chiefly, the data collection methods used were seemingly inappropriate for people with communication difficulties. Thus it was proposed that the more aphasia friendly, Q methodology approach was utilised to gather the views of people with post-stroke aphasia about what factors were important to achieve a good quality of life. Six aphasic stroke survivors and five spouses completed a Q sort task, in which they were required to rank a number of statements depicting different factors related to quality of life, in terms of personal importance. Spouses did this task from the perspective of the stroke survivor. Ultimately, two factors were identified: ‘returning to the pre-stroke self’ which represented the stroke survivors of working age, and ‘life beyond stroke, what’s important now?’ which reflected the views of the older, retired participants. The two factors were considered in relation to Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial stages of development model and in terms of stroke recovery models (Holbrook, Quality of Life After Stroke and Aphasia 1982; Kirkevold, 2002). Significant, strong and positive pair-wise correlations between the Q sort outcomes of the stroke survivors’ and their respective spouses’ suggested that spouses could reliably report the stroke survivors’ views regarding quality of life. The importance of the findings in relation to the work of a clinical psychologist was subsequently considered.
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Loch-Drake, Cynthia. "Jailed heroes and kitchen heroines, class, gender and the Medalta Potteries strike in postwar Alberta". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ65039.pdf.
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Gillespie, Samuel Gordon. "Loyalist politics and the Ulster workers' council strike of 1974". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324957.
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Ledesma, Irene. "Unlikely strikers : Mexican American women in strike activity in Texas, 1919-1974 /". The Ohio State University, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28883215.html.
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Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972". unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
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Horrocks, Robert James. "The Guangzhou-Hongkong strike, 1925-1926 : Hong Kong workers in an anti-Imperialist movement". Thesis, University of Leeds, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1947/.
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In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggest that the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. Other writers have concentrated on the actions of Chinese revolutionaries, Hongkong's Chinese elite,and the Hongkong Government during the strike; my approach is unique because I focus on Hongkong's smaller unions, who fought revolutionaries' attempts to impose their own conception of a "modern" society. Finally, I show that, although the strike leadership gained control over a strike bureaucracy and built a solid power base through alliances with union leaders, its mass support ebbed away. The strike's main policy, a boycott of Hongkong trade, created opposition to the strike from merchants, peasants, and workers, which opposition GMD politicians exploited to bring the strike to an end.
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Martínez, de Iturrate Eugenia María Marta. "El Papel de la prensa en las huelgas del inicio de la transición española: el Baix Llobregat: noviembre de 1975 - febrero de 1976". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/404721.
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Esta tesis, a través del estudio de la cobertura periodística de un hecho ilegal —una huelga obrera—, destacado por su duración —la más larga en Cataluña desde 1939— y capacidad de convocatoria —paralizó durante dos semanas la actividad productiva de una comarca industrial—, ha patentizado tres características de la prensa diaria en los últimos días del franquismo y primeros momentos del aún titubeante e incierto cambio político. Así, el análisis del contenido de las 618 piezas publicadas por los diarios barceloneses sobre la huelga de Laforsa y la Tercera Huelga General del Baix Llobregat, contrastado con el testimonio oral de los principales autores, ha demostrado la validez de la prensa como fuente historiográfica para la construcción de relatos históricos, la pluralidad informativa ya alcanzada por la prensa de empresa en 1975, y el peso de unas figuras herederas de la tradicional prensa regional catalana: los corresponsales comarcales.Aquesta tesi, a través de l'estudi de la cobertura periodística d'un fet il·legal —una vaga obrera—, destacat per la seva durada —la més llarga a Catalunya des de 1939— i capacitat de convocatòria —va paralitzar durant dues setmanes l'activitat productiva d'una comarca industrial—, ha fet paleses tres característiques de la premsa diària en els últims dies del franquisme i primers moments de l'aleshores vacil·lant i incert canvi polític. Així, l'anàlisi del contingut de les 618 peces publicades pels diaris barcelonins sobre la vaga de Laforsa i la Tercera Vaga General del Baix Llobregat, contrastat amb el testimoniatge oral dels principals autors, ha demostrat la validesa de la premsa com a font historiogràfica per a la construcció de relats històrics, la pluralitat informativa ja aconseguida per la premsa d'empresa el 1975, i el pes d'unes figures hereves de la tradicional premsa regional catalana: els corresponsals comarcals.
The current doctoral dissertation, through the study of the journalistic coverage of an illegal event —a labour strike—, significant for its duration —the longest in Catalonia since 1939— and its convening power —it paralysed the productive activity of an industrial county for a fortnight—, portrays three characteristics of Spain's daily press in Franco regime's last days and the first moments of the still faltering and uncertain political change. Thus, the content analysis carried out on 618 journalistic pieces published by Barcelona's newspapers on Laforsa Strike and the Third General Strike of Baix Llobregat, contrasted with the oral testimony of the main authors, has demonstrated the validity of the Press as a historiographical source for the construction of historical accounts, the plurality of news already reached by the Press in 1975, and the key role played by the heirs of the Catalan tradition of regional press: the county correspondents.
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Lane, Jacqueline Ann. "A watershed decade in British industrial relations, 1965 to 1974? : the Donovan Commission Report, 'In Place of Strife', and the Industrial Relations Act of 1971". Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2017. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34157/.
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The Donovan Report (1965-1968) is often seen as one of the great failures in the overall attempt to deal with the thorny problem of the contentious nature of industrial relations in post-war Britain. This thesis re-examines that report and subsequent governmental responses, using numerous sources, many of which have barely been used by previous authors, in order to establish where it all went wrong. Such an examination is important to inform future governments on some of the problems of trying to legislate on industrial relations matters. This thesis addresses the central question addressed by the Report – the validity of employing legislation to deal with the problems within industrial relations, asking what contribution had legislation made to the ordering of industrial relations in the past, and what lessons future governments could take from that? Why did both the Labour Governments under Harold Wilson and the Conservative Government under Edward Heath choose to go beyond Donovan in their attempts to alter the role of the state in industrial relations Finally, could the Industrial Relations Act 1971, had it survived, have been to the benefit of trade unions in time? This thesis suggests that legislation had an important role to play in the ordering of industrial relations, and that collective bargaining alone, although effective in many areas, was unable to address issues which had wider implications, such as those relating to health and safety or the reconciliation of differences due to the laws’ interference with trade unions’ rights to defend their members and their own collective rights. Both the Labour and Conservative Governments chose to go beyond the measures proposed by Donovan because economic and political necessity demanded a greater measure of control over strike action. However, the inquiry had undoubtedly focused the debate on whether or not legislation could ever be the most appropriate tool for controlling industrial relations, and therefore acted as a catalyst for the reforms that followed. The Industrial Relations Act 1971 failed to bring about the hoped-for industrial peace. Its repeal in 1974, however, did nothing to prevent further rises in strikes after 1974. Piecemeal legislation in the 1980s and 1990s did bring about a greater level of industrial peace, but this suggests that it was not legislation per se that was the wrong strategy for controlling industrial relations, but rather the method and pace of implementation. Other means of maintaining industrial peace were experimented with and could have been successful if the political will had been there and the unions and employers had engaged more fully,but the seeds had been sown for legislative control and it was impossible to hold back the tide of restrictive legislation which followed these early forays into the concept of law as a means of controlling industrial relations. The Donovan Report did indeed represent the thin end of the legal wedge and opened the floodgates to the many enactments designed to control and emasculate the trade union movement which the Conservative governments of the 1980s and early 1990s were able to introduce. The collective failures of the Donovan Report, In Place of Strife and the Industrial Relations Act to bring about industrial peace were, however, only indicative that legislation was not the most appropriate means of achieving this goal at this particular point in time. Alternative attempts to reduce strikes and engage trade unions in closer working relationships with employers and their associations, and with the government, did meet with some success in the 1970s and may be usefully attempted again in the future. This will, however, depend on whether government is able to keep an open mind on the utility, or perhaps futility, of legislative controls such as those attempted in the years between 1965 and 1975.
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Abu-Zeid, Amr. "Parameter analysis for robotic assessment of impairments in reaching due to stroke". Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/852.
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Landry, Laura (Laura Beth) Carleton University Dissertation Law. "Law and labour unrest in Ontario's textile industry; Cornwall, 1936 and Peterborough, 1937". Ottawa.:, 1995.
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Chadwick, Gordon F. "Holding Mardi Gras Hostage: Mayor Ernest N. Morial and the 1979 New Orleans Police Strike". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1687.
