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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Turkish-Americans"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Turkish-Americans"

Karataş, İbrahim. "Turks and Other Muslims in the US: An Analysis of Perceptions". Journal of Al-Tamaddun 16, n.º 1 (29 de junio de 2021): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol16no1.7.

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Surveys show that, in the United States, Americans have a less favorable view of Muslims due to various reasons as opposed to American Muslims who conversely favor the American state and population. In line with this fact, this study tries to understand whether the Turkish community living in the US has different views about Americans than American Muslims do. This study makes a comparison because not all ethnic groups in the American Muslim community have the same views about Americans. While analyzing the Turkish community’s perceptions, this study also analyzes the views Americans and Muslim Americans have towards each other. The study compares previous surveys with the survey conducted among Turks living in the US and concludes that Muslims generally have the same perceptions regarding Americans. It also reveals that aside from the basic reasons which result in a negative view towards Muslims, being a small community and fragmented are two significant factors that damage the image of Muslims. In addition, it reveals that a lack of knowledge about each other increases negative perceptions.

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Kaya, Ilhan. "Identity and Space: The Case of Turkish Americans". Geographical Review 95, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2005): 425–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.2005.tb00374.x.

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Micallef, Roberta. "Turkish Americans: performing identities in a transnational setting". Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 24, n.º 2 (octubre de 2004): 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360200042000296636.

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Miyao, Masaru, John S. Allen, Selim S. Hacisalihzade y Lawrence W. Stark. "Effects of Natural Language on Multiple Letter Searches". Perceptual and Motor Skills 79, n.º 3_suppl (diciembre de 1994): 1427–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1994.79.3f.1427.

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9 American and 9 Turkish subjects were surveyed on multiple letter-search tasks in English, Turkish, and a text of nonwords. The Americans could only understand English, while the Turkish subjects were fluent in both Turkish and English. The parameters measured were the letter-search speed and the number of identifications of two target letters. For searching speed, there was a significant difference for only the text language. The text of nonwords was searched at the lowest speed of all by both groups of subjects. In the case of the target-letter search, only fluency in a language was a significant factor. Also, when nonwords were used, performances declined on both tasks. We conclude that language familiarity is a more important factor than the language of the text when searching for multiple target letters.

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Burak, Ahmet. "Turecki ruch młodzieżowy w Turcji latach 1968–1971". Studia Orientalne 9, n.º 1 (2016): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2016103.

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Turkey has the honor of being the first modern, secular state in a predominantly Muslim Middle East. From 1968–1971, the Turkish armed forces played a critical role in the political formation of modern Turkey, contributing to a watershed moment in Turkish history as the country’s youth began to split between the ideological left and the right. The country was in a state of chaos as of January 1971. Turkish universities closed their doors and students formed groups of urban guerrillas, robbing banks and targeting Americans for kidnappings. “Young Turks” as they were known, grew dramatically in strength, registering the most strikes between January 1 and March 12, 1971. Consequently, a Turkish military intervention came as no surprise to most people in the country at that time. This article analyzes the Republic of Turkey’s leftist youth movement from 1968 to 1971.

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Ayçiçegi-Dinn, Ayse y Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris. "Individualism–collectivism among Americans, Turks and Turkish immigrants to the U.S." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 35, n.º 1 (enero de 2011): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2010.11.006.

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Rasmussen, Anne K. "Made in America: Historical and Contemporary Recordings of Middle Eastern Music in the United States". Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, n.º 2 (diciembre de 1997): 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002631840003563x.

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Although Americans of Middle Eastern origin—be they of Arab, Turkish, Armenian, Sephardic Jewish, Assyrian, Greek, or Central Asian heritage—comprise one of the fastest growing groups in the United States, their music may seem invisible to the American musical connoisseur. Many of the recordings of Middle Eastern American musicians are produced and distributed within community networks. Walk into an Armenian grocer in Watertown, Massachusetts or into a Lebanese audio-video store in Dearborn, Michigan, and you will find hundreds of hours of music by Middle Eastern Americans for your listening pleasure. Walk into your public library and you may not find a thing. Middle Eastern music made in America is simply not widely available on the major or alternative recording labels to which we habitually turn for our fare of world music.

