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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "The Orange Revolution"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 25 de abril de 2022

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1

BEISSINGER, MARK R. "The Semblance of Democratic Revolution: Coalitions in Ukraine's Orange Revolution." American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (2013): 574–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000294.

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Using two unusual surveys, this study analyzes participation in the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, comparing participants with revolution supporters, opponents, counter-revolutionaries, and the apathetic/inactive. As the analysis shows, most revolutionaries were weakly committed to the revolution's democratic master narrative, and the revolution's spectacular mobilizational success was largely due to its mobilization of cultural cleavages and symbolic capital to construct a negative coalition across diverse policy groupings. A contrast is drawn between urban civic revolutions like the Oran

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2

Cook, Harold. "Orange revolution." Nature 452, no. 7190 (2008): 937–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/452937a.

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3

Reznik, Oleksandr. "From the Orange Revolution to the Revolution of Dignity." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 4 (2016): 750–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416650255.

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The article examines the determinants for participation in two Ukrainian revolutions, the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014. These revolutions were proof of the social movement that accompanies post-communist transition in an Eastern European country. This social movement, in a transitional society in the process of redefining traditional ethno-cultural identities, defined a value-rational understanding of democracy and market economy. A result of Ukrainian government action, these two revolts (which occurred less than ten years apart) have both similar and d

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4

Kuzio, Taras. "Nationalism, identity and civil society in Ukraine: Understanding the Orange Revolution." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 3 (2010): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.07.001.

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This article is the first to study the positive correlation between nationalism and democratic revolutions using Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution as a case study. The Orange Revolution mobilized the largest number of participants of any democratic revolution and lasted the longest, 17 days. But, the Orange Revolution was also the most regionally divided of democratic revolutions with western and central Ukrainians dominating the protestors and eastern Ukrainians opposing the protests. The civic nationalism that underpinned the Orange Revolution is rooted in Ukraine’s path dependence that has m

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5

Karatnycky, Adrian. "Ukraine's Orange Revolution." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 2 (2005): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034274.

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6

Lane, David. "The Orange Revolution: ‘People's Revolution’ or Revolutionary Coup?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 4 (2008): 525–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00343.x.

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The ‘Orange Revolution’ in Ukraine is widely considered to be an instance of the ‘coloured revolutions’ of 1989 engendered by democratic values and nascent civil societies in the process of nation building. The article examines the extent to which the ‘Orange Revolution’ could be considered a revolutionary event stimulated by civil society, or a different type of political activity (a putsch, coup d’état), legitimated by elite-sponsored ‘soft’ political power. Based on public opinion poll data and responses from focus groups, the author contends that what began as an orchestrated protest again

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7

Herd, Graeme P. "Russia and the “Orange Revolution”: Response, Rhetoric, Reality?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 04, no. 2 (2005): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.04.2.04.

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8

White, Stephen, and Ian McAllister. "Rethinking the ‘Orange Revolution’." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 25, no. 2-3 (2009): 227–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270902903947.

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9

Kuzio, Taras. "Oligarchs, Tapes and Oranges: ‘Kuchmagate’ to the Orange Revolution." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23, no. 1 (2007): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270701194839.

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10

Arel, Dominique. "Is the Orange Revolution Fading?" Current History 104, no. 684 (2005): 325–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.684.325.

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The Orange Revolution still has the potential to yield a profound regime change in Ukraine, but despite their relative youth and familiarity with Western modes of political conduct, Orange elites have yet to give indication that this change is imminent.

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11

van Zon, Hans. "Why the Orange Revolution succeeded." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 6, no. 3 (2005): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850508438925.

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12

Wilson, Sophia. "Book Review: Ukraine’s Orange Revolution." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 2 (2007): 222–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006295804.

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13

Hrycak, Alexandra. "Gender and the Orange Revolution." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23, no. 1 (2007): 152–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270701194987.

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14

Kateryna Yushchenko. "The Orange Revolution and Beyond." Journal of Democracy 19, no. 3 (2008): 158–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.0.0013.

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15

Pifer, Steven. "European Mediators and Ukraine's Orange Revolution." Problems of Post-Communism 54, no. 6 (2007): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216540603.

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16

Cap, Orest, and Joanna M. Black. "Children’s Artworks after the Orange Revolution." International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review 5, no. 5 (2011): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1866/cgp/v05i05/35907.

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17

Potyatynyk, Borys. "Information Vortexes of the Orange Revolution." Explorations in Media Ecology 4, no. 3 (2005): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eme.4.3-4.299_7.

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18

Foley, Michael. "The Orange Revolution Loses Its Zest." Index on Censorship 35, no. 1 (2006): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220600577119.

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19

Kuzio, Taras. "Ukraine's Orange Revolution: Rush to Judgement?" Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23, no. 2 (2007): 320–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270701317588.

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20

Kuzio, Taras. "The Orange Revolution at the Crossroads." Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 14, no. 4 (2006): 477–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/demo.14.4.477-495.

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21

Kyj, Myroslaw J. "Internet use in Ukraine's Orange Revolution." Business Horizons 49, no. 1 (2006): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2005.06.003.

