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com, A. ariffin@yahoo y Anuar Ariffin. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the asean free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy". Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20071130.140815.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public.
The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-à-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA creates or diverts trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique.
Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War.
After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting freer trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s.
At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally.
Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an open trading bloc. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTAs establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.
2
Ariffin, Anuar. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy". Ariffin, Anuar (2007) The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/117/.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public.
The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-a-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA 'creates' or 'diverts' trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique.
Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War.
After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting 'freer' trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s.
At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally.
Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an 'open trading bloc'. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTA's establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.
3
MacMillan, Euan Fraser. "Explaining rising regionalism and failing multilateralism in trade negotiations". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510902.
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Tong, Chi-hung Philip y 湯志雄. "International trade in Asia Pacific: a study of trade liberalization and regionalism : an East Asia prospective". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31267683.
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Loke, Wai Heng. "APEC trade liberalisation : open regionalism, non-binding liberalisation and unconditional MFN". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429732.
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Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.
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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.
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Goh, M. P. "The politics of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement : the paradox of regionalism". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599462.
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My thesis examines the motivations of ASEAN in pursuing a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China as well as the consequences arising from the negotiation of the FTA. Although the ASEAN-China FTA (ACFTA) is still under negotiation, I am primarily concerned with the negotiation of the FTA up till 2004 when ASEAN and China signed the trade in goods chapter. My thesis is situated in the wider question of why ASEAN has been active in pursuing FTAs with external partners. The ACFTA is chosen because it is the first external FTA that ASEAN is involved in as a collective organisation. Furthermore, although none of these ASEAN FTAs have been completed, the one involving China is the most advanced, allowing more data for adequate research. My study is a critique of the popular conflation of FTAs with regionalist projects. I disagree with the functionalistic understanding that negotiating a FTA is the first step towards greater regional integration. Instead, I argue that FTAs could paradoxically undermine regionalist projects. I also explore the related question of what implications ASEAN’s pursuit of FTAs have on its own integration and the wider East Asian region. In essence, the regionalism paradox is that the pursuit of FTAs with external partners by ASEAN is increasingly threatening ASEAN’s own regionalist project. In particular, ASEAN’s own economic integration has been undermined by the better preferences and terms that ASEAN members sometimes give to their external partners compared to the ASEAN members themselves. ASEAN thought that the use of FTAs could draw other partners closer to ASEAN economically and politically. However, this use of FTAs resulted in drawing other partners to only some of the ASEAN members (but not all), leading to ASEAN being less integrated as a region.
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Karli, Mehmet. "Regulatory regionalism and article xxiv of the general agreement on tariffs and trade". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530042.
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Mutai, Henry Kibet. "The regulation of regional trade agreements : harnessing the energy of regionalism to power a new era in multilateral trade /". Connect to thesis, 2005. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/529.
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This thesis examines the regulation of regionalism by the WTO and the formation and operation of regional trade agreements by developing countries. In particular, this work focuses on regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The aim of the thesis is to assess the effectiveness of the relevant legal regimes and determine ways in which they can be made more effective, both in terms of their impact on state conduct and in terms of their impact on the economic welfare of the states concerned. The thesis argues that, with regard to the WTO legal regime, the exemption from the application of Article XXIV, GATT 1994 given to developing countries by the Enabling Clause has contributed to the lack of effectiveness of the WTO regime. For developing countries, on the other hand, the Enabling Clause has deprived them of the legal discipline required to establish effective free trade areas and customs unions. This latter argument is examined through a case study of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The thesis contends that for COMESA countries to engage in meaningful trade liberalisation, and to participate fully in the WTO, acceptance of greater legal discipline is critical. Such legal discipline can be obtained through compliance with Article XXIV.
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Abualethem, Nsour Mohammad Fahed. "Rethinking the world trade order: towards a better legal understanding of the role of regionalism in the multilateral trade regime". Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=40776.
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Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) have proliferated at an unprecedented pace since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although the WTO legally recognizes countries’ entitlement to form RTAs, neither the WTO nor parties to RTAs have an unequivocal understanding of the relationship between the WTO and RTAs. In other words, the legal controversies, the result of uncertainty regarding the application of the WTO/GATT laws, risk undermining the objectives of the multilateral trade system. This thesis tackles a phenomenon that is widely believed to be heavily economic and political. The thesis highlights the economic and political aspects of regionalism, but largely concentrates on the legal dimension of regionalism. The main argument of the thesis is that the first step to achieving harmony between multilateralism and regionalism is the identification of the legal uncertainties that regionalism produces when countries form RTAs without taking into account the substantive and procedural aspect of the applicable WTO/ GATT laws. The thesis calls for the creation of a legal instrument (i.e. agreement on RTAs) that combines all of the applicable law on RTAs, and simultaneously clarifies the legal language used therein. Likewise, the WTO should have a proactive role, not merely as a coordinator of RTAs, but as a watchdog for the multilateral system that has the power to prosecute violating RTAs. The author is aware that political concerns are top priorities for governments and policy makers when dealing with the regionalism problematic. Hence, legal solutions or proposals are not sufficient to create a better international trade system without the good will of the WTO Members who are, in fact, the players who are striving to craft more regional trade arrangements.Les Accords commerciaux régionaux (ACR) se sont multipliés à un rythme sans précédent depuis la création de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC). Bien que l'OMC reconnaisse légalement aux pays le droit de former des accords commerciaux régionaux, ni l'OMC, ni les parties aux ACR ont une compréhension claire de la relation entre l'OMC et les accords commerciaux régionaux. En d'autres termes, les controverses juridiques résultant du flou relatif à l'application de règles de l'OMC / GATT risquent de nuire aux objectifs du système commercial multilatéral.Cette thèse aborde un phénomène qui est le plus souvent considéré comme relevant essentiellement des domaines économique et politique. La thèse met en lumière les aspects économiques et politiques du régionalisme, mais se concentre essentiellement sur la dimension juridique du régionalisme. L'argument principal de la thèse est que l’harmonie entre le multilatéralisme et le régionalisme passe par l’identification des controverses juridiques et de l'incertitude que le régionalisme produit lorsque les pays forment des ACR sans tenir compte des règles et de la procédure de l'OMC / GATT. OR Dans un premier temps, l’auteur de la thèse considère que la construction de relations harmonieuses entre le multilatéralisme et le régionalisme ne peut se faire sans une identification préalable des constroverses juridiques ainsi que des incertitudes générées par l’absence de prise en compte des règles et des procédures de l’OMC lors de la conclusion des ACR. Deuxièmement, il appelle à la création d'un instrument juridique (un accord sur les ACR), qui identifierait les règles applicables aux accords commerciaux régionaux et permettrait ainsi de clarifier le langage juridique employé. De même, l'OMC aura un rôle proactif, et non seulment comme un coordonnateur des accords commerciaux régionaux, mais comme un garde pour le système multilatéral qui a le pouvoir d
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Holz, Christopher Friederich. "Globalization, business interests and development of continental free trade agreements". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/49061043.html.
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Melatos, Mark. "Modelling Regional Trade Agreements". University of Sydney. Economics and Political Science, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/486.