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Kaftanoglu, Burcu y Dallen J. Timothy. "Return Travel, Assimilation, and Cultural Maintenance: An Example of Turkish-Americans in Arizona". Tourism Analysis 18, n.º 3 (9 de agosto de 2013): 273–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3727/108354213x13673398610655.

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Kudayarov, Kanybek A. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE TURKISH MILITARY-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX". RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, n.º 2 (2023): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2023-2-98-110.

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The article considers a brief history of the development of the Turkish military-industrial sector. Attention is paid to its current state, defined as a major technological breakthrough in the development and creation of complex systems of various types of weapons on the territory of Turkey. The security issues faced by Ankara in the period following the “Arab Spring”, the increased attacks by terrorist organizations, the geopolitical uncertainty caused by the withdrawal of Americans from Iraq and Afghanistan, forced the Turkish authorities to reconsider their approaches to the internal security of the state, shifting the emphasis from threats emanating from Turkey itself to the challenges posed by its origin is outside the Turkish territory. Such a rapid shift in the focus of potential and real threats to Turkey from national borders to adjacent (and remote) territories of neighboring states required the application of efforts and resources significantly exceeding the previous ones. That became a reason for the rapid development of the Turkish militaryindustrial complex, in which Turkey’s membership in NATO played a major role, providing Ankara with the necessary technological solutions, without which the further modernization of national “defense” would not be so successful. Having gone beyond providing its armed forces with the modern logistical means, Ankara is gradually turning into one of the major exporters of military products whereas commercial arms exports are becoming one of Turkey’s foreign policy priorities.

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Gurleyik, Duygu, Celia K. Naivar Sen, Jennifer L. Etnier y Ibrahim H. Acar. "Culture in Physical Activity: The Contribution of Basic Psychological Needs and Goal Orientation". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n.º 24 (12 de diciembre de 2022): 16691. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192416691.

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Numerous variables affect motivation in physical activity (PA) with culture being an understudied variable. Self-determination theory’s basic psychological needs (BPN) includes a combination of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in PA; however, cultural definitions pit autonomy and relatedness against each other. Thus, this study aims to investigate the moderating role of culture on relationships between BPN, goal orientations (ego, task) for PA, and PA behavior. A survey was implemented to 168 participants (109 females, 59 males; 92 Turks, 76 Americans) investigating students’ self-construal type, their basic psychological needs in exercise (BPNES), PA levels (Godin Leisure-Time Exercise Questionnaire/GLTEQ), and goal orientation types (Task and Ego Orientation in Sport Questionnaire/TEOSQ). Turks (n = 92) and Americans (n = 76) demonstrated distinct cultural differences in terms of the study variables. American students were more autonomous, task-oriented, and physically active than Turkish students. Results from the multi-group path analysis showed that there was a moderating role of culture between predictors (i.e., BPN Autonomy, BPN Relatedness, BPN Competence, Ego Orientation, and Task Orientation) and Physical Activity. Such that, the paths from predictors (i.e., BPNT Autonomy, BPNT Relatedness, BPNT Competence, Ego Orientation, and Task Orientation) to PA was not significant in Turkish cultural context. Results suggest that culturally tailored approaches to PA interventions are critical in supporting motivation for physical activity and further research is needed to explore different culturally relevant motivational drivers for PA among adults.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Turkish-Americans"

Orhaner, Berkay. "Reconstruction Of Turkishness Among The Turkish Immigrants In Rochester". Master's thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615592/index.pdf.

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This thesis examines the history of Turks migrated from Turkey to Rochester and their changing constructions of identities. In the early 1960&rsquo
s, there was only a small group of Turkish immigrants in Rochester, who were well educated professionals. After 1967, Turkish tailors and their families, who were seeking better employment in Western countries started to migrate to Rochester. Different than the common aspect of homeland based Turkish labor migration to West, Turkish tailors in Rochester came from different cities of Turkey. As a result of the communication between high skilled Turks and the tailor-migrants, Turkish Society of Rochester was founded as a distinctive immigrant association. This study focuses on Turkish Society of Rochester and the other Turkish organizations in Rochester which were established after 1990&rsquo
s, in order to investigate the role of ethnic, cultural and political identities on the formation of collective behavior of Turks in Rochester. The thesis considers the concept of integration as a bidirectional phenomenon, whereby Turks can integrate with the larger American society and/or with the Turkish community within the US as well. This study has concluded that the religious identity is becoming more prominent within the changing social context of Rochester.

