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1
Ulusoy, Kivanç. "Testing Turkey’s State Capacity: The Syrian Migration Crisis as Catalyst". European Journal of Migration and Law 23, n.º 2 (31 de mayo de 2021): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340098.
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Abstract The exodus of around 5 million people from Syria has evolved into a transnational ‘social question’, requiring a transnational response. The latest Syrian assault on Idlib in February 2020, creating one of the worst humanitarian crises of this brutal civil war, brought this to the world’s attention again. Highlighting the scale of this ‘social question’ on the eve of a Covid-19 pandemic, it shows that displaced Syrians of Idlib had been trapped between the advancing Syrian regime and Russian troops. In response, Turkey, already hosting almost 3.5 million Syrians and closing its border in 2015 to prevent a further influx, let refugees – Syrians and migrants from other countries – head for the EU. Aiming to cajole the EU into heeding its demands, Turkey linked this to its Syria cause. Once again, the latest crisis showed that Turkey had reached the limit of its capacity to absorb more Syrians. This paper deals with Turkey’s response and alternatives for the most relevant stakeholder, the EU.
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Benslama-Dabdoub, Malak. "Colonial Legacies in Syrian Nationality Law and the Risk of Statelessness". Statelessness & Citizenship Review 3, n.º 1 (28 de julio de 2021): 6–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35715/scr3001.112.
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The millions of Syrians born or living in exile as a result of the ongoing conflict has dramatically increased the number of people from Syria with no nationality. In this regard, Syrian nationality law has been criticised for containing discriminatory provisions and failing to address the risk of statelessness. Nonetheless, the responsibility of colonialism in creating such discrimination has been largely overlooked. One decade after the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, this article looks back at the colonial roots of Syrian legislation governing nationality. Through a critical legal and historical analysis, it reveals the hidden colonial legacies of Syrian citizenship, by highlighting the responsibility of European colonial powers in introducing gender-based discrimination in domestic legislation, rendering Kurds and Palestinians stateless, and creating the practice of arbitrary denationalisation. This paper ends with a call for more research on colonial legacies within citizenship and statelessness studies.
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MADOUNI, Ali y Hichem DERRADJI. "The Caesar Law for The Protection of Civilians in Syria: Objectives and Ramifications". PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, n.º 3 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i3.194.
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This research aims to demonstrate Caesar's law to protect civilians in Syria and its effect on the social and economic circumstances of millions of Syrians stuck in their country because of the state of the siege imposed by the law's sanctions. The question tries to focus on how the law can achieve its human aims under the negative economic consequences it has on civilians, relying on the new political economy approach. It tried to interpret the non-economic activity of politicians under the Economy cover. Accordingly, The United States continues to tighten its hold on the Syrian system to exercise pressure on Syria, and to make political compromises and start significant political reforms immediately. Still, the direct targeting of Syrian economic structures through the law-imposed blockade has isolated the Syrian regime and cut off all official economic ties externally. It is encouraging the escalation of dealings with informal mediators, which has led to a sharp collapse in the Syrian Lira and a significant increase in consumer prices, which has been reflected negatively on the social reality in the light of the marked increase in poverty rates.
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Hedar, Mazen. "Mental health during the Syrian crisis: How Syrians are dealing with the psychological effects". International Review of the Red Cross 99, n.º 906 (diciembre de 2017): 927–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000080.
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AbstractLooking at the physical damage caused by the Syrian war, one can begin to imagine the scale of the psychological toll that eight years of crisis have taken on the Syrian people. In a country where mental health was still considered an emerging field before the war, Syrians are working to address and manage the mental health and psychological effects of war. Despite this disastrous situation, there appears to have been significant progress in the field of mental health during the crisis. This article explores the mental health situation in Syria prior to 2011, the effects of the crisis on Syrians, and how these have been managed in recent years. It concludes by citing some examples of progress that have been made in mental health care in Syria and discussing some of the challenges that remain to be addressed.
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Koser Akcapar, Sebnem y Dogus Simsek. "The Politics of Syrian Refugees in Turkey: A Question of Inclusion and Exclusion through Citizenship". Social Inclusion 6, n.º 1 (29 de marzo de 2018): 176–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i1.1323.
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Turkey began to receive refugees from Syria in 2011 and has since become the country hosting the highest number of refugees, with more than 3.5 million Syrians and half a million people of other nationalities, mainly from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. An important turning point regarding the legal status of Syrian refugees has come with recent amendments to the Turkish citizenship law. Based on ongoing academic debates on integration and citizenship, this article will explore these two concepts in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. We will argue that the shift in the Turkish citizenship law is a direct outcome of recent migration flows. We further argue that the citizenship option is used both as a reward for skilled migrants with economic and cultural capital and as a tool to integrate the rest of the Syrians. It also reflects other social, political and demographic concerns of the Turkish government. Using our recent ethnographic study with Syrians and local populations in two main refugee hosting cities in Turkey, Istanbul and Gaziantep, we will locate the successes and weaknesses of this strategy by exemplifying the views of Syrian refugees on gaining Turkish citizenship and the reactions of Turkish nationals.
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Lynch, Marc. "The Political and Institutional Impact of Syria’s Displacement Crisis: Introduction". Middle East Law and Governance 9, n.º 3 (11 de noviembre de 2017): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00903003.
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Syria’s war has since 2011 generated an exceptionally severe displacement crisis. How has the forced movement of millions of Syrians, both within the country and across borders, impacted political institutions and behavior? This symposium examines the political and institutional impact of Syria’s displacement crisis through a diverse set of methods and original empirical field research. Contributors explore the changes in the nature of Syria’s borders, the effects on Syrian identity, patterns of activism and organization among refugees in Jordan and Lebanon, the dynamics of international attention to Syrian refugees, and the challenges of resettlement in Germany.
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White, Benjamin Thomas. "Addressing the State: The Syrian ʿUlamaʾ Protest Personal Status Law Reform, 1939". International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, n.º 1 (14 de enero de 2010): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990572.
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In February 1939, the Syrian government received two documents from ʿulamaʾ protesting two decrees of the French High Commission that were intended to reform personal status law in Syria: decree 60/L.R. of 13 March 1936 and decree 146/L.R. of 18 November 1938. The first was a petition signed by Muslims from Homs to the Syrian prime minister (pictured); the second was a letter from the Damascus Association of ʿUlamaʾ to the Syrian interior minister.
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AlShwawra, Ahmad. "Syrian Refugees’ Integration Policies in Jordanian Labor Market". Sustainability 13, n.º 13 (28 de junio de 2021): 7234. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13137234.