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In the last twenty years, regional trade agreements have proliferated. These have usually taken the form of customs unions (CUs) or free trade areas (FTAs). This thesis concentrates mostly on the formation and behaviour of CUs. Union members levy a common external tariff (CET) on non-members. Existing theoretical models, however, do not agree on how the CET rate is chosen. Every model imposes a different choice rule exogenously. In this thesis, for the first time, plausible choice rules, based on the CU's social welfare function, are derived endogenously. The strategic behaviour of members and non-members, reveals that responsibility for CET choice tends to be assumed by the member that can induce the rest of the world to levy those tariffs members prefer to face. Relatively few general results exist describing the relationship between country characteristics and trade bloc formation. Here, new light is shed on this issue, by systematically analysing bloc formation in an asymmetric world, and investigating the role of preferences in coalition formation. It is found that global free trade is most likely to arise when all countries are similar. Customs unions tend to form between relatively well-endowed countries or those with similar preferences. It is also demonstrated that CUs will usually Pareto dominate FTAs, except where preferences differ significantly. The role of transfers in CU formation has received relatively little attention in the regionalism literature. In this thesis, optimal intra-union transfers are introduced and their impact on CET choice is investigated. The impact of transfers on CU behaviour depends on the direction of the transfer. When the relatively inelastic member is the recipient, the CU responds less aggressively to non-member tariff choices than it does when transfers are not permitted. However, if the relatively elastic member is the transfer recipient, the union's aggression increases. Moreover, when one union member exercises a similar degree of control over both CET and transfer choice, then the equilibrium CET tends to be lower than in the corresponding no-transfers situation.
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Chitranukroh, Krirkbhumi. "The dynamics of preferential trade agreements and domestic institutions : an alternative route towards Asian regionalism : a case study of Singapore and Thailand's preferential trade agreements". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2952/.
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The greatest concentration of regionalism in international trade today can be found in the Asian Pacific region, and the number of international trade agreements in that region is still rising. In the general literature on regionalism, some proponents claim that regionalism can be a test-site for developing countries to enhancing their institutional capacity, before they actively engage in future trade liberalising agreements. Could the institutional enhancement explain the rise of regionalism in the Asian region. This claim, however, remains empirically untested. This thesis aims to examine this claim by observing the effects inter-regional trade agreements have on developing countries, especially on provisions that eliminate regulatory barriers to trade, and how those provisions may enhance institutional capacity to tackle future trade agreements with regulatory barriers to trade. More importantly, the thesis examines whether those improvements contribute to developments of their own intra-regional trade agreements. The case study countries chosen are Singapore and Thailand because they have spearheaded the most trade agreements in the region. The thesis examines the effects of regionalism on domestic institutions both at the macro level - general institutions involved with trade policy making, and the micro level - specific institutions involved with the regulatory aspect of trade. To obtain a more comprehensive account of institutional development, the micro level includes two types of institutions: one on the development of trade facilitation, representing trade in goods; the other on the movement of persons, representing trade in services. Overall, developments at the macro and micro levels - improvements in negotiating capacity, moderate progress in governmental cooperation, creation of new governmental agencies, greater involvement of the business community and inputs from civil society- have all contributed to building the case study countries' institutional capacity. This in turn allowed them similarly to improve regulatory barriers to trade in their own intra-regional trade agreements, illustrating how trade agreements enhance developing countries' domestic institutions to engage in future trade agreements.
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Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. "The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.
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This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.
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Bates, Stephen Edward y Stephen Bates@ea gov au. "The New Regionalism: Comparing the Development of the EC Single Integrated Market, NAFTA and APEC". The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 1996. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20011210.141305.
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The study of regions in international relations has been a sometime thing, gaining scholarly attention in the 1950s and 1960s, dropping largely from view in the 1970s, and returning to focus quite dramatically in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is clear that the contemporary manifestations of regionalism (the completion of the internal market of the European Communities in 1992, Asia Pacific developments, and US-centred Western hemisphere moves) constitute a new and qualitatively different factor in both interstate relations and the international political economy. The growth in the development of regions in the 1980s also represents a new level of interstate collaboration in the international system. The question arises as to the causes of this 'new regionalism' of the 1980s, and the implications of these developments for international relations practice and theory. Investigating these issues is the main task of this thesis.
¶
This thesis involves three elements: a central contemporary element examining the re-emergence of regions in the 1980s; a second comparative element comparing the causal factors operating in three different regions; and lastly, a theoretical element examining the usefulness of current theory to the phenomenon of regionalism in the 1980s and 1990s.
Chapters Two and Three discuss the relevant theoretical literature with a view to developing the propositions to be examined in the case studies. They examine three of the major streams of international relations theory - realism, liberal economics, and institutionalism - with a focus on what these contending theories have had to say about how regional groupings arise. Chapter Two looks at the relevant theoretical literature in the 1950s and 1960s while Chapter Three explores the more recent theoretical literature of the 1970s and 1980s.
¶
The rest of the body of the thesis tests propositions set out at the end of Chapter Three on the causes of the regionalist revival in the 1980s by way of three case studies, each one concerned with the actual development of regionalism in three different parts of the globe: Western Europe, North America and the Asia Pacific.
¶
In all three regions the move towards regionalism was clearly a reaction to negative developments in the international economic and political systems. It was in part a specific response to the undermining of the liberal international trading regime and the associated rise in protectionism, particularly in the US. It was also partly the result of an ideational shift in terms of economic doctrine away from keynesianism and import substitution industrialisation to economic liberalism and export-oriented economic growth. Yet it is also apparent from the case studies that the new regionalism was also to some extent the result of a kind of interactive chain reaction, a spiral of mutual anxiety, with regionalism in one area provoking an extension of regionalism in another. It is indeed difficult to establish which of these causal explanations is the principal one as it is clear from the case studies that they are in fact mutually reinforcing.
¶
The thesis concludes with an analysis of the insights provided by the case studies into the theoretical debates examined in Chapters Two and Three. Finally, there is an attempt to use these insights to construct a theory accounting for the rise of the new regionalism.
16
Verdiyeva, Seljan [Verfasser]. "The Regional Trade Agreements in the Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus: Is multilateralization of regionalism possible? / Seljan Verdiyeva". Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1228749728/34.
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Postigo, Antonio. "Production networks and regionalism in East Asia : firms and states in the bilateral free trade agreements of Thailand and Malaysia". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/772/.
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Investment and trade flows across East Asia during the last three decades have fostered the development of production networks and economic integration. However, only since the turn of the century, have East Asian countries begun to institutionalize such integration through free trade agreements (FTAs). With the exception of Japan, the literature portrays East Asian FTAs as driven by political elites on primarily foreign policy motivations and with marginal participation of businesses in their formulation and utilization. Most of these narratives have, however, overlooked endogenous sources of trade preferences, shortcoming that this Thesis attempted to correct by analyzing how FTAs fit within the strategies of states and firms. The project investigated the mutual interaction between evolving trends within East Asian production networks and states’ and firms’ preferences on FTA liberalization using as case studies the bilateral FTAs negotiated by Thailand and Malaysia within the context of key production networks, particularly the automotive industry. Research involved extensive process-tracing through semi-structured interviews and trade data analyses. The main findings of this dissertation were: 1) Compared to multilateral liberalization, greater technical complexity and easier assessment of impacts in bilateral FTA negotiations resulted in more intense government-business consultations and corporate lobbying. Successive FTA negotiations strengthened the technical capacities of bureaucrats and firms and prompted the emergence of new institutional structures for intermediation and coordination among all actors; 2) Sectors that had successfully lobbied ex-ante for FTA liberalization and/or benefited from unilateral liberalization schemes have made extensive utilization of FTAs; 3) Governments and firms in both countries sought and extracted selective rents in FTAs to improve their relative position not only with respect to states and firms outside the bloc but also inside, and; 4) The interplay between overlapping FTA areas and the investment sunk in them shaped governments’ and firms’ positions on further FTA liberalization.
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Then, de Lammerskötter Rosario. "WTO und Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) : Artikel XXIV und die enabling clause im Lichte eines idealen Regulierungssystems /". Münster : LIT, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/387731849.pdf.
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Park, Tae Woo. "The political economy of globalization and regionalism : an analysis of their impact upon the development of South Korean-European Union trade". Thesis, University of Hull, 1996. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5730.