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In 1979, New Orleans’ Mardi Gras celebration was disrupted by a police strike. The strike exposed the new political positioning that had resulted from national pressures such as the realization of black political power and the brief surge in public worker unions. New Orleans’ weakening white social elite was forced to assert its remaining power through Mardi Gras, while finding an unexpected ally in Mayor Ernest N. Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans. This temporary alliance exemplifies an experience that was different than that of other American cities. While strong racial tension persisted, the old establishment’s interests coincided with Mayor Morial’s when Mardi Gras, a powerful cultural and economic institution, was threatened. This temporary alliance managed to defeat the local police union by galvanizing the citizens of the city against the strikers.
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FERREIRA, Rafael Leite. "O “novo sindicalismo” urbano em Pernambuco (1979-1984): entre mudanças e permanências". Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2012. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/19126.
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Através da leitura da bibliografia referente ao “Novo sindicalismo” no Brasil, percebemos a ausência de “estudos regionais” e o enorme privilégio dado aos eventos ocorridos no eixo RJ-SP. A partir desta constatação, apresentamos este trabalho que tem como objetivo analisar o (res)surgimento do movimento sindical urbano, em Pernambuco, durante os anos finais do regime civil-militar (1979-1984), identificando, em seu processo de constituição, os elementos de mudanças e de permanências em relação às atividades sindicais anteriores. Nesta pesquisa, procuramos mostrar que a retomada do movimento grevista não foi exclusividade do eixo RJ-SP. No Estado de Pernambuco, por exemplo, foram deflagradas inúmeras greves em diversas categorias (médicos, professores, motoristas, eletricitários e metalúrgicos). Essas paralisações, ao enfrentarem o governo e/ou patrões, foram extremamente importantes para a luta dos trabalhadores pernambucanos nesses anos, pois, ao romperem o cerco montado pela ditadura, iniciaram uma profunda luta contra o arrocho salarial, pilar fundamental do projeto econômico conservador e autoritário do regime civil-militar.
Through the reading of the literature about “New Unionism” in Brazil, we realize the absence of “regional studies”, because the events that happened in Rio de Janeiro-Sao Paulo are in the spotlight. From this observation, we present this text, which aims to analyze the emergence of the union urban movement, in Pernambuco, during the final years of the civil-military regime (1979-1984), recognizing in its process of constitution, the elements of changes and permanence relative to previous union activities. In this research, we intend to show that the retaking of the strike movement didn’t happen only in RJ-SP. In Pernambuco, for example, was triggered numerous strikes in various categories (doctors, teachers, drivers, electricians and metallurgical). By going against the government and / or employers, the movements were extremely important to the workers struggle of Pernambuco in these years, because when they broke the siege made up by the military dictatorship, they began a deep struggle against wage squeeze, fundamental pillar of the economic project of the conservative and authoritarian military-civilian regime.
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Doyle, Louise A. "The effect of family support systems on stroke rehabilitation /". Staten Island, N.Y. : [s.n.], 1987. http://library.wagner.edu/theses/nursing/1987/thesis_nur_1987_doyle_effec.pdf.
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Leung, Terence Man Tat. "French May '68, "China," and the dialectics of refusals in film and intellectual cultures since 1960s". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2014. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/94.
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One of the most fashionable impressions about the legacies of French May ’68 lurking in our capitalist society nowadays is perhaps the view that this historic episode has greatly inspired a chain of sexual liberations and anti-authoritarian lifestyle revolts within the realm of modern Western cultures. However, without actually questioning the ideological implications behind this liberal-libertarian ethos, the above convenient historical verdict may still help perpetuate the predominant logic of late capitalism and the concurrent status quo. Historically speaking, during the heyday of the worldwide leftist insurrections of the 1960s, the events of ’68 were never simply an isolated First-World phenomenon. Deeply entangled with the empirical lessons of the Maoist Cultural Revolution, May 68 in France has radically invoked and manifested many profound social queries and contestations against both the capitalist universality and the emerging Soviet revisionist thinking for two decades. In this dissertation, my primary research focus is precisely to call into question, through the optics of their inherent “Chinese connections,” the dominant narratives about the movements of May ’68 as merely a smoothening agent of massive “cultural reforms” in the capitalist West, instead of a continuous response toward the Maoist egalitarian principles that keeps incessantly catalyzing genuine political transformations in the sphere of global communitarian and quotidian practices. By analyzing and rehistoricizing a variety of cultural texts that include travel writings, memoirs, novels and films in relation to the subversive spirits of ’68, this study aims to reopen their heavily forsaken sociopolitical significances in order to recast some of the truly alternative historical imaginations of this epoch. Unlike the predominant methodologies of historiography and intellectual histories which usually marginalize cinematic texts as largely “illegitimate” data for the serious investigations of the sixties, this thesis particularly emphasizes the extensive study and critical reexamination of many insufficiently discussed or widely misinterpreted filmic representations of “China” that were produced by a large group of Western filmmakers such as Bertolucci, Godard, Antonioni, Casabianca, Viénet, and Yanne, under the adoptions of different art forms and genres between the 1960s and the 2000s. While the overreliance on European cinematic representations of China may potentially risk becoming a blind repetition of many contemporary capitalist stereotypes about the Maoist influences in May ’68 at the expense of those greatly innovative and dialectical Sino-Western encounters during the same period, this thesis also seeks to cautiously retain and reinscribe the latent heterogeneous, antagonistic, and historical Chinese characters long pertaining to the ensemble of the so-called “French Theory” advanced by Barthes, Kristeva, Lacan, and others since 1968, so as to retrieve certain unrealized revolutionary potentialities of the latter beyond the reigning ideological confines of neoliberalism today. I argue that this seemingly “redundant” or “generic” gesture of constantly delinking the multiple creative novelties adhering to the aforementioned Western cultural representations of “China” from the unique intellectual innovations of ’68 is highly crucial here, insofar as such excessiveness of negativity and refusal may nonetheless offer us a chance to persistently (re)search for some even better forms of emancipatory possibilities to come.
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Pizarro, Crisostomo. "Towards a general interpretation of the evolution of strike actions and types of unionism in Chile (1890-1970)". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324579.
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Thornock, Steven Jesse. "Southward Continuation of the San Jacinto Fault Zone through and beneath the Extra and Elmore Ranch Left-Lateral Fault Arrays, Southern California". DigitalCommons@USU, 2013. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/1978.
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The Clark fault is one of the primary dextral faults in the San Jacinto fault zone system, southern California. Previous mapping of the Clark fault at its southern termination in the San Felipe Hills reveals it as a broad right lateral shear zone that ends north of the crossing, northeast-striking, left-lateral Extra fault. We investigate the relationship between the dextral Clark fault and the sinistral Extra fault to determine whether the Clark fault continues to the southeast. We present new structural, geophysical and geomorphic data that show that the Extra fault is a ~7 km wide, coordinated fault array comprised of four to six left-lateral fault zones. Active strands of the Clark fault zone persists through the Extra fault array to the Superstition Hills fault in the subsurface and rotate overlying sinistral faults in a clockwise sense. New detailed structural mapping between the San Felipe and Superstition Hills confirms that there is no continuous trace of the Clark fault zone at the surface but the fault zone has uplifted an elongate region ~950 km. sq. of latest Miocene to Pleistocene basin-fill in the field area and far outside of it. Detailed maps and cross sections of relocated microearthquakes show two earthquake swarms, one in 2007 and another in 2008 that project toward the San Felipe Hills, Tarantula Wash and Powerline strands of the dextral Clark fault zone in the San Felipe Hills, or possibly toward the parts of the Coyote Creek fault zone. We interpret two earthquake swarms as activating the San Jacinto fault zone beneath the Extra fault array. These data coupled with deformation patterns in published InSAR data sets suggest the presence of possible dextral faults at seismogenic depths that are not evident on the surface.
We present field, geophysical and structural data that demonstrate dominantly left-lateral motion across the Extra fault array with complex motion on secondary strands in damage zones. Slickenlines measured within three fault zones in the Extra fault array reveal primarily strike-slip motion on the principal fault strands. Doubly-plunging anticlines between right-stepping en echelon strands of the Extra fault zone are consistent with contraction between steps of left-lateral faults and are inconsistent with steps in dominantly normal faults. Of the 21 published focal mechanisms for earthquakes in and near the field area, all record strike-slip and only two have a significant component of extension. Although the San Sebastian Marsh area is dominated by northeast-striking leftlateral faults at the surface, the Clark fault is evident at depth beneath the field area, in rotated faults, in microseismic alignments, and deformation in the Sebastian uplift. Based on these data the Clark fault zone appears to be continuous at depth to the Superstition Hills fault, as Fialko (2006) hypothesized with more limited data sets.
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Öhman, Rickard. "Arbetarrörelsens syn på lärarnas arbetsmarknadskonflikter 1966 och 1971". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-30705.