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22

Katchanovski, Ivan. "The Orange Evolution? The "Orange Revolution" and Political Changes in Ukraine." Post-Soviet Affairs 24, no. 4 (2008): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1060-586x.24.4.351.

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23

Tatyana Ivzhenko. "UKRAINIANS DON'T WANT THIRD ‘ORANGE REVOLUTION'." Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, The 68, no. 008 (2016): 14–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.46341140.

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24

Paskhaver, Aleksandr, and Lidiia Verkhovodova. "Privatization Before and After the Orange Revolution." Problems of Economic Transition 50, no. 3 (2007): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991500301.

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25

Hertzler, James R. "Who Dubbed It “The Glorious Revolution?”." Albion 19, no. 4 (1987): 579–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049475.

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It was not very glorious at first, at least to many English people of the late seventeenth century. With a king of undoubted legitimacy squeezed out and a new, albeit related monarch installed and recognized by Parliament, the transaction shook government, nation and church alike. It left Jacobite and non-juring splinters all round. The Revolution, happening in fulfillment of ideals of exclusionist Whigs, did not entirely satisfy those partisans, who soon learned that they could not control their masterful king, William III. As for the Tories, their consciences ached due to their resistance to

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26

Umland, Andreas. "Russia's New "Special Path" After the Orange Revolution." Russian Politics & Law 50, no. 6 (2012): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940500602.

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27

Межуев, Борис. "The “Orange Revolution”: a Reconstruction of the Context." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 5 (2006): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2006.05.06.

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28

Thuret, Jean-Yves, and Marc Blondel. "Editorial: Ready for an orange revolution in biotechnology?" Biotechnology Journal 1, no. 3 (2006): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/biot.200690043.

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29

Yukawa, Taku, and Kaoru Hidaka. "Why the pretense of pursuing democracy? The necessity and rationality of democratic slogans for civil revolutions." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 3 (2018): 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118792627.

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While democratic revolutions are not uniform in their pursuit of democracy, they do have something in common: those calling for revolution and participating in demonstrations do so under the banner of democracy. However, studies have revealed that these citizens were not at first committed to democracy per se; rather, they took the opportunity to vent their frustration against the current regime because of their struggle against poverty and social inequality. Why, then, do citizens who are not pursuing democracy per se participate in revolutions under the banner of democracy? Previous studies

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30

Pishchikova, Kateryna. "Three Revolutions: Mobilization and Change in Contemporary Ukraine II. An Oral History of the Revolution on Granite, Orange Revolution, and Revolution of Dignity." Europe-Asia Studies 73, no. 2 (2021): 419–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2021.1880797.

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31

McFaul, Michael. "Ukraine Imports Democracy: External Influences on the Orange Revolution." International Security 32, no. 2 (2007): 45–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.45.

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Can the West promote democracy? An examination of one critical case, the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, offers a unique method for generating answers to this important theoretical and policy question. Tracing the causal impact of external influences first requires a theory of democratization composed exclusively of domestic factors, specifically the changing distribution of power between the autocratic regime and democratic challengers. Once these internal factors have been identified, the extent to which external factors influenced either the strength of the autocratic regime or the democ

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32

Åslund, Anders. "The Economic Policy of Ukraine after the Orange Revolution." Eurasian Geography and Economics 46, no. 5 (2005): 327–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1538-7216.46.5.327.

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33

Cap, Orest, and Joanna M. Black. "The Orange Revolution: Children’s Self-Expressions through their Artworks." International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review 4, no. 2 (2009): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1866/cgp/v04i02/35590.

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34

SIMON, GERHARD. "An Orange-Tinged Revolution: The Ukrainian Path to Democracy." Russian Politics & Law 44, no. 2 (2006): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940440201.

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35

Kuzio, Taras. "Ukraine's relations with the West since the Orange Revolution." European Security 21, no. 3 (2012): 395–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2012.655272.

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36

Hesli, Vicki L. "The Orange Revolution: 2004 presidential election(s) in Ukraine." Electoral Studies 25, no. 1 (2006): 168–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.06.006.

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37

Curry, Jane L., and Doris Göedl. "Why ‘Together We Are Strong’ does not work." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (2012): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.02.001.

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The Serbian Revolution of 2000, Georgian Rose Revolution of 2003, and Ukrainian Orange Revolution of 2004 are examined from the perspective of both the causes of popular engagement and the elite interaction. The authors argue that the model of Electoral Revolutions based on democracy promotion from outside and election fraud as a trigger for action does not fully explain either what brought people to the streets or why there was not a clear move to democratization in these cases. Instead, they show that corruption, failed administration, and state weakness were the triggers, that the oppositio

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38

Kozłowski, Krzysztof. "The Colour Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space: Illusion and Reality of the Post-Soviet Civil Disobedience." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 4(12) (October 24, 2016): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2016.4.6.