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Since the end of the 2nd World War, we have witnessed a tremendous amount of world trade expansion. This has been in part caused by the favourable international trading environment provided by the public good, the GATT, aided by the politico-economic hegemony of the United States of America. Korea took advantage of this favourable situation by pursuing an economic development strategy of export-led growth. As the US hegemony began to decline, the formation of a multipolar system based upon regional blocs, has given a new dimension to Korea's international trade. In EU-ROK economic relations, regionalism and globalization of world trade has brought Korea both challenges and opportunities. The case study of Korea's leading electronics firms clearly suggests the requirement for the maintenance of a physical presence through FDI to conduct business successfully in the European market. The new international, politico-economic order obliges firms outside a regional body to locate marketing, manufacturing or even product development within the territories of a regional economic group to avoid NTBS such as anti-dumping. Economic interaction between the European Union, a giant of regionalism with potential economic power and the Republic of Korea, a forerunner among newly industrialized nations, highly vulnerable to outer setting, seems to be regulated by rules and norms, like the pendulum moving between the two extremes of protectionism and a free, liberal trading environment. The study attempts to show that Korea's exports to the EU market will increase more and more as the pendulum moves toward the free trade logic based upon multilateralism. In order accurately to analyse the EU-Korean economic relationship, a better understanding of regionalism and globalization of World trade should be added to the existing literature on the international political economy (Realism, Liberalism, Marxism). The general assumption of the study is based upon economic liberalism which puts much focus on economic efficiency. As a model of deep economic integration, whether the European Union is strongly committed to multilateralism or resorts to protectionist trade regimes such as anti-dumping, quantitative restrictions, or local content rules, will be a major determinant of EU-Korea trade interaction in the future because Korea will continually pursue economic development with export-oriented characteristics. The maximization of EU-ROK economic exchanges will be achieved only when the world trading system is committed to multilateralism under the WTO in general, and the EU's pursuit of open regionalism to reduce NTBs against the ROK in particular. Of course, Korea should make reciprocal efforts further to liberalize and deregulate its trade regimes by opening more markets to foreign products. Korea's active pursuit of globalization and localization strategies to penetrate into the EU market is a prerequisite for a continuous rapid growth of the Korean economy.
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Appau, Adriana Boakyewaa y University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "Analysing Sub-Saharan Africa trade patterns in the presence of regional trade agreements : a comparative analysis". Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Economics, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3424.
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This thesis employs a dynamic form of the gravity model and data from 1988-2005 to estimate the effects of RTAs in SSA on intra-African trade. The thesis proposes a better approach to examining member-nonmember trade relations of RTAs. This thesis is unique because it uses System GMM estimator to overcome econometric issues associated with estimating dynamic models. The results suggest that COMESA and SADC has led to a significant increase in intra and extra-RTA trade. ECOWAS has increased intra-ECOWAS trade but decreased extra-ECOWAS trade. ECCAS has had a negative impact on both intra-ECCAS and extra-ECCAS trade flows. The proposed approach of examining member-nonmember relationships provides better estimates. A comparative analysis is made to shed light on how high or low the trade creation effect of RTAs in SSA are. The results of this thesis support the view that the impact of RTAs in SSA is higher than perceived.x, 61 leaves ; 29 cm
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Bourély, Nadia. "Economic integration of developing countries and regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean : prospects for a free trade area of the Americas". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64264.pdf.
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Lee, Sohyun. "A step toward East Asian regionalism? : comparing the negotiation approaches of South Korea and Japan in their preferential trade agreements with ASEAN". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3717/.
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In the early 2000s, Korea and Japan competitively initiated their preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the unexpected progress of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations. In contrast with China, Korea and Japan initially preferred to negotiate PTAs with individual Southeast Asian countries, rather than with ASEAN. In 2003, however, Korea redirected its strategy and began the Korea–ASEAN FTA. Japan continued to emphasise a bilateral approach to negotiations but sought harmonisation of the individual PTAs through the ASEAN–Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Sharing common international political and economic challenges, why did Korea and Japan take diverging negotiation paths? This research investigates the factors that shaped Korea and Japan’s respective negotiation methods with ASEAN by focusing on the interplay of domestic interests, institutions and ideas. The research findings suggest that Korea and Japan initially preferred bilateral PTAs because of their efficiency and to minimise the backlash of the agricultural sector. Japan had a greater incentive to promote bilateral strategy than Korea, not only to counter China’s move, but also to utilise its diplomatic leverages against ASEAN. The direct causes of the two countries’ divergence, however, came from ideas and institutions. The influence of ideas became evident when Korea’s and Japan’s initial emphasis on the East Asia-based PTAs began to head toward the different directions. Japan was path-dependent of its initial step-by-step strategy focused in East Asia. In contrast, Korea accommodated the new ideas that aimed at cross-regional PTAs, making the Korea-ASEAN FTA a stepping stone for cross-regional PTAs rather than East Asia-based PTAs. Institutional factors account for the supply side of PTA decision-making processes by demonstrating how the intra-democracy variations, combined by bureaucracy discretion, empowered relevant decision-makers, which led to the reversal of negotiation progresses between Korea and Japan. The empirical research findings significantly contribute to the international political economy literature by testing the applicability of the domestic level analysis. They provide an alternative perspective to the existing debate on the compatibility of bilateralism and regionalism in East Asia and thus to the political economy of trade policy in the region. The findings also shed light on the country-specific factors shaping the economic regionalism of East Asia.
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Namara, Justine. "Regionalism under the WTO, an impediment or a spur to trade and development in the multilateral trading system :a case study of the EAC". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2625_1297925175.
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This research paper pays particular attention to the EAC because of its unique composition of four LDCs46 and 1 DC47 and the fact that three of these countries are landlocked least developed countries (LLDCs).48 The EAC was notified as a RTA to the WTO under the Enabling Clause on 9 October 2000 and registered as a Custom Union49 under WT/COMTD/N/14.50 The notification of the EAC under the Enabling Clause is due to the nature of composition of members therein and to the fact that the Enabling Clause does not require regional trading arrangements to cover substantially all trade, or to achieve free trade in the bloc within ten years after notification. Additionally, it provides an avenue for giving special consideration to the LDCs through making concessions and contributions,51 allows automatic exemptions from MFN (non-discrimination) treatment in favour of DCs,52 and thus allows other WTO members to accord more favourable treatment to DCs in many cases without according the same treatment to other WTO members.53.
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Kostičová, Anamarija. "Geografické aspekty mezinárodního obchodu". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113808.
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This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part describes mainstream international trade theories and their implementation by means of trade policies of individual economies, while taking into account the involvement of such economies in regional and multilateral relations. The second part illustrates global trends of international trade with four selected areas: agriculture, clothing and automobile industries and financial services. In the last part, the thesis deals with the current territorial structure of international trade.
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Csopotiová, Alexandra. "ASEAN a úloha regionalizmu v Juhovýchodnej Ázii". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192582.
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The objective of this work is to analyze the phenomenon of regionalism in Southeast Asia with the emphasize on ASEAN and its impact on member states. The first part of the theses is theoretical and explains the development and characteristics of regionalism. The second part of the theses is practical and analyses impact of ASEAN in economical area, trade area and also area of diplomatic relations.
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Rhamey, Jon Patrick Jr. "Constrained to Cooperate: Domestic Political Capacity and Regional Order". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/223350.