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The topic of this thesis is the disputes between the teacher strikes 1966 and 1971 and how the labour movement perceived the teachers and the srikes throught the perspective of class. Various text sources from different agents within the labour movement has been examined. Interprations of two marxist theories and Bourdieus theory of habitus has been used to define various ”class perspectives”. The thesis argues that the labour movement percieved the teachers as a different class from the labourer and that the strikes were percieved as a threat to the labour movements interests.
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Gomes, Francisco Alexandre. "Um fio da meada: ExperiÃncia e luta dos trabalhadores tÃxteis em Fortaleza (1987 - 1991)". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2012. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=11040.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorO fio da meada desta investigaÃÃo tem seu foco na experiÃncia e luta dos trabalhadores tÃxteis em Fortaleza, com Ãnfase nos operÃrios da fÃbrica Finobrasa, entre os anos 1987 e 1991. O objetivo principal consiste em identificar a natureza dos conflitos entre os trabalhadores e a Companhia, bem como, compreender o contexto, as circunstÃncias e os desdobramentos das lutas especificas, como o direito à sindicalizaÃÃo e o fim do trabalho aos domingos; e de aÃÃes coletivas de resistÃncia aberta, a exemplo da greve de maio de 1988 e a adesÃo à greve geral de 1991. A construÃÃo da histÃria destes trabalhadores se deu a partir de um leque variado de fontes, dentre elas: narrativas de trabalhadores da Finobrasa e sindicalistas, jornais, informativos de organismos patronais; documentos da Finobrasa, documentos do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores TÃxteis de Fortaleza e processos do judiciÃrio trabalhista. O estudo encontra na histÃria social do trabalho sua principal inspiraÃÃo, tanto os estudos de historiadores de oficio, bem como os de antropÃlogos, sociÃlogos e economistas. A anÃlise, à centrada na conjuntura das polÃticas de industrializaÃÃo, que subsidiavam com fundos pÃblicos os empreendimentos fabris no CearÃ, quando a indÃstria tÃxtil cearense teve um crescimento acentuado. Nesta proclamada fase das mais produtivas e competitivas do Brasil, do ponto de vista do capital, o estudo examina as condiÃÃes de vida e trabalho: trabalhadores perdem a audiÃÃo, a tuberculose era âmolÃstia comum‟, as mÃquinas âengoliamâ trabalhadores e mutilavam o corpo operÃrio. Quando reivindicavam direitos, eram demitidos ou ficavam marcados em âlistas negrasâ e criminalizadas suas formas de organizaÃÃo. Foram à luta. Pela garantia e ampliaÃÃo dos direitos sociais e polÃticos; de construÃÃo de um movimento sindical de base, com forte referencial de classe e mais afeito Ãs aÃÃes coletivas, os trabalhadores tÃxteis de Fortaleza construÃram greves, foram à JustiÃa, negociaram diretamente com os patrÃes, fecharam ruas em manifestaÃÃo; fiaram e teceram lutas por melhores condiÃÃes de vida e trabalho. âUm fio da meadaâ encharcado de sensibilidades, conquistas, revezes, lutas, indignaÃÃo, revolta, sonho e esperanÃa à a tessitura deste trabalho.
The aspect of this investigation has your focus in experience and fight of textile workers in Fortaleza, with emphasis on workers factory Finobrasa, between the years 1987 and 1991. The main goal is identify the nature of conflicts between workers and company, moreover, understand the context, circumstances and the developments of specific struggles, as the right to unionize and the end of work on Sundays; collective actions of open resistance, as example of the strike on may of 1988 and accession the general strike on 1991. The Construction of history those workers happened from many sources, including narratives of workers of the Finobrasa and unionists, newspapers, informative from employers organizations, documents of Finobrasa, documents of Textile Workers Union of Fortaleza and processes of the judiciary labor. The main inspirations of the study were founds in social work history, as also in both the studies of historians of metier, besides of anthropologists, sociologists and economists. The analysis were centered at the juncture of the policies of industrialization, that subsidized with public funds the manufacturing enterprises in CearÃ, when the textile factory in Cearà had a strong growth. In this proclaimed phase of the most productive and competitive in Brazil, of the point of the view of capital, the study examines the conditions of life and work: workers lose their hearing, tuberculosis was âcommon diseaseâ, and machines âswallowedâ employees and the mutilated body worker. When claiming rights, they were fired or they stayed marked in âblack listsâ, and criminalized your forms of organization. They went to fight. To guarantee and expand the social and political rights; of construction of a trade union movement of base, with strong reference class and more accustomed to collective actions, the textile workers of Fortaleza built strikes, they were justice, they negotiated directly with employers, they closed streets in manifestation; they spun and wove struggle for better conditions of life and work. âThe thread of the argumentâ is soaked of sensibilities, achievements, failures, struggles, outrage, anger, dream and hope, is the organization of this work.
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Arena, Joseph A. "The Little Car that Did Nothing Right: the 1972 Lordstown Assembly Strike, the Chevrolet Vega, and the Unraveling of Growth Economics". The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243359975.
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Norquist, Jordan Faith. "RevolutionärInnen am Fließband: a Comparative Gendered Analysis of the 1973 Pierburg and Ford Migrant Labor Strikes". PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4824.
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In the years following the end of the Second World War, the Federal Republic of Germany experienced a "golden age" of economic upturn. Due to the labor shortage in the aftermath of war and the division of Germany, West Germany initially looked to its eastern counterpart, the German Democratic Republic, to meet its labor needs in the immediate postwar years. Once East Germany tightened its border control, the Federal Republic of Germany extended bilateral agreements to Southern Mediterranean countries to meet the nation's labor needs. Italy was the first official nation to have a bilateral work agreement with West Germany in 1955, yet by the end of the labor program, the greatest population of "guest workers" in West Germany were Turkish nationals. The West German public initially heralded the arrival of guest workers as a boon, but by the program's end in November of 1973, the West German press reviled the Turkish migrant worker as they gradually moved out of isolated company employee barracks into single apartments, often with families or spouses joining them from Turkey. In spite of a lack of rights on West German soil, the year of 1973 was witness to a swell in migrant political activity, in the form of unsanctioned labor strikes.
Utilizing two of these strikes, this thesis will compare the strategies, support, opposition, and success of the Ford Cologne (Ford Köln-Niehl) Factory strike and the Pierburg factory strike in Neuss. In both instances, the degree of support by ethnic German coworkers and factory management influenced the success of the strike. Additionally, this analysis will demonstrate that gender, in concert with nationality, negatively affected the results of the Ford Cologne Strike by way of public reception, while the negotiation of the Pierburg strike through a gendered lens aided woman migrant workers in the cooperation of factory management, the worker's council, union, and the West German public. Regardless of the strikes' outcomes, the significance of the labor strikes of 1973 is emblematic of both the lack of human rights afforded migrant workers in West Germany at the time and the persistent determination of blue-collar migrant workers to claim space for themselves and their families.
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Oliveira, Sergio Luiz Santos de. "O grupo (de esquerda) de Osasco. Movimento estudantil, sindicato e guerrilha (1966-1971)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-25062012-164453/.
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A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo estudar a trajetória do Grupo de Osasco, grupo que reunia operários, estudantes e estudantes-operários. Para o desenvolvimento de nosso projeto utilizaremos fontes documentais provenientes de inquéritos policiais e material produzido pelas organizações revolucionárias (periódicos, manifestos, programas). Estes documentos são encontrados em arquivos como o Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo e o Centro de Documentação e Memória da UNESP (CEDEM). Também trabalharemos com História Oral, com base em depoimentos colhidos com personalidades que estiveram diretamente envolvidas com os eventos analisados em minha pesquisa. O recorte cronológico abrangerá o período que vai de 1966, início das atividades políticas do Grupo de Osasco, até 1971, quando praticamente todos os seus membros estavam exilados, presos ou mortos. Em setembro de 1971 tomba a última grande liderança remanescente de Osasco, José Campos Barreto, juntamente com Carlos Lamarca, no sertão da Bahia. Ao longo da segunda metade da década de sessenta, o Grupo de Osasco foi o principal movimento de esquerda nesta cidade. Em meados de 1968 dominava o movimento estudantil local, reunido em torno do CEO; dominava o sindicato dos metalúrgicos, e expandia sua influência a outras categorias através da criação de comissões de fábrica, mecanismo de representação que articulava os trabalhadores pela base, a margem do sindicato. Possuíam um vereador e vários representantes seus nas secretárias municipais. Pouco antes do AI-5, este grupo estava organizando associações de bairro sob sua influência, e nessas associações ministravam cursos de marxismo para populares. Coube ao Grupo de Osasco a organização da greve de julho de 1968, que se somou a onda de manifestações anti-ditadura que sacudiram o país. A repressão pós greve de julho jogou praticamente todos os militantes do Grupo de Osasco na clandestinidade, e estes acabaram por se integrar a VPR e partiram para a luta armada.This research aims to study the trajectory of the Group of Osasco, group bringing together workers, students and student-workers. For development of our project will use documentary sources from of police investigations and material produced by organizations revolutionary (journals, manifestos, programs). These documents are found in archives and the Archive of State of São Paulo and the Documentation Center and Memorial of UNESP (CEDEM) . Also work with oral history, based on testimonies gathered with personalities who were directly involved in the events analyzed in my research. The outline will cover the chronological period from 1966, beginning of political activities of the Group of Osasco, until 1971, when virtually all of its members were exiled, imprisoned or killed. In September 1971 falls the last great remaining leadership of Osasco, Joseph Campos Barreto, along with Carlos Lamarca, in the interior of Bahia. Throughout second half of the sixties, the Group was the main Osasco leftist movement in this city. In mid-1968 dominated the movement local student, gathered around the CEO; dominated the union metallurgical, and expanded its influence to other categories by creating workplace committees, representation mechanism which articulated the workers at the base, the margin of the union. They had a city councilman and several their representatives in the municipal secretaries. Shortly before the AI-5, this group was organizing neighborhood associations under its influence, and these ministered associations for popular courses on Marxism. It fell to Group Osasco organizing the strike in July 1968, which added to the wave anti-dictatorship protests that rocked the country. The repression of post strike July played virtually every militant group in Osasco underground, and these will eventually join the VPR and went to battle armed.