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The Government of Jordan declared that there are more than one million Syrian refugees in Jordan while UNHCR statistics show that the number is about 700,000. Nonetheless, it is still a large problem for Jordan, especially since there is no real solution that seems to be looming on the horizon for the Syrian crisis. Consequently, that means that those refugees’ stay in Jordan is indefinite. This fact requires Jordan to work towards solutions to avoid the warehousing of those refugees in camps and to integrate them in Jordanian community to ease their stay in Jordan. To achieve that integration, Jordan must facilitate the Syrians’ access to the Jordanian labor market so they can achieve self-reliance. In February 2016, donors gathered in London for the ‘Supporting Syria and the Region’ conference, known as the London Conference, to mobilize funding for the needs of the people affected by the Syrian crisis. In that conference, Jordan pledged to facilitate Syrian refugees’ access to the labor market. This paper will study the process of Syrian integration in Jordanian society by discussing the policies and the procedures that Jordan has developed to facilitate the Syrians’ access to the labor market. The event study method combined with interviews and desk research were used to evaluate the new policies and procedures developed to facilitate this access. It was found that Jordan succeeded in creating a legal and procedural environment that facilitates Syrians’ access to formal jobs, and the Syrians went a long way toward integration in Jordan. Nonetheless, they are still not fully integrated.
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Khoury, Rana B. "Aiding Activism? Humanitarianism’s Impacts on Mobilized Syrian Refugees in Jordan". Middle East Law and Governance 9, n.º 3 (11 de noviembre de 2017): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00903001.
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A common narrative of the Syrian conflict suggests that it began with a grassroots uprising and devolved into a violent war between armed actors, leaving civilians to become victims or warriors. A more careful consideration of developments in and around Syria uncovers evidence of continued unarmed mobilization among civilians. Indeed, refugees in neighboring countries like Jordan are deeply engaged in humanitarian, developmental, and political endeavors. In this study, qualitative research and a unique survey together demonstrate that Syrians in Jordan have engaged in abundant activism on behalf of the Syrian cause. Still, the overwhelming militarism and humanitarianism that have characterized the Syrian crisis have had their impacts: activist organization is constricted and configured by security imperatives and, paradoxically, by the aid regime assisting civilians in the conflict. In turn, activism has evolved from grassroots mobilization to a formal and aid-based response to a humanitarian crisis.
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Özaşçılar, Mine, Nilüfer Narli y Osman Öztürk. "Crime Reporting Behavior Among Syrian Immigrants in Istanbul". Crime & Delinquency 65, n.º 14 (23 de octubre de 2018): 1997–2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128718807157.
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Research suggests that immigrants are reluctant to report crimes to the authorities. Turkey has recently witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of Syrian immigrants, who mostly reside in urban areas, particularly Istanbul and its surrounding cities. To rectify the complete lack of research on Syrians’ crime reporting, this study uses survey data collected from 380 Syrians in Zeytinburnu, Istanbul, to investigate Syrian immigrants’ willingness to report crime and the determinants of their crime reporting behavior. The findings suggest that Syrians are very willing to report crime to the police. In addition, satisfaction with the police and household size were positively correlated with crime reporting behavior.
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Vimalarajah, Piratheeca. "The Statelessness of Syrian War Refugees". Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 7 (1 de octubre de 2016): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v7i0.4427.
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The Syrian crisis has forced the mass displacement of refugees attempting to escape the armed conflict in search of security at the borders of surrounding states. Amidst the chaos, the question of whether international law obligates the international community to take action arises. This paper examines whether the principle to non-refoulement under Article 33(1) of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees is a universal human right for persons seeking asylum from the war-torn state of the Syrian Arab Republic. Syrian asylum-seekers experience the ‘war flaw’ – the failure of international law to account for persons fleeing from armed conflict as legitimately entitled to refugee status. This paper argues that a human right to non-refoulement may exist in international law for war refugees. This may legally obligate states to accept Syrians as refugees entitled to non-refoulement without forcing their return under such critical circumstances.
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RADPEY, LOQMAN. "Kurdish Regional Self-rule Administration in Syria: A new Model of Statehood and its Status in International Law Compared to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq". Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, n.º 3 (12 de agosto de 2016): 468–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000190.
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AbstractHaving been supressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting ade factoautonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas in the early months of the current civil war, the inhabitants have declared a self-rule government along the lines of the Kurdistan regional government in northern Iraq. For Syrian Kurds, the creation of a small autonomous region is a dream fulfilled, albeit one unrecognized by the international community. Some 15% to 17% of the Syrian population is Kurdish. Whether they can achieve statehood will depend on a reading of international law and on how the international community reacts. There are certain aspects which differentiate Kurdish self-rule in Syria from its counterpart in Iraq.
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Zeno, Basileus. "Dignity and Humiliation: Identity Formation among Syrian Refugees". Middle East Law and Governance 9, n.º 3 (11 de noviembre de 2017): 282–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00903006.
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Since 2011 half of Syria’s population has been forced to flee its homes. Much research has focused on the macro-level challenges and post-conflict reconstruction plans. In this article, I focus on the micro-level by examining the dialectic of “humiliation” and “dignity” as a dynamic that shapes and transforms Syrian refugees’ identities through sustained interaction, and sometimes through struggle, with others, who can be pro-regime or pro-opposition Syrians, or pro-refugees or anti-refugees in hosting countries. Methodologically, I use an interpretive approach which focuses on context-specific meanings and their relation to power, seeking multifaceted understandings of refugees’ lived-experience. This research is based on ethnographic fieldwork and ordinary language interviews conducted in the United States, and semi-structured, open-ended interviews with Syrians in Germany and Turkey. I show that researching participants’ meaning-making in their own settings reveals the dynamics of humiliation and dignity as dialectically interwoven in specific situational contexts and shaped by refugees’ lived-experience in both the country of origin (in the past) and the hosting country (in the present).
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Alkhaled, Mohamad. "The Survival of Sharia Islamic Divorce Law in the Syrian and Egyptian Personal Status Laws". DÍKÉ 5, n.º 1 (1 de septiembre de 2021): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2021.05.01.13.
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The family law was not codified in both Syria and Egypt until 1917 when the Ottomans issued the Ottoman Family Rights Law, which applied to Muslims, Christians, and Jews each according to its provisions. This Ottoman Family Rights Law and the book of the Egyptian scholar Muhammad Qadri Pasha (‘Legal Ruling on Personal Status’) formed the first core of personal status laws in both Egypt and Syria, which s explains the survival of Islamic law to this day in personal status laws, in contrast to other branches of law. This paper presents a comparative study between the Egyptian Personal Status Law No. 25 of 1920, and the Syrian Personal Status Law No. 59 of 1953, regarding divorce provisions.
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KOUTROULIS, VAIOS. "The Fight Against the Islamic State andJus in Bello". Leiden Journal of International Law 29, n.º 3 (22 de junio de 2016): 827–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156516000339.