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In this dissertation I develop a theory that seeks to account for the variation in order present across regions. I propose that the observed variation in regional order in the international system is rooted in the domestic politics of region members. Unlike other attempts at explaining regional order, I account for domestic politics in the political capacity of member states. Measured as the relative ability of states to extract resources from their domestic societies, political capacity provides a measure of institutional and cultural constraints upon the ability of states to engage in costly foreign policies, such as conflict. The more extensive these constraints, the more likely a state will engage in cooperative behavior, resulting in more extensive regional institutions or trade interdependence. I show that regions comprised of high capacity democracies, like Europe, are highly cooperative, while those comprised of high capacity autocracies, like the Middle East, are more conflictual. The more cooperative the region, the greater the degree of interdependence and institutional architecture that will emerge. Finally, because the presence of regional order is contingent upon the domestic characteristics of constituent states, I develop a novel means of identifying regions for the proper measurement and identification of regional variables of interest. Using an opportunity and willingness framework, I define regions as stable geographic spaces of interacting states behaving uniquely from the broader international system. The resulting empirical analysis is a new dataset that provides not only a necessary means of case selection for the regional level variables included in this dissertation, but a specification of regions broadly applicable to regionalist research.
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Lunani, Sadat Mulongo. "Understanding regionalisation and preferential relations in world trade law and policy: a perspective from the East African Community (EAC)". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6793_1363787835.
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The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed
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Bah, Essa. "An examination into the quality of regional trade institutions: The economic community of West African states (ECOWAS); a historical, theoretical and modelling perspective". Thesis, University of Bradford, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/16848.
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This thesis examines the determinants of institutional quality and the process of convergence in the ECOWAS in order to inform policy about the region’s deep integration scheme. The first part of the thesis examines the historical changes that took place in the development of common institutions in West Africa in the pre-independence era. The findings demonstrated that the region exhibited some common institutions, including common currencies, standardised trade rules and protection of trade routes which facilitated regional and international trade. A single administration system helped in the effective implementation of the common institutions. Therefore, historical changes after independence led to the loss of some facets of these common institutions in West Africa. The second part examined determinants of institutional quality and the process of convergence using econometric analysis. The findings demonstrated that the process of convergence could be accelerated if WAMZ and WAEMU work together as one monetary zone under ECOWAS. Moreover, the findings also demonstrated that the level of development, state capacity, FDI, regional trade, history and regional trade partners institutional quality contain useful information in explaining the quality of institutions today. Therefore, ECOWAS’s deep integration goal would require improving some of these factors in order to facilitate the process of developing common institutions and improve their quality. In the long term, a single administration system akin to the colonial era and the Empires of Western Sudan would be desirable. This will require political commitment to do so. ECOWAS members should have the confidence that deep integration is feasible given that it existed in the region in the past.
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Machava, Almeida Zacarias. "Free trade and regional integration in a globalized world : the case of Southern Africa Development Community and its impact in Mozambique". Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1880352.
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Tonelli, Bianca. "Divergências nas políticas de comércio internacional na América do Sul: tendências e desafios nos acordos preferenciais de comércio - PTAs (2009-2014)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10062015-120136/.
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A América do Sul, na história recente, foi palco de diversas ações de integração regional relacionadas ao comércio, influenciando os posicionamentos dos países em matéria de políticas de comércio interncional bem como formando um emaranhado de relações que se sobrepõe muitas vezes de formas antagônicas. Neste contexto, a presente dissertação aborda o histórico das principais blocos regionais que envolvem a América do Sul como base para mostrar a atual fragmentação deste subcontinente em três visões principais de política de comércio internacional, sendo uma visão intermediária caracterizada pelo Brasil e acompanhada pelos membros do MERCOSUL em uma vertente regional-multilateralista. Em um extremo estão Venezuela, Equador e Bolívia, representantes da ALBA, com seus governos de posicionamento extremo-nacionalista. E em posição antagônica a estes estão Chile, Peru e Colômbia, que conformam o eixo liberal-bilateralista. Objetivando comprovar que há uma tendência de fortalecimento da visão liberal-bilateralista na região será feito um estudo com base nas suas principais formas de atuação, ou seja, por meio da análise de Acordos Preferenciais de Comércio, mais especificamente FTAs bilaterais celebrados com países de distintas regiões com foco especial ao período imediatamente após a eclosão da crise de 2008, de 2009-2014. Finalmente, se a hipótese se confirmar, restando evidenciada a retomada do posicionamento bilateralista, após período de predominância da visão multilateralista na América do Sul, é importante apontar os desafios para o Brasil neste cenário.South America, in recent history, has had several regional integration actions related to trade, influencing the countries positions in terms of international trade policies as well as forming a tangle of relationships that often overlaps with contrary views. In this context, this thesis addresses the history of the main regional blocs involving South America as a basis to show the current fragmentation of this subcontinent in three main views of international trade policy, with an intermediate vision characterized by Brazil and followed also by members of the MERCOSUR in a regional-multilateralist position. At one extreme, the countries Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, ALBA representatives, present their extreme-nationalist position. And in an antagonistic position, Chile, Peru and Colombia constitute the liberal-bilateralist axis. In order to prove that there is a trend towards the strengthening of the liberal-bilateralist vision in the region, a research based on analysis of Preferential Trade Agreements will be held, focusing bilateral FTAs concluded with different countries regions with special attention to the period immediately after the outbreak of the 2008 crisis, from 2009 to 2014. Finally, if the hypothesis is confirmed, demonstrating the resumption of the bilateralist position after a period in which the multilateralist vision was predominant in South America, it is important to point the challenges of this scenario for Brazil.
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Tufts, Craig J. "Main Street's Changing as a Central Place, an Economic Center, and a Neighborhood: Regionalization, Retail Trade, and Applying the New Urbanism". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1126898964.
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Svoboda, Štěpán. "Rozvojové aspekty liberalizace obchodu na příkladu vývoje vztahů EU se zeměmi AKT". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16312.
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The thesis deals with the trade liberalization among unequally developed partners and its development issues. At global level it refers to WTO development agenda, however, at regional level it focuses on north-south trade agreements, particularly on EU-ACP relations. The aim of the thesis is to analyze these relations and the way and scope of how they have contributed to economic growth and welfare of ACP states considering both static and dynamic effects. It also evaluates opportunities and threads of Economic Partnership Agreements.
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Slejšková, Lucie. "Severo-jižní regionalismus ve vztazích USA a Latinské Ameriky". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142179.
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The content of this thesis is an analysis of North-South regionalism within the American continent. Specifically, the approach of the United States as a representative of developed countries and Latin American countries as representative of developing countries to the liberalization of mutual economic relations. Chapter one deals with the issue of North-South regionalism and approaches of the most developed countries to this type of liberalization. Chapter two analyses the attitude of the U.S. and Latin American to the liberalization of their relations. Chapter three describes the approaches of concrete Latin American countries (Chile, Venezuela, Brazil) with respect to their different economic and business strategies applied in their foreign policy.
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Sánchez, Bajo Claudia B. "The political economy of regionalism business actors in Mercosur in the petrochemical and steel industrial sectors /". Maastricht : Shaker Pub, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48560669.html.
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Reis, Ana Isabel Lourenço dos. "As relações político-económicas entre a União Europeia e a América Latina : Os casos do Mercosul e do México". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3730.