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Silva, Polyana Alves Almeida da. "O protagonismo feminino nas greves de 1917". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21580.
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This research proposes to unveil the female protagonism in the world of work from the information gathered in the press about its performance in the strikes of 1917. We have examined four journals such as A Plebe, O Debate, O Graphico and the Gazeta de Notícias to analyze the presence of workers in the striking movements, in the working-class alloys of neighborhoods, as well as their protagonism outside the factory space, that is, in the daily routine of domestic and family organization. For reflection on this aspect of the dissertation we take the concept of "Work" by K. Marx, understood as a process between nature and human being, therefore, an activity inherent to creativity and human action, which allowed the opposition to the perspectives which recognize only paid activities as work. The actions of these women are analyzed in the strikes of 1917 in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro, the leadership and actions of the bag seamstresses, who staged a "own" strike against the fraudsters of the patronage and at a fair price for your job. In addition, we investigated the factors that contributed to subsume the presence of the workers in such movements. We also see how the language used by the journals made it difficult to locate these women in these resistances at that historical moment and how, by their visibility, they were gradually referred to by terminations in the feminine (workers). This reflection enabled us to recover the contributions of these women to the achievements of the strikes, as well as to the formation of the working class
Esta pesquisa propõe desvelar o protagonismo feminino no mundo do trabalho a partir das informações colhidas na imprensa sobre sua atuação nas greves de 1917. Foram examinados quatro periódicos, tais como A Plebe, O Debate, O Graphico e o Gazeta de Notícias para analisar a presença das operárias tanto nos movimentos grevistas, nas ligas operárias de bairros, como também o seu protagonismo fora do espaço fabril, isto é, no cotidiano da organização doméstica e familiar. Para reflexão sobre esse aspecto da dissertação tomou-se o conceito de “Trabalho” de K. Marx, entendido como um processo entre a natureza e o ser humano, portanto, uma atividade inerente à criatividade e à ação humana, o que permitiu a contraposição às perspectivas que reconhecem como trabalho apenas atividades remuneradas. Analisaram-se as ações dessas mulheres nas greves de 1917 ocorridas em São Paulo e no Rio de janeiro, a liderança e atuações das costureiras de saco, as quais protagonizaram uma greve “própria” contra as falcatruas do patronato e por um preço justo para o seu trabalho. Ademais, investigaram-se os fatores que contribuíram para subsumir a presença das operárias em tais movimentos. Descortinou-se também como a linguagem utilizada pelos periódicos dificultou a localização dessas mulheres nessas resistências naquele momento histórico e como, por sua visibilidade, passaram a ser, gradativamente, referidas por terminações no feminino (operárias). Tal reflexão permitiu recuperar as contribuições daquelas mulheres para as conquistas que advieram das greves, como também para a formação da classe operária
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Eichsteadt, James Eric. ""Shut it down" the May 1970 national student strike at the University of California at Berkeley, Syracuse University, and the University of Wisconsin-Madison /". Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1342729141&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Peterson, Nicholas L. "A RIP IN THE SOCIAL FABRIC: REVOLUTION, INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD, AND THE PATERSON SILK STRIKE OF 1913 IN AMERICAN LITERATURE, 1908-1927". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/150330.
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EnglishPh.D.
In 1913, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) led a strike of silk workers in Paterson, New Jersey. Several New York intellectuals took advantage of Paterson's proximity to New York to witness and participate in the strike, eventually organizing the Paterson Pageant as a fundraiser to support the strikers. Directed by John Reed, the strikers told their own story in the dramatic form of the Pageant. The IWW and the Paterson Silk Strike inspired several writers to relate their experience of the strike and their participation in the Pageant in fictional works. Since labor and working-class experience is rarely a literary subject, the assertiveness of workers during a strike is portrayed as a catastrophic event that is difficult for middle-class writers to describe. The IWW's goal was a revolutionary restructuring of society into a worker-run co-operative and the strike was its chief weapon in achieving this end. Inspired by such a drastic challenge to the social order, writers use traditional social organizations--religion, nationality, and family--to structure their characters' or narrators' experience of the strike; but the strike also forces characters and narrators to re-examine these traditional institutions in regard to the class struggle.
Temple University--Theses
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Lackland, William S. "Effects of changes in plasma volume, osmolality and sodium levels on core temperature during prolonged exercise in heat". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43886.
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Six adult males of similar body composition and aerobic capacity were tested to study the effects of changes in plasma volume (PV), osmolality (OSM) and sodium (Na+) on core temperature (Tc) under three exercise-thermoregulatory stress conditions. The protocol consisted of 120 min of upright stationary cycling at 50% V02max under neutral (24° C, 50% RH) - euhydrated (NE), hot (35°C, 50% RH) - euhydrated (HE), and hot-hypohydrated (HH) environmental conditions. Venous blood samples were obtained at -30 min, 0 min and at 15 min intervals through a 30 min recovery and were analyzed for blood hematocrit and hemoglobin, and for plasma osmolality and sodium. Hematocrit and hemoglobin were used to calculate relative changes in plasma volume. Tc showed qualitatively similar linear increases in the first 45 min of each trial. At 60 min, Tc in the NE trial plateaued at 37.9°C. In the HE trial, Tc continued to show a slight further increase after 45 min while in NE it became significantly (p<0.05) lower at 45 min as compared to HE and HH; at 60 min of exercise, the core temperature of all three trials differed significantly (p<0.05), with HH being the highest (38.3°C). Percent change in plasma volume was not different between trials, but did show the greatest decrease in all trials from O to 15 min of the exercise phase with at least -4.3%. Osmolality was significantly different (p<0.05) between the NE (X = 283.3 m0smol/kg) and the HH (X = 292.5 m0smo1/kg). Plasma sodium was significantly (p<0.05) higher for all intervals of HH (X = 137.9 meq/L) as compared to the NE (X = 135.1 meq/L) and HE (X = 134.8 meq/L). These data suggest that core temperature (Tc) increase in moderate intensity endurance exercise is less related to a decreased circulating plasma volume, but is more strongly associated with rising osmolality, specifically the increase in the Na+ electrolyte, which occur with progressive hypohydration.
Master of Science
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Ozorio, Maria Beatriz Vieira Branco. "Memórias de uma escola em greve : reminiscências de professoras do Instituto de Educação General Flores da Cunha - Porto Alegre/RS (1979-1990)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/134672.