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AbstractThis article examines several questions relating to international humanitarian law (jus in bello) with respect to the conflicts against the Islamic State. The first question explored is the classification of conflicts against the Islamic State and the relevant applicable law. The situation in Iraq is a rather classic non-international armed conflict between a state and a non-state actor with third states intervening alongside governmental forces. The situation in Syria is more controversial, especially with respect to the coalition's airstrikes against the Islamic State on Syrian territory. If the Syrian government is considered as not having consented to the coalition's operations, then, according to this author's view, the coalition is involved in two distinct armed conflicts: an international armed conflict with the Syrian government and a non-international armed conflict with the Islamic State. The second question analyzed in the article bears on the geographical scope of application of international humanitarian law. In this context, the article examines whether humanitarian law applies: in the entire territory of the state in whose territory the hostilities take place, in the territories of the intervening states, and in the territory of a third state.
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Amir Kadhim, Kais. "The representation of the Syrian conflict in the Syrian online news: A critical discourse analysis". SHS Web of Conferences 53 (2018): 02003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185302003.
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This study investigates the usage of Syrian media tools in manipulating people’s perception towards the uprising in Syria. The language of the Syrian media is analyzed using a critical discourse analysis. For this purpose, two frameworks are combined: the historical approach by Wodak (2002) and the socio-semantic network of social actors by Van Leeuwen (2008). The study particularly focuses on the way the Syrian government and the rebels are represented in the Syrian online news Cham press which is a pro-government news agency. The two research questions of this study are: (i) What are the referential and predication strategies used by Cham press in reporting the Syrian conflict? (ii) How do these strategies reflect the ideology that surrounds the representation of rebels in the Syrian news? Three hundred and ninety-seven articles were selected from Cham press based on the most relevant keywords. These articles were taken for a period of six months that is from June to October 2012 and May 2013. The study reveals that the Syrian uprising is negatively represented using terms with negative connotations like terrorism, foreign conspiracy, against the law, foreign fighters that are targeting people and responsible for the massacres that happened in the country.
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Al Mashhour, Omar Farouk, Muhammad Imam Asalie, Ahmad Shamsul Abd Aziz y Nor Azlina Mohd Noor. "AN OVERVIEW OF THE BANKING SYSTEM IN SYRIA AFTER A DECADE OF UNREST". International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 5, n.º 19 (10 de junio de 2020): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.519005.
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After a decade of crippling international sanctions and devastating conflict, the Syrian economy has been largely in shambles. Nevertheless, the Syrian banking industry has largely weathered the storm. This article attempts to illustrate a comprehensive view of the banking sector in Syria and how well has one of the oldest banking systems in the middle east fared over the years and how has it survived the seemingly insurmountable challenges. Additionally, The article targets to show the role of the central bank of Syria in supervising the banking industry as well as a view on the recent development of the legal and financial orientation. The researchers have faced issues related to the absence of information due to its limits on what the central bank is publishing. Also, it is found that lack of English annual reports and missing reports for some years, will lower the chances of attracting investors. The article suggested a set of recommendations that may elevate the condition of the Syrian banking system by issuing a new law enforcement division to track down any unlawful activities.
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Omran, Mohamad Aghyad. "The reality of the real estate lease agreement in the Syrian Arab Republic". LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (13 de julio de 2021): 298–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1098p.298-302.
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This article examines concept and the importance of the lease agreement and the genesis of rent law in Syria and some of the features of the civil legal regulation of relations arising in connection with the lease of real estate in Syria. Differences in the determination of the amount of rent under lease agreements concluded before and after the 2001 reform are considered. The basis of the civil status of the parties to the lease agreement in Syria is considered and the rights and obligations of the landlord and tenant in law. In the conclusion of the work, a conclusion is made about the need for further development of civil legislation in Syria and refusal to apply the old socialist laws, and the need to set exceptional rules that protect tenants in the reality of the Syrian crisis.
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Dapkus, Simonas. "Turkey’s Security Dilemma on the Border with Syria: Situation Assessment and Perspectives of the Intervention". Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 33, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2015): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2016-0009.
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Abstract Employing the concept of the security dilemma, the article aims to assess the situation on the Turkey-Syria border and discusses perspectives of Turkey’s humanitarian intervention in northern Syria. In the first section of the article an analysis of Turkey’s foreign policy and its implications on Syria’s crisis is provided. The second section deals with arguments for and against the intervention. Later on, international law and military provisions are discussed as well as the possible implications of an intervention. The main thesis of this article is that if Turkey chose to solve its security dilemma by means of a humanitarian intervention, the UN Security Council’s approval would greatly enhance the chances of its success. Otherwise, unilateral intervention could even further diminish the possibility of finding a faster solution to the Syrian crisis and regional peace and stability in general.
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Harastani, Nour y Edwar Hanna. "The Lateral Conflict of Urban Planning in Damascus". Open House International 44, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2019): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-02-2019-b0003.
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With no fund in the horizon for large-scale reconstruction in Syria due to the absence of any political deal, the Syrian government has been designing and implementing neoliberal reconstruction policies that are socially unjust, economically exclusive and politically driven.The focus of this paper is on the latest urban policies that have been set regarding reconstruction since 2011, such as Decree 66/2012 and Law 10/2018. It also looks at the extent these legislations are negatively affecting Syrian citizens and cities. The paper explores the impact of the current reconstruction policies on the Syrian citizens starting from removing people from their home without adequately compensate them, dispossessing people of property rights, advancing the agenda of external ‘developers' and in many other ways showcasing the mentality of leveraging urban reconstruction as a powerful political tool in the conflict.
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Tzimas, Themistoklis. "Examination of the ‘Assad Must Go’ Doctrine". International Community Law Review 19, n.º 4-5 (26 de septiembre de 2017): 485–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12340026.
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Abstract The internal conflict in Syria and the legal imperatives of the ‘Assad must go’ doctrine have brought to the fore the issue of government legitimacy. This article examines the ‘de-legitimisation/legitimisation process’, meaning the denial of the legitimacy of a government from the perspective of the international community, in favor of the attribution of legitimacy to another entity. The main argument is that government legitimacy is determined on the basis of a combination of objective and legal criteria at the domestic and international level. When the objective criteria are contested by opposition forces to a significant extent, the international community needs to answer the question: who must be recognised as the legitimate government? Having set out the criteria for such a decision, I then examine the de-legitimisation of the Syrian government and the recognition of the Syrian National Coalition (snc) as the legitimate representative of the Syrian people by regional organisations and by Member States of the un.
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Venturi, Luis Antonio Bittar y Caluan Rodrigues Capozzoli. "Changes in the water quantity and quality of the Euphrates river are associated with natural aspects of the landscape". Water Policy 19, n.º 2 (6 de enero de 2017): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2017.077.