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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusDesde meados dos anos 70 que a União Europeia tem vindo a aproximar-se da América Latina; uma relação inicialmente centrada em aspectos comerciais nos acordos de primeira e segunda geração, deu um salto qualificativo nos anos 90 com os acordos de terceira e quarta gerações que começaram a englobar questões de natureza política. A inclusão de questões políticas em acordos comerciais, principalmente como forma de acção externa, diferencia a actuação europeia de outras potências comerciais, nomeadamente a norte-americana, sendo essencial na construção de uma identidade que permita a consideração da União Europeia como actor internacional. A aproximação à América Latina é desenvolvida em torno destes dois eixos, aspectos comerciais e políticos, ao que se junta a promoção do regionalismo como forma de organização comercial complementar ao multilateralismo. A América Latina é um mosaico de sub-regiões pouco institucionalizadas, requerendo, então, diferentes abordagens: bilateral e bi-regional. Como realidade oriunda de um processo de integração regional, a União Europeia irá dar prioridade a acordos de livre comércio com agrupamentos regionais. No entanto, a sua atitude de regionalismo flexível também irá permitir abordagens bilaterais. Assim, como forma de ilustrar a relação com a América Latina escolheram-se exemplos que personificam estas abordagens: bi-regional, o Mercosul; e bilateral, o México. A análise destes dois exemplos irá expor a tese que a UE orienta a sua acção conjugando objectivos comerciais e políticos, mas que na prática será a defesa de interesses comerciais pré-existentes a comandar a negociação de acordos que resultam numa verdadeira aproximação.
Since the mid-'70s the European Union has developed a relationship with Latin America, a relationship centered initially in the commercial aspects, especially in the agreements of the first and second generation; had in the nineties a further development with the third and fourth generation agreements which began to include political issues. The inclusion of political issues in trade agreements, mainly as a form of external action, differentiates European action from other trading powers, particularly of United States action, and is essential in building an identity that allows to considerate the European Union as an international actor. The approach to Latin America is developed around these two axes, commercial and political aspects, which join the promotion of regionalism as a form of commercial organization complementary to multilateralism. Latin America is a mosaic of sub-regions poorly institutionalized, then requiring different approaches: bilateral and bi-regional. As reality coming from a process of regional integration the European Union will give priority to free trade agreements with regional groupings, however, her attitude of flexible regionalism will also allow bilateral approaches. The examples chosen to illustrate this relationship were Mercosur and México, they embody these approaches: bi-regional level and bilateral level. The analysis of these two examples will expose the thesis that the European Union targets its action by combining commercial and political objectives, but in practice will be the defense of pre-existing commercial interests to control the negotiation of agreements that result in a genuine rapprochement.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Lund, Svein Sørlie. "Political regionalisation and oil production in Africa: the case of the LAPSSET Corridor". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96662.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study analyses regionalism in Africa from a theoretical and an applied perspective. The purpose of the study is to contribute to the critical and reflectivist corpus of theories of regionalism. This field is dominated by rationalist theories that are largely preoccupied with formal inter-‐state and market-‐driven processes of regional integration. The rationalist theoretical hegemony in academia and politics serves to reinforce and reproduce neoliberal ideology informing global political economic practices. This study illustrates the limitations and normative assumptions of these orthodox frames and demonstrates the multidimensionality of regionalisation. The study applies a combination of three critical reflectivist theories: the World Order Approach, the New Regionalism Approach and the New Regionalisms Approach/Weave-‐ world in an analysis of an ongoing regional oil and infrastructure project in East Africa called the Lamu Port, South Sudan and Ethiopia (LAPSSET) Corridor. The study’s primary research question investigates the extent to which oil production is driving the manifestation of (new) regionalism in East Africa, especially in terms of the LAPSSET Corridor, with secondary questions identifying the actors involved in this regionalisation, and what the theoretical framework reveals about the regionalisation in East Africa. After a review of some of the most influential theoretical contributions to the study of regions a critical reflectivist approach is suggested as an alternative to conventional rationalist theories. A broad historical overview of the East African region is elaborated with a focus on Uganda and Kenya, highlighting the social, cultural, political and economic evolution of the region before reflection on how forces of production relate to regime type in East Africa. Subsequently, a case study establishes an assessment of the historical and social construction of the LAPSSET Corridor. The objectives of the LAPSSET Corridor and its implementation mechanisms are scrutinised and viewed in comparison with its potential for inclusiveness of local participation and sustainable socio-‐economic development. Two important conclusions can be drawn from this study. The first is that oil production is critical in the current regionalisation in East Africa. However, the nature of this regionalisation flows contrary to other regional motives. The second conclusion is that the anti-‐reductionist and critical reflectivist approach is indeed essential to fully understand the variety of multi-‐level factors of structures and agency that influence regionalism and regionalisation in East Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie analiseer regionalisme in Afrika vanaf ‘n teoretiese en ‘n toegepaste perspektief. Die doel van die studie is om by te dra tot die kritiese en reflektiwistiese liggaam van teorie oor regionalisme. Hierdie studieveld word gedomineer deur rasionalistiese teorieë wat meerendeels besig is met formele inter-‐staat en markgedrewe prosesse van regionale integrasie. Die rasionele teoretiese hegemonie in akademia en politiek versterk en herproduseer sodanig neoliberale ideologie wat global politiek-‐ekonomiese praktyk bepaal. Hierdie studie wys die beperkinge en normatiewe aannames van hierdie ortodokse beskouings uit, en ontbloot die multidimensionaliteit van regionalisering. Die studie pas ‘n mengsel van krities-‐reflektivistiese teorieë toe: die Wêreldorde Benadering, die Nuwe Regionalisme Benadering, en die “Verweefde Wêreld” Benadering in ‘n analise van die regionale olie en infrastruktuurprojek in Oos-‐ Afrika wat die “Lamu Port, South Sudan and Ehtiopia” (LAPSSET) Korridor genoem word. Die studie se primêre navorsingsvraag fokus op die mate waartoe olieproduksie die manifestering van (nuwe) regionalisme in Oos-‐Afrika dryf, veral in terme van die LAPSSET Korridor, met sekondêre vrae om die akteurs te identifiseer wat betrokke is by hierdie regionalisering, en wat die teoretiese benadering blootlê aangaande die regionalisering in Oos-‐Afrika. Na ‘n oorsig van die belangrikste teoretiese bydraes tot die studie van streke word ‘n krities-‐reflekiwistiese benadering voorgestel as ‘n alternatief vir konvensionele rasionele teorieë. ‘n Breë historiese oorsig van die Oos-‐Afrika streek word verskaf, met ‘n fokus op Uganda en Kenia, en dit beklemtoon die sosiale, kulturele, politieke en ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die streek voordat ‘n oordenking van hoe die magte van produksie betrekking het op regimetipe in Oos-‐Afrika. Voorts verskaf die gevallestudie ‘n oorsig van die historiese en sosiale daarstel van die LAPSSET Korridor. Die doelwitte van die LAPSSET Korridor en sy implementeringsmeganismes word geëvalueer en beskou in vergelyking met sy potensiaal vir die insluiting van plaaslike deelname en volhoubare sosio-‐ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Die studie maak twee belangrike gevolgtrekkings moontlik. Die eerste is dat olieproduksie krities belangrik is in die huidige regionalisering in Oos-‐Afrika. Maar tog is die aard van die regionaliseringspatrone teenstrydig met ander streeksmotiverings. Die tweede gevolgtreking is dat die teen-‐reduksionistiese en krities-‐reflektiwistiese benaderings wel sentraal staan tot ‘n volle beskouing van die verskeidenheid van veelvlakkige faktore wat regionalisme en regionalisering in Oos-‐Afrika beïnvloed.
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Procházka, David. "Nové jevy ve vztazích EU a Austrálie - Nového Zélandu na začátku 3. tisíciletí". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76815.