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O presente artigo aborda as mobilizações de professoras, materializado nas greves do magistério público estadual do Rio Grande do Sul, no período compreendido entre 1979 a 1990. Para isso foi escolhida a Escola Estadual General Flores da Cunha, em Porto Alegre, entre outros motivos pela sua destacada liderança nas greves do período estudado, nas mobilizações da categoria, tendo como horizonte a efetiva participação das professoras no movimento grevista. A partir desse lugar, a pesquisa elege como principal corpus documental narrativas de memória de professoras da escola em questão que aderiram total ou parcialmente às greves dos anos 1979 e 1990. A metodologia da pesquisa é a História Oral, que foi desenvolvida a partir de entrevistas. Importa dizer que a investigação procura contextualizar as narrativas de memória em suas interfaces com o momento político vivido no país, especialmente, no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta perspectiva, a abordagem da investigação não perde de vista as transformações ocorridas no magistério público diante de políticas públicas vigentes, destacando o papel do Centro dos Professores do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - CPERS, que agregou o nome de sindicato a partir de 1989. No cruzamento de fontes, busca-se um maior entendimento acerca da temática da pesquisa ao ouvir as narrativas dessas mulheres-professoras, que atuando nas salas de aula, tiveram significativas e até decisiva participação nas greves do magistério A pesquisa se inscreve no campo da História da Educação e tem a História Cultural como vertente teórica. Pretende ouvir as experiências das professoras, a partir de suas memórias e vivências nos momentos de greve, seus silêncios, ou não ditos, procurando entrecruzar suas narrativas com os registros sindicais e notícias da imprensa local. A pesquisa busca conhecer as histórias dessas professoras que, não estando nas lideranças do movimento grevista, atuaram dentro das escolas, nas ruas e acampadas nas praças. Procura compreender seus sentimentos, seu olhar sobre o vivido e o sentido durante as greves. O estudo dialoga com a perspectiva de Michel Foucault sobre os homens infames, aqueles que durante séculos foram esquecidos por uma História que privilegiava as ações de uns, eleitos como merecedores de terem suas vidas narradas, destinando outros a um estado de marginalidade, de anonimato. Através das entrevistas, procuro trazer à tona este passado das greves em que foram sujeitos muitas mulheres-professoras. Esse ato de lembrar, afirma Lucilia de Almeida Neves, insere-se entre as possibilidades múltiplas de registro do passado, elaboração das representações e afirmação de identidades construídas na dinâmica da História. Não perdendo de vista a afirmação de Alistair Thomson, compomos nossas memórias para dar sentido à nossa vida passada e presente. Relembrar, revisitar as memórias atualizando o tempo passado, tornando-o vivo e cheio de significados no presente.This is a study about the history of education in Rio Grande do Sul materialized in strikes of the state public teaching of Rio Grande do Sul, in the period 1979 to 1997. For this it was chosen the State School General Flores da Cunha, in Porto Alegre, among other reasons for his outstanding leadership in the strikes of the period studied, the mobilizations in the category, having as perspective the effective participation of teachers in the strike movement. From that place, research elected as main corpus documentary narratives school teachers memory in question adhering whole or in part to strikes the years 1979 and 1997. The research methodology is the oral history, which was developed from interviews. It said that the research aims to contextualize the memory narrative in its interface with the political moment lived in the country, especially in Rio Grande do Sul. In this perspective, the research approach to not lose sight of the transformations occurred in the public teaching before prevailing public policies, highlighting the role of the Centro dos Professores do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - CPERS, which added the union name from 1989. At the intersection of sources, we seek a greater understanding of the theme of research on hearing the stories of these women-teachers, who working in the classrooms had significant and even decisive role in the teaching strikes The research is inserted in the field of History of Education and Cultural History as the theoretical branch. The experiences of teachers were heard, from their memories and experiences in times of strike, his silences, or not said, looking for to connect their stories with union records and news from local media. The research seeks to know the stories of teachers who for not being as the strike movement leaders they acted within schools, on the streets and camped in the squares. It try to understand her feelings, her gaze on the lived and felt during the strikes. The study relates to the prospect of Michel Foucault about the infamous men, those who for centuries have been forgotten by history that favored the actions of some, elected as worthy of having their lives narrated, leading others to a state of marginalization, anonymity. Through interviews, I try to bring to light this past strikes on the as subject were many women-teachers. This act of remembering, says Lucilia de Almeida Neves, is inserted between the multiple possibilities past record, working out of representations and affirmation of identities constructed in the dynamics of History. Not losing sight of Alistair Thomson statement, we compose our memories to make sense of our past life and present. Remember, revisit the memories, updating the past, making it alive and full of meaning in the present.
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Xu, Yamin. "Wicked citizens and the social origins of China's modern authoritarian state civil strife and political control in Republican Beiping, 1928-1937 /". online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2002. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3082468.
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Khabaz, Vahid H. A. R. "Manufacturing consent : the role of the culture industry and the national press in the miners' strikes 1972-74 and 1984-85". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392149.
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Magalhães, Emerson Alves Irineu. "Imprensa e greve: a greve de 1979 pelas páginas do ABCD Jornal e Folha de São Paulo". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21532.
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The present paper studies how two newspapers reported the strikes of 1978, 1979 and 1980, the two newspapers we chose for this were ABCD Jornaland Folha de S. Paulo, the choice of these strikes is due to its repercussion in the media and its unfolding by its leaders in the creations of a political party and a workers, Folha de S. Pauloand ABCD Jornalnewspapers were our sources of research. The Folhathat defended the military civilian regime at its birth will be an opponent of the created legislations and seeks to break with the imposed regime, but always maintaining a legalistic stance, the ABCD Jornalwill have a distinct path some of its idealizers started their fight against the dictatorship imposed on the Brazil with clandestine actions and formation of guerrilla groups, after their arrests this group began a rapprochement of the trade union movement, denouncing the ills suffered by the works through the newspaper that constructed the ABCD Jornal, this will have like the leaf a legalistic stance, each interpreting to the strike movement from his point of view
O presente trabalho tem por intuito o estudo de como dois jornais noticiaram as greves de 1978, 1979 e 1980. Os dois jornais escolhidos como fonte de pesquisa foram o ABCD Jornale Folha de S. Paulo.A escolha destas greves como foco do estudo se deu devido a sua repercussão na mídia e seus desdobramentos por parte de seus lideres na criação de um partido político e uma Central dos Trabalhadores. O jornal A Folha,que defendeuo regime civil militar em seu nascimento, será um opositor das legislações criadas e busca romper com o regime imposto, porém, sempre mantendo uma postura legalista. O ABCD Jornalterá um caminho distinto, pois alguns de seus idealizadores iniciaram sua luta contra a ditadura imposta no Brasil com ações clandestinas e com a formação de grupo guerrilheiro. Após suas prisões este grupo iniciou uma reaproximação do movimento sindical, denunciando as mazelas sofridas pelos trabalhadores através do jornal que construíram o ABCD Jornal. O ABCD Jornal teve, assim como a Folha, uma postura legalista, cada um interpretando a lei sob seu ponto e vista
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Zerbinato, Luiz Antonio. "Braços cruzados, máquinas fotográficas: as greves dos metalúrgicos no ABC Paulista pela fotografia (1978-1980)". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19021.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This dissertation aims to analyze the ABC paulista metalworker strikes during the period between 1978 and 1980 from photographic images. We seek to expand bibliographic production on this subject to bring a new look at the sources with the perspective of finding new issues and updates about the union movement. Thinking about the possibility of opening dialog and contextualizing the strike moment with photojournalism amid the dictatorship and its collusion with big capital, its causes and political, social, and economic consequences that engendered new forms of worker struggle in the activity and organization of unions against the antistrike law and the wage squeeze in Brazil resulting in the movement called "New Unionism". The organization of sources, and the interdisciplinarity in reading, were fundamental in the realization of this work. The bibliographic references gave necessary support both for the historical, social, and economic aspect, as for the semiology in understanding the photographs. The results obtained in this study allowed us to discuss the cultural aspect of workers in the production of art, the aesthetics of photojournalism, and the trends in the reproduction of signs and language of the media. The awareness of the movement was solidified in its own experiences
Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar as greves dos metalúrgicos do ABC paulista, no período entre 1978 e 1980, a partir de imagens fotográficas. Procuramos ampliar a produção bibliográfica sobre o tema, visando um novo olhar sobre as fontes, sob a perspectiva de encontrar novas questões e atualizações acerca do movimento sindical. Pensando na possibilidade de dialogar e contextualizar o momento das greves com o fotojornalismo em meio à ditadura e seu conluio com o grande capital, suas causas e consequências políticas, sociais e econômicas, que engendraram as novas formas de luta dos trabalhadores na organização e atuação sindical contra a lei antigreve e o arrocho salarial no Brasil resultando no movimento chamado “Novo Sindicalismo”. A organização das fontes e a interdisciplinaridade para a leitura foram fundamentais na realização desta dissertação. O referencial bibliográfico deu o suporte necessário tanto para o aspecto histórico, social e econômico, quanto para a semiologia na compreensão das fotografias. Os resultados obtidos nesta pesquisa permitiram discutir o aspecto cultural dos trabalhadores na produção da arte, a estética do fotojornalismo e tendências na reprodução dos signos e linguagem dos meios de comunicação. A conscientização do movimento foi solidificada a partir de suas próprias experiências
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Deshmukh, Priyanka. ""Then catastrophe strikes" : lire le désastre dans l’œuvre romanesque et autobiographique de Paul Auster". Thesis, Paris Est, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PEST0009/document.