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It has been argued that dam construction and irrigation projects in Turkey and Syria would diminish the flow of the Euphrates River and increase salinity levels. However, previous studies have not systematically defined the baseline changes in the quantity and quality of the river water. In this study, we associate variations in flow quantity and quality of water with natural aspects. We analysed flow data from 1970 to 2010 for the river at the Turkish-Syrian border to assess the effect of upstream dam construction, correlating these data with precipitation variation in Syria in the same period. In addition, we compared flow data between Syria and Iraq in a period with no dam construction in those countries (2000 to 2010). Regarding water quality, we collected samples from the Turkish-Syrian and Syrian-Iraqi borders to identify levels of salinity through laboratorial analysis. We complemented the data analysis with fieldwork along the river basin, and with evidence from the literature. We conclude that the slight diminishing of flow as well as the increasing salinity towards downstream are both associated with natural aspects of the landscape, more than human actions.
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Lambert, Hélène. "TEMPORARY REFUGE FROM WAR: CUSTOMARY INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE SYRIAN CONFLICT". International and Comparative Law Quarterly 66, n.º 3 (11 de abril de 2017): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000124.
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AbstractThe rule of temporary refuge forms the cornerstone of the response of States to large-scale influx of refugees. In the context of civilians fleeing armed conflict, this legal rule imposes a positive obligation onallStates to admit and not to return anyone to a situation where there is a risk to life, and to provide basic rights commensurate with human dignity. Also implicit in the rule is the expectation of shared responsibility for large numbers of refugees and of international cooperation towards finding durable solutions. This article examines the customary international law of temporary refuge (also known as temporary protection) in relation to the Syrian conflict. It discusses implementation of the rule in the practice of three countries neighbouring Syria, and in the EU. It finds that the practice of Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan has been consistent with the rule of temporary refuge. However, the EU has decided not to use the Temporary Protection Directive; instead individual Member States have relied on the Refugee Convention and EU law, combined with various other measures not pertinent to temporary protection. It is concluded that shared responsibility is the linchpin of temporary refuge. Absent this keystone, the rule of temporary refuge is likely to continue to be implemented primarily in a regional context by those countries nearest to the country affected by the conflict, as in the case of Syria.
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Torres Menezes, Ana Raquel. "Syrian refugees in Brazil". Revista da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia 48, n.º 1 (16 de junio de 2020): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/rfadir-v48n1a2020-50515.
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Brazil is the main receiver of Syrian nationals seeking for asylum in Latin America. In spite of the distance from Syria comparatively to European countries, Brazil is often chosen as a destiny country due to two main reasons: the humanitarian visa granted to people affected by the instability in Syria, that demands less requirements than a regular visa, and the possibility of acquiring a working permit even before the refuge status is granted. However, Syrian refugees/refuge seekers face challenges in accessing labor market due to language barriers, difficulties in proving previous professional qualifications and the discrimination against refugees of arab origin. The public sphere is by law responsible for promoting integration policies for refugees, and has covered issues such as juridical assistance for this population, but doesn’t have clear actions in integrating refugees in the labor market. The organized civil society realizes a valorous work in this sense, with many initiatives to assist refugees inserting in the labor market, such as language courses, resume creating and raising of awareness to companies about the hiring of refugees. Since these institutions don’t count on enough financial support from the public sphere, they vastly rely on volunteer workforce, which despite being very helpful, many times is not specialized in dealing with refuge issues. By performing a qualitative review of literature in the subject, extracted from books, articles, journal articles, doctorate thesis, bachelor thesis and newspaper databases both in Portuguese and in English, this research intends to figure out how the civil society organizations are assisting Syrian refugees to integrate in the labor market in Brazil, filling the gap left by the public power, and often suffering from overburdening.
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Geneuss, Julia. "The Legal Limbo of Counter-Terrorism Criminal Law and Armed Conflict Anti-Regime and Anti-IS (Foreign) Fighters Before European Courts". European Criminal Law Review 10, n.º 3 (2020): 338–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2193-5505-2020-3-338.
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The Syrian conflict has reached public prosecution offices and courts in numerous European states with full force. Criminal investigations and proceedings against so-called foreign fighters returning from Syria as well as against persons who arrived as refugees or migrants and were involved in the conflict as members of non-state armed groups have rapidly increased in recent years. Most of the fighters returning or arriving from Syria to Europe are members of the so-called Islamic State or comparable jihadist groups and are being prosecuted for counter-terrorism crimes. In this contribution, however, the focus will be on those groups for which classification as “terrorist organization” is less clear. This paper takes a closer look at the criminal investigations and proceedings that are being conducted in several European states against anti-regime and anti-IS (foreign) fighters. Do members of these groups also face prosecution under counter-terrorism criminal law after their return to or their entry into the country? Or does counter-terrorism criminal law differentiate between the groups involved in the Syrian conflict? Is this differentiation a legal or a political matter? Who is responsible for the decision? What criteria apply?
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Conker, Ahmet y Hussam Hussein. "Hydropolitics and issue-linkage along the Orontes River Basin: an analysis of the Lebanon–Syria and Syria–Turkey hydropolitical relations". International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics 20, n.º 1 (13 de diciembre de 2019): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10784-019-09462-7.
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AbstractThe Orontes River Basin is among the least researched transboundary water basins in the Middle East. The few studies on the Orontes have two main theoretical and empirical shortcomings. First, there is a lack of critical hydropolitics studies on this river. Second, those studies focus on either the Turkish–Syrian or Lebanese–Syria relations rather than analysing the case in a holistic way. Gathering both primary (international agreements, government documents, political statements and media outlets) and secondary sources, this paper seeks to answer how could Syria, as the basin hydro-hegemon, impose its control on the basin? This study argues that the lack of trilateral initiatives, which is also reflected in academic studies, is primarily due to asymmetrical power dynamics. Accordingly, Syria played a dual-game by excluding each riparian, Turkey and Lebanon, and it dealt with the issue at the bilateral interaction. Syria has used its political influence to maintain water control vis-à-vis Lebanon, while it has used non-cooperation with Turkey to exclude Turkey from decision-making processes. The paper also argues that the historical background and the political context have strongly informed Syria’s water policy. Finally, given the recent regional political developments, the paper finds that Syria’s power grip on the Orontes Basin slowly fades away because of the changes in the broader political context.
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Almustafa, Maissaa. "Relived Vulnerabilities of Palestinian Refugees". Social & Legal Studies 27, n.º 2 (12 de diciembre de 2017): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917746486.