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The political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called the Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: the Colour Revolutions in the post-Soviet space. At first glance the term “revolution” may seem appropriate. The Colour Revolutions have resulted in the regime change in all the three states. However, from a decade-long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not actually take place. The post-revolutionary reality: the Russian-

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39

Žielys, Povilas, and Rūta Rudinskaitė. "US democracy assistance programs in Ukraine after the Orange Revolution." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 1 (2014): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.01.006.

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The 2004 Orange Revolution failed to skyrocket Ukraine into the ranks of consolidated democracies. Some previous research claimed that, in the similar case of post-Rose Revolution Georgia, its vague democratic perspectives can be explained by, among others, a negative impact of politically biased US democracy assistance programs. This article examines five groups of US programs (electoral aid, political party development, legislative strengthening, NGO development and media strengthening) implemented in Ukraine in 2005–2010, and concludes that US diplomatic support for the pro-Western “Orange”

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40

Hall, Stephen G. F. "Learning from past experience: Yanukovych's implementation of authoritarianism after 2004." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 2 (2017): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2017.04.001.

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This paper argues that an important concept of authoritarian learning is missing. This is how leaders learn from domestic experience. Using Yanukovych's defeat in the Orange Revolution, the paper illustrates how he adapted to stop a new Colour Revolution. Through using Party of Regions resources, Yanukovych improved his image, developed Party of Region's electoral success, controlled institutions and the political system, coerced the opposition, built-up security forces and pro-regime groups and created a family. While the paper finds that Yanukovych adapted to the failure of the Orange Revolu

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41

Claydon, Tony. "William III's Declaration of Reasons and the Glorious Revolution." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (1996): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020689.

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ABSTRACTThe paper considers reactions to William III's Declaration of reasons, the manifesto issued by the prince of Orange on the eve of his invasion of England in 1688. It questions recent historiography, which has argued for the importance of this document in William's success by claiming that it achieved a virtual hegemony of English political discourse in the period of the Glorious Revolution. The paper first shows that James II's supporters mounted an effective challenge to the Orange Declaration by reversing its claim that liberties were in danger under the existing regime. It then sugg

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42

Kuzio, Taras. "State-led violence in Ukraine’s 2004 elections and orange revolution." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 4 (2010): 383–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.10.008.

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The Ukrainian opposition faced one of the greatest degrees of state-backed violence in the second wave of democratization of post-communist states with only Serbia experiencing similar cases of assassinations and repression of the youth Otpor NGO. In the 2004 Ukrainian elections the opposition maintained a strategy of non-violence over the longest protest period of 17 days but was prepared to use force if it had been attacked. The regime attempted to suppress the Orange Revolution using security forces. Covert and overt Russian external support was extensive and in the case of Ukraine and Geor

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43

Wilson, Andrew. "Ukraine's Orange Revolution, NGOs and the Role of the West*." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 19, no. 1 (2006): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570500501747.

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44

Samokhvalov, Vsevolod. "Ukraine and the Orange Revolution: Democracy or a ‘Velvet Restoration’?" Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 6, no. 2 (2006): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850600694338.

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45

Kubicek, Paul. "Problems of post-post-communism: Ukraine after the Orange Revolution." Democratization 16, no. 2 (2009): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340902732524.

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46

Osipian, Ararat, and Alexandr Osipian. "Why Donbass Votes for Yanukovych: Confronting the Ukrainian Orange Revolution." Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 14, no. 4 (2006): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/demo.14.4.495-517.

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47

Soloviy, Ihor P., and Frederick W. Cubbage. "Forest policy in aroused society: Ukrainian post-Orange Revolution challenges." Forest Policy and Economics 10, no. 1-2 (2007): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forpol.2007.05.003.

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48

Shekhovtsov, Anton. "The “Orange revolution” and the “sacred” birth of a civic-republican Ukrainian nation." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (2013): 730–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.775114.

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The article analyzes the “sacred” dimension of the Ukrainian “Orange revolution”, its festive or carnivalesque quality, and properties of a communal ritual. The author argues that Ukrainian citizens who protested against the stolen elections in Kyiv found themselves in the liminoid situation of temporary egalitarian utopianism. This situation resulted in the emergence of communitas, and engendered a powerful feeling of the birth of a civic-republican Ukrainian nation. The festive nature of the “Orange revolution”, sanctioned by the overwhelming confidence in fighting for the rightful democrati

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49

Kozłowski, Krzysztof. "Wpływ pomarańczowej rewolucji na ukraiński system polityczny." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 2 (November 29, 2011): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.2.9.

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The article presents an analysis of the Orange Revolution and its influence on the political system of Ukraine. Generally, the events of 2004 are perceived as a democratic breakthrough in the modern political history of this country. In reality it turned out to be a revolution only by name. Behind a democratic façade the socalled revolution turned into an act of disobedience of disappointed clannish and oligarchic structures to the former president, Leonid Kuchma. The international observers had an impression, that Ukrainian events were a continuation of the democratization processes started b

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50

Kuzio, Taras. "Democratic Revolutions from a Different Angle: Social Populism and National Identity in Ukraine's 2004 Orange Revolution." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 20, no. 1 (2012): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2012.656951.

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