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Le désastre est l’événement singulier, paradoxal dans sa définition même, qui rompt l’espace et le temps, fussent-ils ceux de la narration, de l’histoire ou de l’Histoire. S’il est central dans l’œuvre d’Auster, c’est très rarement comme thème sur lequel Auster écrirait ou comme grands événements historiques dont il rendrait compte, mais plutôt comme une stratégie narrative déployée dans son écriture, comme un noyau autour duquel se construit l’univers thématique de ses romans et les questionnements philosophiques qui les accompagnent, et comme impulsion rythmique qui démarre l’écriture et lui sert de pouls. Le temps Austerien est marqué par l’effacement ou l’étirement du présent face à un futur manaçant, le contraste entre routinier et improbable, la récurrence et la compulsion – tous traces du désastre. Le désastre s’imprime dans l’espace – de la chambre, du livre, du corps, points focaux des romans d’Auster – mais peut aussi anéantir l’espace lui-même, transformant la narration en expérience du vide, du rien et du nulle-part. Les expériences philosophiques auxquelles sont confrontés les personnages Austeriens, se perdre, se dissocier et se recomposer, se remémorer, témoigner sont autant de réactions au désastre, esthétisant l’expérience-limite. C’est dans cette richesse qu’Auster se distingue de ses contemporains postmodernistes : plutôt que de rendre compte d’un monde et d’une expérience du monde fragmentés, et plutôt que de laisser transparaître la fragmentation dans son écriture, Auster relie, reconstruit, recoud via le plus solide des fils narratifs. Auster n’écrit pas le désastre, mais à travers, ou en dépit, du désastreParadoxical in its very definition, disaster is the singular event which ruptures time and space – of narration, of the story, or of history. While disaster is central to Paul Auster’s work, it rarely appears as a theme for writing, or as historical events to recount, to represent. Instead, disaster is central as a narrative strategy deployed in Auster’s texts – as the core notion which underlies all philosophical questioning and tropes present in his writing, as the rhythmic impulse which provokes his writing and maintains its fluidity. The Austerian time is characterized by the disappearance or the stretching of the present in the face of a threatening future, by the contrast between the ordinary and the unlikely, and by recurrence and compulsion – all of which are signs of the disaster. Disaster is etched in space – of the room, of the book, of the body, which are the focal points of Auster’s novels – but may also destroy the very fabric of space, yielding in its wake, narratives of emptiness, nothingness and nowhere. The philosophical experiences of Auster’s characters – losing, dissociating and recomposing themselves, remembering or witnessing – are those of the disaster, and wind up aestheticizing limit-experience. It is through this narratological fertility of disaster that Auster sets himself apart from other American postmodernist writers: instead of merely recounting disaster, of letting it fragment his discourse, he is actively engaged in reconstructing and restitching with the strongest of narrative threads. Auster does not simply write (about) the disaster – he writes through, or in spite of, disaster
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Marques, Mauro Luiz Barbosa. "Ao som das sinetas: Do sacerdócio à confiança na luta Movimentos docentes na rede pública estadual do Rio Grande do Sul (1979 - 1991)". Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2017. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/6401.
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A presente tese busca analisar o embate constante entre a coletividade dos educadores no Rio Grande do Sul e seu empregador, o Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, representado por seus governos. O recorte temporal escolhido se dá entre os anos 1979 e 1991, período de grande efervescência, greves de duração prolongada e consolidação de um perfil docente mais próximo à realidade dos trabalhadores e de suas práticas reivindicativas-sindicais. Tal narrativa parte da assembleia realizada no Clube Caixeiros Viajantes, em abril de 1979, e se encerra em maio de 1991, na conclusão da parede daquele ano. Tal período destacado foi marcado por um embate quase permanente entre os trabalhadores em educação e os governos do período, se constituindo na época de maior ascenso grevista da coletividade docente. Ao mesmo tempo, a ferramenta central da articulação de tais lutas, o CPERS -associação/sindicato fundado em 1945 – acompanhou este contexto de mutações e foi adaptado para responder aos embates estabelecidos.Entre as várias fontes aqui utilizadas, se destacam os registros de imprensa, as elaborações de grevistas e governos em materiais diversos de expressão pública, além de depoimentos de participantes daqueles eventos, bem como os discursos dos tribunos legislativos pertinentes para entender os aspectos aqui destacados. É pretendido, assim, refletir as contradições constituídas em tal período, compreendendo tais eventos como parte da mutação ocorrida na vida dos professores, especialmente a partir de meados da década de 1970. É pretendido que esta tese contribua na compreensão da temática destacada se localizando na área de estudos sobre o mundo do trabalho e na história da educação.
The present Thesis seeks to analyze the constant clash between the collective of educators in Rio Grande do Sul and its employer, represented for their governments. The chosen temporal cut occurs between the years 1979 and 1991, period of great effervescence, strikes of prolonged duration and consolidation of a nearer teaching profile to the reality of the workers and their vindictive-union practices. Such narrative part of the meeting held at Clube Caixeiros Viajantes, in April 1979, and ends in May 1991, at the conclusion of the stoppage in that year. This period was marked by an almost permanent conflict between education workers and the governments of the period, constituting the time of the greatest striking rise of the teaching collective. At the same time, the central tool of articulation of such struggles, the CPERS - association / union founded in 1945 - followed this scenario of mutations and was adapted to respond to this conflicts. Among the various sources used here are the press records, the elaborations of strikers and governments in diverse materials of public expression, beyond to depositions from participants of those events, as well as the relevant speeches of the legislative tribunals to understand the aspects featured here. It is intended, therefore, to reflect into the contradictions constituted in such a period, understanding such events as part of the mutation occurring in teachers' lives, especially from the mid-1970s. It is hoped that this Thesis will contribute to the understanding of the outstanding theme in the area of studies on the “world of work” and in the “history of education”.
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Kablitz, Karsten Meibeyer Wolfgang May Eberhard Tidow Klaus. "Die Braunschweiger Neustadt im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit : archäologische Untersuchungen an der Weberstraße und der Langen Straße 1997 bis 1999 /". Rahden/Westfalen : M. Leidorf, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41066113x.
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Wilson, David Joseph Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The eagle and the albatross : Australian aerial maritime operations 1921-1971". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38665.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the relationship between the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) and the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) regarding the operation of aircraft from ships of the RAN and from RAAF shore bases. The effects of the separate intellectual development of maritime doctrine in the RAAF and RAN, and the efforts of the two Australian services to transfer theory into practice will be considered in the pre- (and post) World War II period, with due consideration of the experience of the services in both wars. The thesis will also discuss the problems that were faced by the RAAF and RAN to develop mutually acceptable operational procedures to enable the efficient use of aircraft in a maritime setting. The influence and effect on RAAF and RAN doctrine and equipment procurement, as a result of the special relationships that developed between the Air Force and Navy of Australia and Britain will be critically examined. A similar approach to the post war US/Australian relationship, and its effect on the Australian services, will also be critically examined. The thesis being propounded is that the development of a unique Australian maritime policy was retarded due to a combination of the relationship with Britain and the United States, lack of suitable equipment, lack of clear operational concepts in both the RAAF and RAN and the parochial attitude of the most senior commanders of both Services. The study has been based on Department of Navy, Department of Air and Department of Defence documents held in the National Archives of Australia in Canberra and Melbourne. In addition, relevant documents from the Admiralty and Air Ministry related to the development of naval aviation on RAN vessels during World War I, the attitude of the RAF toward the deployment of RAAF units to Singapore, and the negotiations that resulted in the procurement of HMA Ships Sydney and Melbourne, have been perused. Wartime operational records of the RAAF have been examined to obtain data to enable a critical study to be made of the RAAF anti-submarine campaign, torpedo bomber operations and the maritime campaign undertaken from bases in North Western Area during World War II. The influence of the commander of the United States 5th Air Force has also been incorporated in the discussion. The research uncovered procedural and operational variations between the two Services, the diversion of key elements from Australian command and the priority given to the American line of advance that resulted in Australian operations being given a secondary, supportive, status. A conclusion reached as a result of this research has been that the development of a unique Australian maritime aerial capability was restricted by the requirement of Britain to deploy flying units to Singapore in 1940. Similarly, the pressure exerted on the RAN by the Admiralty to purchase the Light Fleet Carriers in the late 1940s was more in the interests of the RN and British foreign policy than that of the RAN. Overall, the relationship with the Britain and the United States masked the real weakness in Australia???s maritime operations and retarded its development.
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Neighorn, C. Allen. "Los Actos of El Teatro Campesino and Luiz Valdéz 1965-1967: A Study with Comparison to the Early English Morality Play". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1216911751.