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The international refugee protection regime failed in protecting millions of refugees during the current Syrian conflict. However, for more than half a million Palestinian refugees who have resided in Syria since 1948, this failure has been persistent since such time as they were never protected by the international protection regime. These Palestinian refugees are now reliving the trauma of their statelessness through the current Syrian conflict. Their lack of protection reveals a complex layering of the failure of the legal framework of refugee protection. This case demonstrates the limits of an international protection regime that was initially formulated to address a Eurocentric set of concerns. This article links the current protection gaps for Palestinian refugees from Syria with the structural flaws of the international refugee protection regime. The article argues that the particular legal frameworks that were established to govern the statelessness of Palestinian refugees since 1948 have contributed in prolonging this unresolved crisis and pushed stateless Palestinians into a new cycle of displacement and victimization.
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Rankin, Melinda. "The ‘Responsibility to Prosecute’ Core International Crimes? The Case of German Universal Jurisdiction and the Syrian Government". Global Responsibility to Protect 11, n.º 4 (4 de octubre de 2019): 394–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-01104003.
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Arguably, more than any other state or interstate actor, German federal authorities, including the German Federal Public Prosecutor General (Generalbundesanwalt, gba) and German Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt), have been at the forefront of issuing arrest warrants for senior members of the Syrian government suspected of atrocity crimes in the wake of the Arab Spring. This includes German federal authorities making the first arrest of a senior member of the Syrian government in February 2019 for crimes against humanity. This article argues that in relation to core international crimes, Germany’s concept of law reflects one based on a ‘standard’ and international rule of law. Moreover, German federal authorities have demonstrated a willingness to use international humanitarian and criminal law (ichl) in relation to those most responsible for core international crimes. In this way, Germany’s current investigations into alleged crimes against humanity in Syria since 2011 provides for an illuminating case for extending universal jurisdiction, as well as the ‘responsibility to prosecute’ as a legal obligation. It also indicates how a multiplicity of actors – including state and non-state actors – can extend the reach of international criminal law, when the International Criminal Court (icc) cannot act.
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Dionigi, Filippo. "Rethinking Borders: The Dynamics of Syrian Displacement to Lebanon". Middle East Law and Governance 9, n.º 3 (11 de noviembre de 2017): 232–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00903004.
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Borders and territoriality are key components of modern forms of statehood, yet their relevance appears to be challenged by interstate movements of peoples. This essay proposes a reconceptualization of borders as “thin borders” to develop an analytical framework of the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon going beyond a conventional understanding of Westphalian statehood. Looking at historical and contemporary events, the analysis highlights several transborder dynamics influencing the process of refugees’ displacement from Syria to Lebanon. It then illustrates the complex nature of borders as multilayered entities regulating the flow of people from Syria to Lebanon in a way that transcends the idea of national territoriality.
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Burgis-Kasthala, Michelle. "Entrepreneurial Justice: Syria, the Commission for International Justice and Accountability and the Renewal of International Criminal Justice". European Journal of International Law 30, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2019): 1165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chz065.
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Abstract This article argues that the crisis of governance generated by the Syrian civil war presents both a challenge and an opportunity to practitioners of international criminal justice. The article also argues that, irrespective of the Syrian case, international criminal law (ICL) institutions are in need of innovation and that increasingly ICL discourses display a blurring between public and private idioms. Evaluating the contribution of the Commission of International Justice and Accountability (CIJA) is one way then of assessing how ICL might evolve. This article characterizes CIJA’s work as exemplifying ‘entrepreneurial justice’, not only in Syria but also in a range of other (post-)conflict settings. We can define entrepreneurial justice as the identification of a gap or weakness in existing public accountability fora and the creation of a new private or privatized organization and/or approach that seeks to address (at least part of) this gap. Although questions remain about CIJA’s own accountability, along with its potential contribution to realizing accountability, this article suggests that its presence within the ICL field is a necessary one and that it has already started to have effects within Syria and beyond.
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Feinstein, Anthony y Stephen Starr. "Civil War in Syria: the psychological effects on journalists". Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 7, n.º 1 (12 de enero de 2015): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-04-2014-0119.
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Purpose – More journalists died in Syria during 2013 than in any other country experiencing conflict. This statistic raises concerns about the psychological wellbeing of journalists covering the internecine violence. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach – The study sample was made up of 59 western journalists currently covering the Syrian conflict. To place these results in the broader context of war journalism previously collected data from a group of 84 journalists who had reported the war in Iraq were used as a control sample. Outcome measures included indices of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Impact of Event Scale-revised) and psychological distress (General Health Questionnaire-28 item version (GHQ-28)). Findings – Compared to journalists who covered the Iraq war, the journalists working in Syria were more likely to be female (p=0.007), single (p=0.018), freelance (p=0.0001) and had worked fewer years as a journalist (p=0.012). They were more depressed according to the GHQ-28 (p=0.001) and endorsed more individual symptoms of depression including worthlessness (p=0.012), helplessness (p=0.02) and suicidal intent (p=0.003). A linear regression analysis revealed that the group differences in depression data could not be accounted for by demographic factors. Research limitations/implications – An absence of structured interviews. Results not applicable to local Syrian journalists. Practical implications – Western journalists covering Syrian appear to be particularly vulnerable to the development of depression. Journalists and the news organizations that employ them need to be cognizant of data such as these. Given that depression is treatable, there needs to be a mechanism in place to detect and treat those in need. Originality/value – This is the first study that highlights the emotional toll on western journalists covering the Syrian conflict.
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Doerfler, Maria E. "The Holy Man in the Courts of Rome". Studies in Late Antiquity 3, n.º 2 (2019): 192–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.2.192.
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Scholars of Late Antiquity have long recognized that bishops played an influential role in the formation and execution of Roman law. Such was the case even in the Syrian realm, traditionally considered the exotic hinterland of the Roman Empire. Fifth- and sixth-century sources, such as the Syro-Roman Lawbook, early exemplars of canon legislation, and homilies and hagiographic narratives, point to a considerable preoccupation with matters of law and justice for Syrian clergy. This article examines a particularly well-attested slice of this data surrounding Rabbula, the fifth-century bishop of Edessa. Rabbula's background in imperial administration and his post-conversion pursuit of asceticism make him in many ways the prototypical late ancient bishop, combining monastic charisma with civic acumen. A collection of rules for clergy and ascetics attributed to him focuses closely upon priests' and bishops' function in the Roman legal system, their collaboration with Roman magistrates, and the ways in which clerical judicial processes reflected and sought to distinguish themselves from their magisterial analogues. Drawing upon the evidence of the Rules and roughly contemporaneous texts addressing legal practice in Edessa suggests that, Syria's reputation as sui generis notwithstanding, in their judicial capacity Syrian clergy bore striking resemblances to their Western counterparts.
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Radeva, Elena. "The Potential for Computer Vision to Advance Accountability in the Syrian Crisis". Journal of International Criminal Justice 19, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2021): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqab015.