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The goal of the thesis "New phenomena in the relations between the EU and Australia New Zealand at the beginning of the third millennium" is to analyze mutual trade and economic relations in the context of new phenomena in regionalism, represented here mostly by bi-regionalism and trans-regionalism. The first part of the thesis characterizes economic positions of EU, Australia and New Zealand in the global economy and emphasizes their historical and societal ties. The second part of the thesis elaborates on the development of mutual relations between the EU Australia and EU New Zealand. In particular it sums up the process of deepening of their cooperation up to the current association of equal partners. This is illustrated by existing legal basis of the relations and the current trade exchange data. The focal point of the thesis is the possibility of further intensification of mutual cooperation, especially through conclusion of a preferential agreement that would remove remaining trade barriers between the EU and Australia New Zealand. In the context of the new phenomena in regionalism, any type of preferential agreement would have potential to foster their relationships as well as bring positive impact to process of multilateral liberalization. The issue of preferential agreement is therefore considered in the light of the steadily rising importance of the Asia-Pacific region. While Australia and New Zealand have concluded an agreement on a free trade zone with ASEAN, negotiations with the EU have been suspended. The thesis confirms one of its main hypothesis, marking their different approaches to agricultural policy as the main obstacle to concluding of a free trade agreement between the EU and Australia New Zealand. Based on the findings, the thesis concludes by outlining several scenarios of possible future development of mutual relations and their positive and negative aspects.
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Staten, Clifford Lee. "A Multivariate Analysis of Regional Political Integration the Case of the Caribbean Free Trade Area and the Caribbean Community and Common Market, 1965-1983". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330853/.
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The purpose of this study is three-fold. The first is to provide the reader with a review of the literature concerning the topic of regional political integration. The second purpose is to provide an operational definition of regional political integration which can be useful in the testing of hypotheses. Regional political integration is defined in terms of the regional decision-making process. Various levels of regional political integration are defined, operationalized, and identified. The levels from lowest to highest are as follows: regional promotion, regional information exchange, regional policy coordination, regional monitor, and regional authoritative decision-making. The third purpose of the study is to analyze the factors which are hypothesized to be correlated with and responsible for the changing levels of regional political integration.
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Pereira, Poliana de Carvalho. "Acordos regionais de comércio: uma análise dos ganhos não-tradicionais". Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/96/96131/tde-29042008-095115/.
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Paralelamente aos esforços dos países, sob a liderança norte-americana, para a construção de um sistema multilateral de comércio mais livre e mais integrado, o pós-guerra assistiu a esforços regionalistas sob a forma de Acordos Regionais de Comércio (ARCs). Impulsionados pela experiência européia, países na América Latina e na África engajaram-se na formação de ARCs nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, sem grande sucesso, marcando o primeiro momento regionalista. A ordem internacional após Guerra Fria foi marcada pelo reavivamento do regionalismo com a celebração de novos ARCs e o relançamento de antigos acordos, marcando o segundo momento. A formação de ARCs, especialmente a explosão de acordos desde a inauguração da OMC, tem suscitado discussões entre o multilateralismo e o regionalismo, se seriam complementares ou contraditórios. A percepção da importância que assumiram os ARCs na teoria econômica e nas relações econômicas internacionais desperta o interesse sobre os motivos que levam os países a formarem esses acordos e a despenderem tanto tempo e esforço em sua formação. De acordo com a análise tradicional, os países buscam os ARCs como forma de aumentar as trocas comerciais e os investimentos entre os países membros por meio da redução de barreiras alfandegárias. Embora estejam presentes nos ARCs e sejam importantes nos cálculos dos países na formação desse acordo, os motivos tradicionais não conferem um explicação completa, especialmente quando se considera novo regionalismo, marcado por grandes avanços nas liberalizações multilateral e unilateral. O fato é que os países não buscam a integração apenas por suas razões econômicas intrínsecas, configuradas nos ganhos tradicionais, os ganhos expressos em seus acordos. Além dos ganhos comerciais, muitas vezes, mais importantes que os ganhos econômicos, os países têm outros objetivos quando aderem a arranjos regionais. Em busca de uma teoria mais completa para explicar a formação de ARCs, este trabalho se apoiará em quatro ganhos não-tradicionais: acesso seguro a mercados, segurança, suporte para reformas domésticas e incremento do poder de barganha.Alongside with the countries efforts, under the leadership of United States, to the construction of a freer and more integrated multilateral trade system, the post-war period witnessed the regionalist efforts in the form of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Stimulated by the European experience, countries in Latin America and Africa engaged themselves into the formation of RTAs in the 1960\'s and 1970\'s, without much success, determining the first regionalist period. The international order after the Cold War was marked by the revival of regionalism with the signing of new RTAs and the relaunch of old ones, determining the second period. The formation of RTAs, especially the explosion of new agreements since the inauguration of the WTO, has created discussions between multilateralism and regionalism, if they are complementary or contradictory. The perception of the importance assumed by the RTAs in economic theory and in the international economic relations arouses the interest about the reasons that lead countries to form such agreements and spend both time and efforts into their formation. According to the traditional analysis, countries seek RTAs as a way to increase trade and investment among member countries by reducing customs barriers. Despite being present in RTAs and despite being important in the countries calculation during agreements formation, the traditional motives don\'t grant a complete explanation, especially when considering the new regionalism, marked by great progress in the multilateral and unilateral liberalization. The fact is that countries do not seek integration only by its intrinsic economic reasons, configured in the traditional gains, gains that are expressed in their agreements. In addition to trade gains, often, more important than the economic gains, countries have other goals when they join regional arrangements. Searching for a more complete theory to explain the formation of RTAs, this work will be supported by four nontraditional gains: safe markets access, security, support for domestic reforms and increased bargain power.
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Kreter, Paulo Roberto de Medeiros. "Atores e interesses chilenos nas negociações com o mercosul : a política exterior do Chile para o mercosul nos anos 1990-2000". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/10822.
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O objetivo desta dissertação é explicar os motivos que levaram os subseqüentes governos do Chile a não se tornarem membros plenos do Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul) durante a década de 1990. Faz-se a abordagem através de uma análise das mudanças ocorridas no Chile, a partir de meados da década de 1960 até o ano 1990, para explicar a atuação do país em âmbito regional. Por possuir características singulares, o Chile iniciou a década de 1990 redemocratizado, economicamente estável e com altas taxas de crescimento, o que despertou a atenção dos demais países da América Latina, que estavam reestruturando suas economias e seu papel no cenário internacional – principalmente Brasil e Argentina. A análise da história contemporânea do Chile e a forma como se conduziu sua política externa são as bases que sustentam esta dissertação. Ao reestruturar seu corpo diplomático e incrementar as relações entre o Estado e os setores privados chilenos, o país possuiu uma estratégia de inserção internacional que deu prioridade a outras regiões do mundo, relegando o Mercosul a um segundo plano em sua agenda de política internacional. Esta postura em sua política externa, levou o Chile a não se tornar membro pleno do Mercosul durante a década de 1990.The present thesis seeks to explain the reasons why Chile did not became a South Cone Common Market member (Mercosur) during the 1990 decade. The changes occurred in the Chilean politics during the middle 1960's decade explain its Southern Cone foreign policy at the 1990's decade. Chile, with its particular characteristics, begun the nineties democratized with economic stability and high taxes of economic growth. This fact attracted the attention of other neighbor countries in Latin America that where restructuring their economies and parts at the international scenario, especially Brazil and Argentina. Chilean contemporary history analysis and the way its foreign policy was conducted are the basis which sustain this thesis. Restructuring its diplomatic team and improving the relations between Chilean public and private sectors, made the country start a new strategy of international insertion giving priority to other regions of the world, relying to Mercosur a secondary position. This international politic position led Chile not to be a Mercosur full member during the 1990 decade.
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Moma, José Abel. "As negociações internacionais à luz do construtivismo social:a negociação da adesão de Angola à zona de comércio livre da SADC". Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20185.