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Bolle, Francine. "La mise en place du syndicalisme contemporain et des relations sociales nouvelles en Belgique, 1910-1937". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209412.
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En dépit de son importance dans la formation de la société contemporaine, le syndicalisme apparaît comme l’un des parents pauvres de l’historiographie en Belgique. Il y a plus de trente ans, Jean Puissant déplorait que l’historiographie syndicale était essentiellement « produite par le milieu syndical lui-même » et que sa fonction était généralement « la commémoration, la légitimation, la contestation ou encore la célébration » (Archivium, vol.XXVII, 1980). Plusieurs auteurs ont, à partir des années 1960 et surtout des années 1980, entamé une approche scientifique de l’histoire syndicale. Mais, en raison du manque cruel d’études systématiques préalables, cette production historique récente, plus riche de perspectives scientifiques, est demeurée largement monographique, ne dépassant que partiellement les clivages sectoriels, régionaux et politiques. « Des synthèses restent à faire, écrivait Antoine Prost en 1997 à propos de la France, [car] aucun de ces travaux ne réussit à lier de façon pleinement satisfaisante l’histoire du travail, celle des travailleurs et celle du mouvement ouvrier. [.] Les nouveaux paradigmes de l’histoire ouvrière continuent à se chercher » (Cahiers d’Histoire, n°66, 1997). Ce constat s’applique incontestablement à l’historiographie syndicale belge.L’ambition de la présente thèse est de pallier l’absence d’étude d’ensemble sur le mouvement syndical belge de l’entre-deux-guerres, période essentielle dans le processus de mise en place du syndicalisme contemporain en Belgique. Cette période est en effet non seulement marquée par l’avènement d’un syndicalisme de masse, par l’intégration des syndicats dans des nouveaux systèmes de relations industrielles (reconnaissance généralisée des syndicats par le patronat et l’État comme interlocuteurs privilégiés dans la négociation du contrat de travail), par leur attribution à l’échelle nationale d’un rôle officiel dans la redistribution des secours étatiques de chômage, mais également par de profondes réformes des structures et des fonctionnements syndicaux (centralisation, concentration et rationalisation accrues).
Notre étude tente d’analyser comment et suivant quelles modalités les diverses composantes du mouvement syndical ont participé à ces transformations sociétales (y compris en ce qui concerne le nouveau rôle qu’elles y acquièrent) en même temps qu’elles se sont trouvées transformées par elles. Globalement, elle propose une évaluation des influences réciproques sur la construction du fait syndical belge :
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Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Pazzanese, Regina Flora Egger. "Fotogramas operários no documentário paulistano: uma análise sobre as representações das classes populares na luta política e sindical brasileira dos anos 1970". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-14112018-104539/.
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A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme.The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.
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Gassner, Patricia. "Icons of war photography : how war photographs are reinforced in collective memory : a study of three historical reference images of war and conflict". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2461.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.There are certain images of war that are horrific, frightening and at the same time, due to an outstanding compositional structure, they are fascinating and do not allow its observers to keep their distance. This thesis examines three images of war that have often been described as icons of war photography. The images “children fleeing a napalm strike” by Nick Ut, “the falling soldier” by Robert Capa and Sam Nzima’s photograph of Hector Pieterson are historical reference images that came to represent the wars and conflicts in which they were taken. It has been examined that a number of different factors have an impact on a war photograph’s awareness level and its potential to commit itself to what is referred to as collective consciousness. Such factors are the aesthetical composition and outstanding formal elements in connection with the exact moment the photograph was taken, ethical implications or the forcefulness of the event itself. As it has been examined in this thesis, the three photographs have achieved iconic status due to different circumstances and criteria and they can be described as historical reference images representing the specific wars or conflicts. In this thesis an empirical study was conducted, questioning 660 students from Spain, South Africa and Vietnam about their awareness level regarding the three selected photographs. While the awareness level of the Spanish and the South African image was rather high in the countries of origin, they did not achieve such a high international awareness level as the Vietnamese photograph by Nick Ut, which turned out to be exceptionally well-known by all students questioned. Overall, findings suggest that the three selected icons of war photography have been anchored in collective memory. Ut, Robert Capa, Sam Nzima, semiotics, Spanish Civil War, the falling soldier, Vietnam War
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Brinkmann, Jens. "Architektur als sozialer Interaktionsraum. Das Centro Cultural São Paulo 1975‒1982". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20597.
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Architektur als sozialer Interaktionsraum. Das Centro Cultural São Paulo 1975‒1982.
Architektur ist Teil der symbolischen Dimension einer Gesellschaft. Als Gestaltungsdisziplin bedarf sie der räumlichen Materialisierung und Aneignung durch die Nutzer. Zugleich besitzt die gebaute Gestalt einen eigenen Einfluss auf die sozialen Aktivitäten im Raum. In der Dissertation wird dieser Doppelcharakter der Architektur am Beispiel des Centro Cultural São Paulo und seiner Entstehungszeit untersucht. Das Gebäude, geschaffen von den beiden Architekten Eurico Prado Lopes und Luiz Benedito de Castro Telles, wird von 1975 bis 1982 realisiert und ist ursprünglich als neue Zentralbibliothek geplant.
Zwei große Argumentationslinien tragen die Arbeit. Sie formen den Doppelcharakter der forschungsleitenden Fragestellung nach der Bedeutung des Centro Cultural São Paulo als Produkt des sozialen Raums der sechziger und siebziger Jahre und nach dem Einfluss der Architektur auf die soziale Praxis der Nutzung des Gebäudes. Die erste untersucht den sozialen Raum im Spannungsfeld der brasilianischen Militärdiktatur in São Paulo von 1964 bis 1985. Dabei werden politische Abhängigkeiten und Grenzen in denen sich die Architektur als Gestaltungsdisziplin bewegt offensichtlich. Die zweite betrachtet die soziale Praxis der Architektur des Kulturzentrums am Beispiel der gebauten Gestalt. Das Konzept der Inneren Straße verkörpert die Idee der Interaktion von Aktivitäten, Nutzer und Raum.
Methodisch verfolgt die Dissertation einen interdisziplinären Ansatz, der sich im Doppel-Blickpunkt von kultur- und medientheoretischer Perspektive sowie architektonischer Analyse zeigt. Die Arbeit basiert auf relevanter Primarliteratur in portugiesischer Sprache; es wird umfangreiches, auch unveröffentlichtes Material gesichtet und ausgewertet. Einen besonderen Wert bilden neun Fallstudien originalsprachiger Interviews mit Akteuren der Entstehungs- und Nutzungsgeschichte des Centro Cultural São Paulo.Architecture as a Space for Social Interaction. The Centro Cultural São Paulo 1975‒1982. Architecture is part of the symbolism of society. As a design discipline, it requires spatial realization and appropriation by its users. At the same time the built form has its own social influence on the activities within the space. This doctoral thesis investigates the dual character of architecture using the example of the Centro Cultural São Paulo during its period of development. The building, which was initially planned as a new central library for São Paulo was conceptualized and planned by the architects Eurico Prado Lopes along with Luiz Benedito de Castro Telles between 1975 and 1982. The dissertation is supported by two primary arguments that explore the dual nature of the research-led question: how the Centro Cultural São Paulo is a product of the social space of the sixties and seventies and how its architecture influences the social practice of using the building. The first line of argument examines the social space under the tension of the Brazilian military dictatorship in São Paulo from 1964 to 1985. This reveals the political dependencies and boundaries within which architecture, as a design discipline, moves. The second line of argument uses the cultural centre's built form to study the social practice of architecture. The architectural concept of an Inner Street embodies the idea of interaction between activities, users and space. Methodically, this dissertation pursues an interdisciplinary approach that is expressed in the ambiguity between a cultural- and media-theoretical perspective as well an architectural analysis. The work is based on the interpretation of relevant primary literature in Portuguese. Unpublished material is combined. Of special value is the analysis of nine case studies of original interviews, which were conducted with participants involved in the development and subsequent use of the Centro Cultural São Paulo.