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Abstract This article explores a novel approach to technology-enabled review of evidentiary material implemented by the United Nations International, Independent and Impartial Mechanism – Syria ('IIIM – Syria’ or ‘the Mechanism’). The Mechanism’s objective in pursuing automation is to significantly accelerate the speed and improve the consistency of review and analysis of large, digitized documentary data sets used in the pursuit of accountability for crimes committed in Syria. This approach represents one of the first uses of Computer Vision applied to documentary evidence in the field of international criminal investigations and is a tangible example of public–private cooperation developing meaningful technology-based upon modern best practices. The article first discusses why technological innovation in investigative analysis is necessary in relation to the Syrian conflict. Next, the article reviews the approach adopted by IIIM – Syria towards applying existing and novel technology in the processing, preservation, and analysis of evidentiary material. Specifically, it explores how the organization executed a novel approach to technology-enabled review of evidentiary material through the application of Computer Vision techniques designed by forensic and eDiscovery experts. Finally, the article explores the wider investigative possibilities presented by the use of Computer Vision as a technique for analytical review.
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El-Hakim, Jacques. "Syrian Rules of Evidence in International Litigation". Arab Law Quarterly 5, n.º 4 (1990): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157302590x00206.
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Stulov, Sergei V. y Leonid A. Samoilov. "ANALYSIS OF THE LEGALITY OF THE OPERATION TO STRENGTHEN THE MILITARY AND ECONOMIC SECURITY OF THE CSTO ON THE TERRITORY OF THE SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC IN ACCORDANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL LAW". Scientific Review. Series 1. Economics and Law, n.º 6 (2020): 154–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2020-6-12.
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In 2015, the Russian Federation returned to world politics as a powerful sovereign power. The Russian military campaign launched in 2015 in Syria caught not only ISIS by surprise, but also the security services and Western analysts. This was the first large-scale military operation of post-Soviet Russia outside the territory of the former USSR. The article considers the legal basis of the Russian military operation in Syria and its compliance with the norms of international law. The legal aspects of the actions of our troops in Syria are disclosed in more detail. Russia's participation as a CSTO member state in military operations in Syria is determined by the need to combat international terrorism. The actions of the Russian Federation are carried out in accordance with the basic principles and norms of modern international law and, above all, the principle of State sovereignty. Russian military aid came to Syria at the request of the legitimate Government of the Syrian Arab Republic. According to the authors of the article, Russian military assistance to Syria, which fully complies with domestic and international law, at the same time seems to be extremely important, a new phenomenon in international politics, namely, a radical attempt to stop the process of destroying the UN and preserve progressive international law.
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Santana de Andrade, Glenda. "Beyond Vulnerability: Syrian Refugees in Urban Spaces in Turkey". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, n.º 3 (5 de agosto de 2020): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i3.1589.
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Since 2011, 5.6 million people have fled Syria due to ongoing conflict. In Turkey alone, 3.6 million Syrians are confronted with a series of constraints once in the host country. This paper analyses, within the context of urban exile in Turkey, the different experiences and survival strategies of Syrians who are modulated by particular relations of race, class and gender. It aims to explain how refugees manage to create their own visibility in this new space full of limitations, and further explores how their newfound participation in these urban areas can deconstruct dominant representations of refugees, who are otherwise seen as threats or as voiceless victims. In all, this paper aims to go beyond the vulnerability of refugees, without neglecting the violence they endure. To do so, the study was conducted using a series of semi-structured interviews, complemented by an ethnological approach.
oach.
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Mourad, Lama. "“Standoffish” Policy-making: Inaction and Change in the Lebanese Response to the Syrian Displacement Crisis". Middle East Law and Governance 9, n.º 3 (11 de noviembre de 2017): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00903005.
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With the largest refugee population per capita in the world, Lebanon now officially hosts at least 1.1 million Syrian refugees. Until late 2014, the Lebanese government maintained de facto open borders and little to no regulation of Syrians within its borders. This period has largely been understood as one of state absence: referred to broadly as a “policy of no-policy.” This paper looks at the way in which state inaction played a major role in structuring the responses that did emerge, both “below” and “above” the state, from local authorities and international agencies. I shed light on how indirect measures taken by the central government facilitated and encouraged greater local autonomy in governing the refugee presence. This, in turn, further decentralized and fragmented the current set of responses to the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon and legitimized discretionary action by municipal authorities.
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Krishnan, S. "The Alleged Use of Chemical Weapons Against the Syrian People: Does It Justify Forceful Intervention?" Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 21, n.º 2 (7 de noviembre de 2017): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598417732603.
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The USA continues to deliberate over the use of military force against the Syrian regime under Bashar al-Assad, after its alleged use of chemical weapons against civilians. So long as the UN Security Council does not agree with intervention, any US action is not permissible under the UN Charter. Even the principle of Responsibility to Protect would not be justified in this case, as any action is likely to be short, punitive, and unlikely to end the attacks on Syrian civilians. To determine if international law permits the launching of US military strikes in Syria, it is the UN Charter, and not the Geneva Conventions, which must guide the US government and the American people. Then, there is the so-called humanitarian intervention, or a military campaign calculated to stop widespread attacks on a civilian population, including acts of genocide, other crimes against humanity, and war crimes.
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Dück, Elena. "The international model citizen and the Syrian war: Canadian identity from a civilian power perspective". International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019875965.
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Canadian foreign policy analysis has traditionally drawn heavily on the middle power concept. This paper proposes to look at Canadian foreign policy from a new angle: Using the concept of ontological security, it shows how “civilian power” elements such as multilateralism, institution building, and the rule of law, are connected to Canada’s identity and foreign policy development. The article systematically compares public statements and speeches by government officials regarding the Syrian war. The comparison is conducted against the backdrop of the governments’ foreign policy actions. On a theoretical level, the paper contributes to the discussion on Canadian identity and ontological security. Furthermore, it offers a comparison of the Syria policies of the Harper and the Trudeau governments, adding to the literature on differences and continuities between Conservative and Liberal Canadian foreign policy, as well as on empirical analyses of Canadian foreign policy and the Syrian war.
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Pearlman, Wendy. "From Palestine to Syria: Three Intifadas and Lessons for Popular Struggles". Middle East Law and Governance 8, n.º 1 (19 de julio de 2016): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00801004.
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What lessons can the Palestinian national movement offer contemporary revolts in the Middle East in general, and Syria, specifically? Though the Syrian revolt to overthrow dictatorship is distinct from Palestinians’ mobilization against occupation, many issues and patterns link them as popular struggles. Looking for such patterns, this essay examines three major uprisings in Palestinian history: the Great Revolt of 1936–39, the first Intifada beginning in 1987, and the second Intifada beginning in the year 2000. Comparing these cases to the ongoing Syrian rebellion, it draws conclusions about the factors shaping the course and success of grassroots struggles. Specifically it points to the yearning for dignity as the fundamental engine of popular mobilization against oppressive rule, the effect of state repression in escalating protest, and the relationship between movements’ internal political unity and the effectiveness of their campaigns for change.