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Tese de Doutoramento em Relações InternacionaisO presente trabalho resulta de uma investigação de doutoramento sobre as negociações internacionais de âmbito regional, tendo como caso de estudo a adesão de Angola à Zona de Comércio Livre da Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral. No que concerne à dimensão teórica, exploramos a perspetiva construtivista social desenvolvida por Alexander Wendt, tendo em consideração a atenção dada à interação social como fundamental nas relações internacionais e aos fatores ideacionais como elementos constitutivos dos interesses dos Estados. Adotando uma abordagem epistemológica interpretivista, o paradigma qualitativo, uma metodologia com acento analítico, descritivo e de compressão do processo na exploração das hipóteses sobre o caso em estudo; baseando-nos nas técnicas de exame documental e entrevistas semiestruturas; chegamos à proposta de um modelo de análise da tripla dimensão das negociações regionais, compreendendo as coordenadas política, técnica e social. Para o efeito, esta última é explorada numa perspetiva construtivista. Deste modo, concluímos que, considerando o papel histórico de Angola na construção do regionalismo na África Austral, a negociação da sua adesão à Zona de Comércio Livre da Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral não depende apenas da dimensão política de regulação do poder nem exclusivamente da técnico-económica de racionalização dos recursos. Com efeito, existem fatores ideacionais, endógenos ao processo negocial, que influem na constituição dos interesses e refletem-se na posição negocial de Angola. Por conseguinte, as negociações regionais não implicam apenas factores materiais, porquanto envolvem uma estrutura social compartilhada que confere sentido ao estado de distribuição de poder na região e ao processo negocial, tendo como elemento fundamental a história de interação social entre as partes, a qual anima a busca de consensos, a flexibilidade no procedimento decisório, bem como a reformulação e a transformação das posições dos Estados.
This study results from a doctoral research about the field of regional negotiations, taking the negotiation of Angola’s adhesion to the Southern African Development Community Free Trade Area as a case of study. Exploring the social constructivist theory of international relations developed by Alexander Wendt, this study approaches the social interaction as fundamental and the ideational factors as constitutive of States’ interests in international negotiations, especially at regional level. Adopting an interpretative epistemological approach, a qualitative methodological paradigm, an analytical and descriptive approach of the process that explores hypotheses about the case under study; applying the techniques of document analysis and semi-structured interviews; this work came to the proposal of a constructivist analytical model of regional negotiations, which encompasses political, technical and social dimensions of the negotiations. Thus, it concluded that, taking into account the historical role of Angola in the construction of regionalism in Southern Africa, the negotiation of Angolan adhesion to the Southern African Development Community Free Trade Area is not limited to the politics of regulating power nor to the economics of resources rationalization, since it also has to do with the ideational social factors, endogenous to the process of negotiation, which influence the constitution of interests and are reflected in the Angola’s negotiating position. Therefore, regional negotiations do not only imply material factors, as they involve a shared social structure that gives meaning to the state of power distribution in the region and to the negotiation process, taking the history of social interaction between the parties as a fundamental element, which animates the search for consensus, the flexibility in decision-making, the reformulation and transformation of States’ negotiating positions
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Tello, Mario D. "Impactos económicos de los arreglos preferenciales comerciales: una síntesis teórica". Economía, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117317.
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El presente trabajo sintetiza las proposiciones teóricas relevantes para el análisis de los impactos económicos de los arreglos preferenciales comerciales (APC) que caracterizan a los procesos de apertura comercial implementados por las economías, desarrolladas y en desarrollo, en las últimas dos décadas. Estos arreglos se agrupan en tres tipos: los unilaterales (APCU), los regionales (APCR) y los multilaterales (APCM). El trabajo resume, además, los argumentos y proposiciones teóricas que responden a dos interrogantes. La primera, desde la perspectiva de una economía individual, ¿cuál de estos arreglos, o formas de estrategia comercial, origina los mayores beneficios económicos para una economía? Asumiendo que los APCM son la mejor opción de política comercial para todos los países del mundo que acuerdan estos arreglos, la segunda interrogante es ¿en qué medida los APCU, y en particular los APCR contribuyen (building blocks or friends), obstruyen (stumbing blocks or foes) o convergen (stepping stones) o no (strangers) a los APCM?---The present work synthesizes the relevant theoretical propositions for the analysis of the economic impacts of the preferential trade arrangements (PTAs) which have been part of the trade liberalization process implemented in the last two decades by developed and developing economies. These arrangements are divided in three groups of arrangements: i) unilateral (UPTAs), ii) regional (RPTAs) and iii) multilateral (MPTAs). In addition, this paper addresses two questions. The first one, (from the perspective of an individual economy) which of these arrangements benefit the most for an economy?. The second, to what extent UPTAs and especially RPTAs, contribute (or are \’ building blocks or friends\’), obstruct (or are \’stumbling blocks or friends\’) or converge (or are \’stepping stones\’) or not (\’strangers\’) to the PTAs?
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Verde, Filipe. "Brazil and Mexico trade relations: A story of two different alignments". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194543.
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The purpose of this research is to compare the trade policies guiding by Brazil and Mexico in recent years. Considering that both countries underwent a, in many ways, similar economic development in the second half of 20th century. This Master's Thesis titled "Trade Relations of Brazil and Mexico: A story of two different alignments" will therefore attempt to cast some light on what were the exact outcomes of the different paths undertaken by Brazil and Mexico in the 1990s.
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Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /". Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
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Chipendo, Kudakwashe. "Critiquing the viability of a trade biased approach to regional integration in Southern Africa". Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/163.
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Africa’s international marginalization is preponderantly conceptualized through world systems approaches, particularly structural dependency. Consequently, the region’s socioeconomic quagmire, characterized by economic stagnation, abysmal poverty, inequality and foreign dependency, is often attributed to its colonial heritage. Particular reference is made to the small size of the African state and its structural specialization in primary production. Collective self reliance based on mutual interdependence (regional integration) thus suggests itself as a logical way to overcome the structural constraints imposed by the small size of the state, while at the same time representing a viable alternative to asymmetric trade with developed countries. It is within the context of this theoretical framework that this study critiques the predisposition of the regional body in Southern Africa, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), towards a trade biased approach to regional integration (market integration). This critique is based on theoretical and empirical findings showing that trade led strategies are primarily suited for developed countries with robust manufacturing industries and complimentary production structures. Countries in Southern Africa are however characterized by a near absence of manufacturing industries, are at different levels of development and show low levels of trade complementarities. This study therefore concludes that market integration is an inappropriate strategy for regional integration in Southern Africa and in the process suggests development integration – a political economy approach, as an alternative.
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Dupouey, Jacques. "La dimension juridique de l’intégration régionale des pays d’Asie du Sud-Est : intégration et ordre juridique international : le cas de l’ASEAN". Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100075.