Arquitetura como Espaço de Interação Social. Centro Cultural São Paulo 1975‒1982 A arquitetura é parte da dimensão simbólica de uma sociedade. Como disciplina de criação, requer a materialização e apropriação espacial pelos usuários. Ao mesmo tempo, a forma construída tem sua própria influência nas atividades sociais do espaço. Na dissertação, esse caráter dual da arquitetura é examinado usando o exemplo do Centro Cultural São Paulo e sua época de origem. O edifício, criado pelos arquitetos Eurico Prado Lopes e Luiz Benedito de Castro Telles, realizado de 1975 a 1982, foi originalmente planejado como uma nova biblioteca central. Duas grandes linhas de argumentação direcionam o trabalho. Elas formam o caráter duplo do questionamento orientado para a pesquisa sobre a importância do Centro Cultural São Paulo como produto do espaço social dos anos sessenta e setenta e a influência da arquitetura na prática social do uso do edifício. A primeira linha examina o espaço social no campo de conflito entre a ditadura militar brasileira em São Paulo, de 1964 a 1985. Dependências políticas e limites em que a arquitetura se move se tornam evidentes. A segunda considera a prática social da arquitetura do Centro Cultural São Paulo pelo exemplo da forma construída. O conceito de Rua Interna incorpora a ideia de interação entre atividades, usuários e espaço. Em termos de metodologia, a dissertação segue uma abordagem interdisciplinar, que se revela no duplo aspecto da teoria da cultura e da mídia, bem como na análise arquitetônica. O trabalho é baseado em literatura relevante de fonte primaria em português; um extenso e até inédito material foi visualizado e avaliado. De especial valor são nove entrevistas originais com pessoas marcantes no processo de criação e realização do Centro Cultural São Paulo, como o arquiteto Luiz Telles (1943–2014).
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Vezzani, Ilaria. "Langue et discours de la contestation. Enjeux et représentations des luttes sociales et politiques en Italie (1967 - 1980)". Phd thesis, Ecole normale supérieure de lyon - ENS LYON, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01015847.
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La thèse porte sur la langue et les discours de la contestation en Italie dans les années 1970. L'étude vise à définir les enjeux et les représentations qui ont prévalu dans l'utilisation de certains mots plutôt que d'autres, en essayant de se placer du point de vue des acteurs qui ont vécu la période. Elle analyse d'une part l'utilisation de certains mots dans la langue politique de l'époque, en la comparant avec la production analogue précédente, et notamment avec les traditions politiques de référence.Elle étudie d'autre part la spécificité de la langue de la période en s'interrogeant sur la question d'un lexique politique propre à une époque donnée. Elle étudie enfin les débats linguistiques qui ont accompagné cette modification du lexique politique, en s'attachant plus particulièrement aux textes qui ont marqué des tournants linguistiques et idéologiques.L'étude vise à adopter une démarche scientifique qui comprend une historicisation précise des textes et des enjeux de leur écriture et qui a été définie par l'expression " philologie politique ".À travers la description d'un corpus très varié, comportant les textes politiques de référence (articles de journaux, tracts, affiches, documents théoriques, débats) produits par les organisations majeures d'extrême gauche (gauche extraparlementaire, mouvements, lutte armée) et leur interaction avec d'autres types de discours (Pci, Dc, presse) ; mais aussi des textes historiographiques et différentes formes de témoignage, cette étude pose la question plus générale de la création d'une langue politique propre à une époque donnée et du caractère particulier de la langue politique des années 1970 en Italie.
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Herrmann, Hans-Christian. "Importiertes Know-how". Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-140313.
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Herrmann, Hans-Christian. "Importiertes Know-how: Wege zur Modernisierung des DDR-Fahrzeugbaus in den 1970er und 1980er Jahren". Technische Universität Dresden, 2005. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A27885.
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Crouillebois, Olivier. "La loi Devaquet : raisons et sens d’un échec". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL001.
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À l’issue de la victoire des droites à l’élection législative de mars 1986, la France se trouve dans une situation politique inédite avec un exécutif dont les deux têtes n’ont pas la même couleurs politique : c’est la première cohabitation. Le gouvernement décide d’abroger la loi sur l’enseignement supérieur en vigueur depuis 1984. Alain Devaquet, le jeune ministre délégué à l’Enseignement supérieur et à la Recherche propose un nouveau texte. Mais sa propre majorité ne le considère pas comme suffisamment audacieux et ne s’inscrit pas dans la logique libérale du nouveau gouvernement. Le projet prend du retard et n’est présenté au Sénat qu’en octobre 1986. Peu offensifs depuis le printemps les étudiants et le principal syndicat, l’UNEF-ID dénoncent le texte et déclenchent un mouvement de contestation. Deux très grandes manifestations s’organisent en novembre et décembre. Des heurts violents entre les forces de l’ordre et les étudiants font basculer le mouvement dans une nouvelle dimension politique. Dans la nuit du 5 au 6 décembre, le jeune Malik Oussekine est frappé à mort par des policiers. L’opinion publique prend fait et cause pour les étudiants. Redoutant une crise politique majeure, le gouvernement retire le projet de loi le 10 décembre. On aura retenu de cette crise que la phase la plus aigüe, mais il s’avère que ce projet de loi possédait les germes son propre échec à sa création. Mais au-delà de la crise estudiantine, la situation cohabitationniste tout d’abord, mais surtout les antagonismes persistants entre les deux partis de la coalition de droite, le RPR et l’UDF fragilisé le bon déroulement de l’élaboration et la mise en place du projet de loi DevaquetIn March 1986, right-wing parties’ victory in France’s parliamentary elections place the country in an unprecedented situation: the two “chiefs” of the executive, the sitting president and the Prime Minister of the newly elected majority, do not lean the same way politically. This is the first “cohabitation,” as it will come to be called. The newly elected government decides to repeal the 1984 law on universities. Alain Devaquet, the junior minister for Universities and Research, introduces a new bill. But his own majority considers that the reform does not go far enough or promote market based reforms aggressively enough. The bill is only introduced into the Senate in October 1986. Although throughout the spring, students and the main student union, the UNEF-ID, had remained very muted, in the fall, massive protests start. Two huge demonstrations are organized, in November and December. Clashes with the police suddenly catapult the movement into a different political dimension, when on the night of December 5, 1986, policemen beat young Malik Oussekine to death. Public opinion sides with the students. Fearing a major political crisis, the government drops the bill on December 10, 1986. Most remember this dramatic context as what cut short the Devaquet reforms, but in reality, the seeds of failure were there all along: beyond the student protests, one must look to the institutional context created by the anomalous “cohabitation,” and especially, to the antagonism between France’s two right-wing parties (RPR and UDF), which undermined the Devaquet bill at every stage, setting it up to fail
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Bonfils-Guillaud, Cyril. "Le personnel de la Compagnie des Hauts-Fourneaux de Chasse-sur-Rhône pendant les Trente Glorieuses (1945-1966) : de la croissance à la crise". Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2054/document.
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L’étude du personnel des Hauts-Fourneaux de Chasse pendant les Trente Glorieuses porte sur des catégories professionnelles diverses, sur leurs trajectoires et sur leur travail. Les politiques d’entreprises variées sont inégales selon les âges, sexes et nationalités. Les rapports entre salariés et dirigeants sont faits de collaborations en raison d’intérêts communs comme de tensions. Ils s’établissent dans un contexte de restructuration de l’industrie régionale et de l’évolution inégale des productions. La modernisation de l’outillage productif est alors régulièrement mobilisée, ce qui a un effet sur l’emploi et surtout sur le travail. La fin de cette période est marquée par des luttes pour maintenir ses activités sidérurgiques rassemblant au-delà du personnel de l’usine. Le site est pourtant restructuré et le personnel doit se reconvertir. Les sources à la fois publiques et privées, écrites et orales, sont diversesThe study of Chasse-sur-Rhône’s blast furnaces staff deals with their various professional categories, careers and work. The varied companies’ policies are unequal when it comes to age, sex and nationality. The relationships between workers and managers rely on collaborations due to common interests as well as tensions. They are built in a context of regional industry redevelopment and unequal evolution of productions. The modernization of the productive tools is thus regularly activated, which has an impact on employment but mostly on work. The end of this period is characterized by struggles to maintain the steel activity gathering beyond the factory staff. However the site is redeveloped and the staff must redeploy. The various sources are both public and private, written and oral
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Bollard, Robert. "The active chorus : the mass strike of 1917 in eastern Australia". 2007. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1472/1/bollard.pdf.
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This thesis is a study of the Great Strike of 1917, arguably the biggest class conflict in Australian history. For over two months up to 100,000 workers confronted an enraged and belligerent combination of conservative state and federal governments, employers, the establishment press and a middle class which was organised against them on an unprecedented scale. The thesis assesses the strike from a ‘history from below’ perspective. In doing so, it challenges the existing historiographic consensus that the strike was doomed to defeat and that the consequences of that defeat were wholly negative. It argues that the leadership of the strike was primarily responsible for defeat and that the failure of leadership was a product of a conservatism inherent in the trade union bureaucracy. This conservatism was, moreover, underlined by the prevailing faith, predominant within official circles of the Australian labour movement at this time, in arbitration as an alternative to industrial confrontation. It analyses the connection between the defeat in 1917 and the revival of the movement in 1919, concluding that anger at the betrayal of the 1917 strike by its official leadership played a significant role in shifting the movement to the left, motivating key sectors of the working class to seek revenge in 1919.