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Şirin Öner, N. Aslı y Deniz Genç. "Vulnerability leading to mobility: Syrians’ exodus from Turkey". Migration Letters 12, n.º 3 (24 de septiembre de 2015): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v12i3.278.
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Turkey has been a stage for human mobility for many years, yet it did not have a comprehensive migration and asylum regime until recently. Being the worst refugee crisis of the last decades, the Syrian crisis actually had an impact on developing such a regime of which the Law on Foreigners and International Protection (LFIP) is a crucial element. The LFIP provides temporary protection to the Syrians in Turkey. However, it is recently observed that more and more Syrians are leaving the country. Examining their exodus, the present article is seeking answers to the question of “Why are the Syrians desperately trying to leave Turkey?” Two arguments are put forth in the article. First, Turkey’s new migration and asylum regime has not been able to decrease the refugees’ vulnerability because of its “expectation of temporariness”. Secondly, it is argued that Turkey’s “new asylum regime” is in fact “not that new” due to the fact that asylum-seekers coming from non-European countries have been provided a de facto temporary protection. The article reveals that the Syrian refugees are vulnerable in many fields mainly because they are subject to a protection regime marked by temporariness. As the regime is putting them in limbo, they are leaving Turkey. Turkey’s new asylum regime appears not that new after all.
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Pak, Hui-Chol y Hye-Ryon Son. "Military Intervention in Syria and the “Unwilling or Unable” Test: Lawful or Unlawful?" Russian Law Journal 7, n.º 4 (15 de diciembre de 2019): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2019-7-4-73-98.
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As is known, military intervention by the U.S.-led coalition was commenced in September 2014 in Syria. The justification invoked by some participants of the coalition was that the Syrian government was “unwilling or unable” to deal with Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), an international terrorist group. The “unwilling or unable” test gives rise to various debates among international scholars and practitioners. Some international publicists argue that military intervention on the basis of the “unwilling or unable” test is an emerging rule of customary international law, while others are rather opposed to it. The U.S. announced its intention to withdraw its troops from Syria on 19 December 2018. This, however, does not mean an immediate cessation of operations of the U.S.-led coalition in Syria. It is expressed in the statement made on 6 February 2019 by Mike Pompeo, the U.S. Secretary of State, in which he articulated that the arms cut in Syria is not a shift in mission but a strategic turn in essence. What can be inferred is that it seems unlikely that the military intervention of the U.S.-led coalition in Syria will be terminated in the near future. In fact, it arouses deep concern of humanity that the military intervention in Syria justified by the “unwilling or unable” test might recur in other regions or states. In this respect, the present article argues the compatibility of military intervention based on the “unwilling or unable” test proposed by some states, including the U.S., and some international publicists under universal principles of customary international law formation and international conventions.
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Ogunnowo, Oluwaseyi Emmanuel y Felix Chidozie. "International Law and Humanitarian Intervention in the Syrian Civil War: The Role of the United States". SAGE Open 10, n.º 2 (abril de 2020): 215824402091953. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020919533.
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This article interrogates the legality of American interventions in the Syrian conflict. The Syrian civil war stands as one of the most controversial conflicts of the 21st century, owing to the mass destruction of lives and properties and the multiplicity of interventions which have created numerous strands of the conflict. The United States as one of the intervening powers has shown support for the rebel forces geared at toppling the Assad government. The research adopts the qualitative method and utilizes the case study research design. The research makes use of secondary data as derived from academic journals, books, book chapters, newspapers, and so on and analyzes these data through the use of thematic analysis. The findings of the study reveal that the interventions of the United States are not legal. The study also finds that the United States possesses certain strategic interests in the Syrian conflict which it aims to achieve.
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Sönmez, Pelin y Abulfaz Süleymanov. "Birlikte Yaşama Kültürü Çerçevesinde Avrupa Birliği ve Türkiye Politikaları: Suriyelilere Yönelik Tutumun Sultanbeyli Örneği Üzerinden Değerlendirilmesi". Göç Dergisi 4, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2017): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v4i1.571.
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Türkiye, Cumhuriyet tarihinin en yoğun zorunlu göç dalgasını 2011 yılından bu yana süren Suriye Savaşı ile yaşamaktadır. Suriye vatandaşlarının geçici koruma statüsü altında Türkiye toplumuna her açıdan entegrasyonları günümüzün ve geleceğin politika öncelikleri arasında düşünülmelidir. Öte yandan ülkeye kabul edilen sığınmacıların kendi kültürel kimliğini kaybetmeden içinde yaşadığı ev sahibi topluma uyumu, ortak yaşam kültürünün gelişmesi açısından önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede, "misafir" olarak kabul edilen Suriyeli vatandaşların Türk toplumunca kabul edilmeleri ve dışlanma risklerinin azaltılmasına yönelik devlet politikaları ortaya konularak, üye ve aday ülkelere göçmenlerin dışlanmasını önlemek için Avrupa Birliği (AB) tarafından sunulan hukuki yapı ve kamu hizmeti inisiyatifleri incelenmekte, birlikte yaşam kültürü çerçevesinde Suriyeli vatandaşlara yönelik toplumsal kabul düzeyleri ele alınmaktadır. Çalışma iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır: göçmen ve sığınmacılara karşı toplumsal dışlanmayı engellemek için benimsenen yasa ve uygulamaların etkisi ve İstanbul-Sultanbeyli bölgesinde Suriyeli sığınmacılarla ilgili toplumsal algı çalışmasının sonuçları. Bölgede ikamet eden Suriyelilere yönelik toplumsal kabul düzeyinin yüksek olduğu görülürken, halkın Suriyelileri kendilerine kültürel ve dini olarak yakın hissetmesi toplumsal kabul düzeyini olumlu etkilemektedir. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHAn evaluation of the European Union and Turkish policies regarding the culture of living togetherThis article aims to determine the level of social acceptance towards Syrians within the context of cohabitation culture by evaluating EU’s legal structure and public service initiatives in order to prevent Syrian refugees from being excluded in member and candidate countries and by revealing government policies on acceptance of Syrians as “guest” by Turkish society and minimizing the exclusion risks of them. This article consists of two main parts, one of which is based on the effects of law and practices preventing refugees and asylum seekers from social exclusion, and the other is on the results of social perception on Syrians in Sultanbeyli district of Istanbul. At the end of 5-years taking in Syrian War, it is obvious that most of more than 3 million Syrian with unregistered ones in Turkey are “here to stay”. From this point of view, the primary scope of policies should be specified in order to remove side effects of refugee phenomenon seen as weighty matter by bottoming out the exclusion towards those people. To avoid possible large-scale conflicts or civil wars in the future, the struggle with exclusion phenomenon plays a crucial role regarding Turkey’s sociological situation and developing policies. In the meaning of forming a model for Turkey, a subtitle in this article is about public services for European-wide legal acquis and practices carried out since 1970s in order to prevent any exclusion from the society. On the other hand, other subtitles are about legal infrastructure and practices like Common European Asylum and Immigration Policies presented in 2005, and Law on Foreigners and International Protection introduced in 2013. In the last part of the article, the results of a field survey carried out in a district of Istanbul were used to analyze the exclusion towards refugees in Turkey. A face-to-face survey was randomly conducted with 200 settled refugees in Sultanbeyli district of Istanbul, and their perceptions towards Syrian people under temporary protection were evaluated. According to the results, the level of acceptance for Syrians living in this district seems relatively high. The fact that Turkish people living in the same district feel close to Syrian refugees culturally and religiously affect their perception in a positive way: however, it is strikingly seen and understood that local residents cop an attitude on the refugees’ becoming Turkish citizens.