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Les pays d'Asie du Sud-Est ont, très tôt dans leur période post-coloniale, envisagé de se regrouper pour former une organisation régionale : l’Association des nations d’Asie du Sud-Est, dénommée l’ANASE ou, plus communément appelée par son sigle anglais, ASEAN. En nous appuyant sur l’exemple de l’ASEAN, nous aborderons le concept d’intégration régionale économique sous son angle juridique, en cherchant notamment à le distinguer des vocables contigus de régionalisme, régionalisation ou encore de coopération économique. Quelles sont les caractéristiques d'une intégration régionale? Ses manifestations? En dépit de l'hétérogénéité des organisations régionales ayant pour objectif de construire une intégration économique dans une région donnée, quels sont les points communs qu’un juriste peut observer? Comment décrypter l’ASEAN grâce au processus d’intégration économique qu’elle conduit et à la stratégie qu’elle a choisie? Quelles sont ses particularités? Quels défis doit-elle relever pour atteindre ses objectifs d’intégration à travers les trois dimensions communautaires : économique, politico-sécuritaire et socio-culturelle? De quels soutiens externes l’ASEAN peut-elle bénéficier pour renforcer son processus d’intégration régionale ? Le rapprochement entre pays d’Asie du Sud-Est s’appuie sur l’intergouvernementalité et la sauvegarde absolue de la souveraineté de ses Etats membres qui conduisent à privilégier le recours au droit souple plutôt qu’au droit dur dans leur production normative. L’approche adoptée prendra soin de se différencier de celles de l'économiste, du politiste ou du spécialiste des relations internationales et ouvrira sur des points de vue extra-européens. Les spécificités de l’ASEAN et sa dimension interne seront abordées dans un premier temps, tandis que la seconde partie couvrira la dynamique externe de l’intégration économique de l’ASEAN à partir d’un choix sélectif de partenariats (UE, accords de libre-échange, Banque asiatique du développement, APEC)The countries located in Southeast Asia have, very soon, during the postcolonial period, foreseen to regroup to forming a regional organization named “ASEAN” (Association of nations of Southeast Asia). We would like to address the concept of economic regional integration from a legal perspective based on the example of ASEAN. This will in particular lead us to distinguish such a concept with other terms similar or very closed, such as regionalism, regionalization and economic cooperation. What are the features of regional integration? What are its manifestations? Despite all the diversity of regional organizations the purpose of which is to build an economic integration within a specific region, what are the common features that a lawyer can observe? How to reveal the ASEAN regional organization through the economic integration process it has launched and strategies chosen by it? What are its peculiarities? What are the challenges it has to face to achieve its integration goals through the following three dimensions: the ASEAN Economic Community, the ASEAN Political &Security Community, and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community? What external support can ASEAN receive to strengthen its regional integration process? Southeast Asian countries look for a closer proximity between themselves on the basis of intergovernmentality and with the deep concern of recognition and protection of their sovereignty that lead to favor Soft law more than hard law in decision-making production. Our approach will be well differentiated from those adopted so far by the economists and political scientists or experts in international relations and will not be reductive to a Eurocentric viewpoint. The main features and the internal dimension of the ASEAN will be addressed in a first part, while the second part will be devoted to the external dynamic of the economic integration of the ASEAN based on a selective choice of partnerships (EU, free trade agreements, Asian Development Bank, APEC)
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Raduget, Nicolas. "Les acteurs et les voies de la mise en valeur du patrimoine alimentaire de la Touraine des années 1880 à 1990". Thesis, Tours, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOUR2016/document.
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Cette étude entend observer l'intérêt pour les spécialités alimentaires de Touraine et leur mise en valeur par une multitude d'acteurs. Elle part de la fin du XIXe siècle, qui a vu se développer un régionalisme incluant la gastronomie, et s’arrête à la fin du suivant, au moment où la notion de patrimoine se généralise et prend sa forme actuelle. La réflexion sur l’émergence de ce patrimoine alimentaire est au coeur d'une vision large croisant la thématique agricole, la dynamique régionaliste – tant sur le plan de l'action politique que sur celui de registres culturels multiformes –, et l'identité touristique du « jardin de la France ». Les acteurs impliqués construisent une identité régionale par la promotion des centres d'intérêt touristique et oeuvrent pour soutenir l'attractivité locale. Les comportements évoluent dans le temps, allant de la démarche qualitative à la dynamique commerciale à outrance, d’un intérêt marqué pour le « terroir » à un certain détachementThis study aims at observing the interest in Touraine food specialities and how they were promoted by various players. Starting from the 1880s, with the appearance of regionalism (an integral part of which is gastronomy), our study ends in the late 20th century, when the notion of heritage becomes widespread and gets its current form. Thanks to the meeting of the agricultural theme, regionalist dynamics (politically and culturally speaking), and the tourist identity of the “Garden of France,” the emergence of food heritage is reflected on. All involved players build up a regional identity through the promotion of centres of tourist interest and set their sights on sustaining local attractiveness. The behavioural evolution throughout the period is observed, ranging from qualitative approach to excessive commercial drive; from strong interest in “terroir” to a certain detachment from it
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Gaolaolwe, Dikabelo. "The nature of the legal relationship between the three RECs and the envisaged TFTA: a focus on the dispute settlement mechanism". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4433_1380708981.
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Baptista, João Victor da Motta. "A Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) e o Mercosul : conflitos e contradições da participação social nos governos Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014) /". Marília, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/192119.
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Orientador: Karina Lilia Pasquariello MarianoResumo: Nos anos 2000, impulsionados pelas crises econômicas na região e pela resistência dos movimentos sociais, diversos governos progressistas foram eleitos na América Latina. Com isso, os processos de integração regional na América do Sul e Latina se intensificaram com a criação de novas institucionalidades e com a expansão da agenda para novos temas, além da tradicional agenda comercial. A Central Única dos Trabalhadores foi fundamental para contraposição aos blocos comerciais que se conformavam nos anos 1990 e, posteriormente, para eleição e construção dos governos de Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo avaliar a importância da participação social desse ator para as mudanças institucionais que ocorreram no Mercosul durante os governos progressistas no Brasil. Para tanto, este trabalho discute a importância de ampliarmos as reflexões teóricas sobre a relevância da sociedade civil nos estudos de integração regional e de relações internacionais, pois a ação dos atores sociais impacta diretamente o processo de formulação política, visto que o Estado é uma relação social e não um ator central e racional. O estudo analisa as transformações institucionais do Mercosul que não propiciaram alterações no seu processo decisório, nem possibilitaram a superação histórica do déficit democrático da estrutura institucional do bloco. Com base em entrevistas e na análise de documentos oficiais da Central Única dos Trabalhadores, a dissertação... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: In the 2000s, driven by economic crises in the region and the resistance of social movements, several progressive governments were elected in Latin America. As a result, regional integration processes in South and Latin America have intensified with the creation of new institutions and the expansion of the agenda for new themes, in addition to the traditional trade agenda. The Central Única dos Trabalhadores was fundamental for opposing the commercial blocs that were formed in the 1990s and, later, for the election and construction of the governments of Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). In this sense, this research aims to evaluate the importance of social participation of this actor for the institutional changes that occurred in Mercosur during the progressive governments in Brazil. To this end, this paper discusses the importance of broadening the theoretical reflections on the relevance of civil society in studies of regional integration and international relations, as the action of social actors directly impacts the process of political formulation, since the state is a not a central and rational actor. The study analyzes the institutional transformations of Mercosur that did not allow changes in its decision-making process, nor made possible the historical overcoming of the democratic deficit of the bloc's institutional structure. Based on interviews and analysis of official documents of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores, the dissertation evaluates the synd... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: En la década de 2000, impulsados por las crisis económicas en la región y la resistencia de los movimientos sociales, varios gobiernos progresistas fueron elegidos en América Latina. Como resultado, los procesos de integración regional en América del Sur y América Latina se han intensificado con la creación de nuevas instituciones y la expansión de la agenda para nuevos temas, además de la agenda comercial tradicional. La Central Unitaria de los Trabajadores fue fundamental para oponerse a los bloques comerciales que se formaron en la década de 1990 y, más tarde, para la elección y construcción de los gobiernos de Lula da Silva y Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). En este sentido, esta investigación tiene como objetivo evaluar la importancia de la participación social de este actor para los cambios institucionales que ocurrieron en el Mercosur durante los gobiernos progresistas en Brasil. Con este fin, esta disertación discute la importancia de ampliar las reflexiones teóricas sobre la relevancia de la sociedad civil en los estudios de integración regional y relaciones internacionales, ya que la acción de los actores sociales impacta directamente el proceso de formulación política, ya que el estado es una relación social, y no es un actor central y racional. El estudio analiza las transformaciones institucionales del Mercosur que no permitieron cambios en su proceso de toma de decisiones, ni hicieron posible la superación histórica del déficit democrático de la estructura institucio... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
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