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Sarvarian, Arman. "Humanitarian intervention after Syria". Legal Studies 36, n.º 1 (marzo de 2016): 20–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12101.
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This paper examines the legal status of humanitarian intervention in the aftermath of the abortive military operation in Syria. In tracing the history of the doctrine up to the beginning of the Syria crisis, it asserts that the negative reaction to the abortive use of force has reinforced the unlawfulness of humanitarian intervention. In appraising in detail the legal positions of the UK, the USA, France and other states, it analyses the interplay of constitutional law and international law in the Syria crisis with reference to the role of consultations of national parliaments. It asserts that the Syrian precedent illustrates the difficulty of identifying the opinio iuris of a state in which the input of international law through legal advice and public debate affects the output of that state through the expression of its legal position on doctrinal questions. By scrutinising the approach of the British government in consulting the House of Commons in relation to the continuing operations against Islamic State in Iraq, it argues that the National Security Strategy review in 2015 should address the concerns expressed by parliamentary committees regarding consultation of Parliament, the provision of legal advice and the lawfulness of humanitarian intervention.
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Abdin, Yassar. "The fragility of community security in Damascus and its environs". International Review of the Red Cross 99, n.º 906 (diciembre de 2017): 897–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000109.
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AbstractThe organizational errors of Syrian urban planning have been a major cause of the escalation of the Syrian crisis and its continuation. Syrian cities, including Damascus and its environs, have suffered from the fragility of social security, which is manifested in the form of cohesive human groups in closed communities, influenced by religion, culture, family, class, place of origin of the population, occupation, etc. This article examines the fragility of security during the crisis of 2011–18, with the aim of clarifying the impact of the organizational problems and the processing delay that has generated social security fragility because these closed communities are looking for their own security and safety outside the control of local administrations. The article proposes that the inherent fragility of security in Damascus and its environs should be associated with poverty, organizational errors and slums as a model for the fragility of all Syrian cities.
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Byman, Daniel. "Confronting Syrian‐Backed terrorism". Washington Quarterly 28, n.º 3 (junio de 2005): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0163660054026498.
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Tokmajyan, Armenak. "Militarization of the Syrian revolution: was this the wrong choice?" Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 7, n.º 2 (13 de abril de 2015): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-03-2014-0011.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to question the effectiveness of violence, armed rebellion in this case, as a means to topple oppressors. It takes the Syrian armed rebellion as a case study. Design/methodology/approach – This paper empirically examines arguments about nonviolent actions and their effectiveness and how violent action harmed the Syrian revolution. The paper adopts the Syrian revolution as a case study. Findings – The paper finds that the shift from nonviolent to violent action harmed the revolution. However, the Syrian case remains hypothetical because the uprising tuned violent already in late 2011. Nevertheless, based on statistical and academic observations the paper finds that the impact of the militarization has been destructive without fulfilling the uprising's goals. Research limitations/implications – Because the Syrian conflict is a recent one, still ongoing, and there is a time lag in the publication of academic papers and books, this paper necessarily draws on newspaper articles and online sources in presenting the case study. Originality/value – The paper looks at the developments of the Syrian conflict from a different angle than the mainstream narratives. Furthermore, it contributes to the field of nonviolence studies by investigating the new Syrian case, which has not been well-systematically researched from this perspective.
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Sossai, Mirko. "Identifying the Perpetrators of Chemical Attacks in Syria". Journal of International Criminal Justice 17, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2019): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqz013.
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Abstract In June 2018, the Conference of States Parties of the 1993 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention) decided to create an Investigation and Identification Team. This is a new mechanism within the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Technical Secretariat ‘to identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic’. This article analyses the background and main features of this decision and draws some preliminary conclusions on the role of the Investigation and Identification Team and its potential impact for the investigation and prosecution of crimes linked to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Thus, after describing the events surrounding various fact-finding missions in Syria under the auspices of the OPCW and the United Nations, it considers the legal basis to interpret the Chemical Weapons Convention as enabling the OPCW to put in place arrangements to identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons in Syria and elsewhere.
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Paulussen, Christophe y Eva Entenmann. "Addressing Europe’s Foreign Fighter Issue". Security and Human Rights 25, n.º 1 (14 de enero de 2014): 86–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02501010.
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Since its beginning, the Syrian civil war has been marked by atrocities on both sides of the conflict and as diplomatic efforts fail to bring the various fighting factions to one table, there seems to be no end in sight for the increasingly sectarian conflict. The Syrian crisis has drawn in a range of outside factions and there are reports of some 11,000 non-Syrians fighting alongside government troops, opposition forces and other, often religiously-inspired groups. While most of these so-called foreign fighters come from neighbouring states, around 20 percent of them are estimated to come from Europe. Authorities at the national and international level try to counter these worrying developments via a plethora of means. This article focusses on the question of what legal tools and measures legislators can and should utilise to prevent potential fighters from travelling to Syria and/or prosecuting individuals upon their return, for example for acts committed while abroad or the possible preparation of terrorism-related acts. It analyses the legal avenues available on the international and domestic levels for addressing the issue of foreign fighters. As concerns the national level, the article focuses on the European states that appear to have the highest percentage of departed foreign fighters: Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom (uk). The authors conclude, among other things, that rule of law responses to the foreign fighter phenomenon in the countries investigated remains fragmented. Although at the European level, the attacks in Belgium in May 2014 have meant that calls for a comprehensive approach to the foreign fighter phenomenon have become more urgent, it is doubtful whether Europe will soon have a Union-wide response to this increasingly challenging problem.