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Ognibene, Terri Ann. "Discovering the Voices of the Segregated: Oral History of the Educational Experiences of the Turkish People of Sumter County, South Carolina". unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04262008-165638/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Joyce E. Many, committee chair; Mary Ariail, Randy Fair, Dana Fox, Carol Semonsky, committee members. Electronic text (240 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 7, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-229).

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Libros sobre el tema "Turkish-Americans"

Hasan, Dindi Maija Gazur Wayne M. Gazur Aysen Dindi. Turkish culture for Americans. Boulder, Colo., U.S.A: International Concepts, 1989.

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Ahmed, Frank. Turks in America: The Ottoman Turk's immigrant experience. [Greenwich, Ct: Columbia International, 1993.

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Bakırcı, Mustafa. Amerika'daki Giresun: Göç, kültür ve din. Esenler, İstanbul: Bir Yayıncılık, 2019.

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Tunceroğlu, Ayşe Göktürk. Amerika mektupları. Sirkeci, İstanbul: Türk Edebiyatı Vakfı Yayınları, 1992.

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Şahin, Emrah. Bir zamanlar Amerika ve Türkler: Siyasi, sosyal, dinı̂ ve ticarı̂ temaslar. Osmanbey, İstanbul: Libra Kitapçılık ve Yayıncılık Ticaret A.Ş., 2017.

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Erolgaç, Yılmaz. Amerika'da kırk yıl: Kadıköy'den Wall Street'e yaşam kavgam. 3^a ed. Kadıköy, İstanbul: Sokak Yayın Grubu, 2019.

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Kazan, Elia. Beyond the Aegean. New York: Knopf, 1994.

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Mustian, Mark. The gendarme. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2010.

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Justin, McCarthy. Turks and Armenians: A manual on the Armenian question. Washington, D.C: Committee on Education, Assembly of Turkish American Associations, 1989.

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Carolyn, McCarthy y Assembly of Turkish American Associations., eds. Turks and Armenians: A manual on the Armenian question. Washington, D.C: Committee on Education, Assembly of Turkish American Associations, 1989.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Turkish-Americans"

Goode, James F. "Making Turkey Pay". En The Turkish Arms Embargo, 17–47. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179681.003.0003.

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This chapter details the international response to the outbreak of violence on Cyprus, resulting in the Turkish intervention. It focuses on the effective efforts of Greek Americans to lobby on behalf of Cyprus, using national and local organizations throughout the country and garnering support from Armenian allies. It explains how key activists in Congress, with the crucial support of ethnic lobbyists, successfully organized to press the Ford administration to accept an arms embargo. Finally, it reveals the initial inadequacies of the White House in trying to counter this insurgency.

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Goode, James F. "Turning Congress". En The Turkish Arms Embargo, 48–85. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179681.003.0004.

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This chapter follows the Ford administration’s efforts throughout 1975 to lobby Congress to lift the embargo and embargo supporters’ response to this pressure, highlighting the successes and failures of each. It examines the lobbying efforts of Greek, Armenian, and Jewish Americans to maintain the sanctions on Turkey. It discusses the reasons for the initial failure to pass the Scott bill in the summer of 1975, followed by the administration’s more successful campaign in the fall of that year. It focuses on the critical role of John Rhodes and the minority Republicans in this controversy. Finally, it discusses the elimination of the opium issue as a factor in US-Turkish relations by the end of 1975.

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Cross, Susan E. y Ayşe K. Üskül. "The Pursuit of Honor". En Handbook of Advances in Culture and Psychology, 189–244. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197631669.003.0004.

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Abstract Why are people around the world willing to sacrifice for honor? This chapter addresses that question with a focus on the little-researched cultural context of Turkey. When compared to European Americans from northern US states, Turkish people have richer conceptions of the concept of honor, and they perceive that a greater variety of situations are imbued with honor-related implications. They respond to honor-relevant situations with more intense emotions and are more sensitive to sharing content in social media that could lead to shame or disrepute. This research replicates previous findings of the link between honor and aggression, and it showed that honor threats impair goal pursuit more among Turkish participants. Turkish participants react more strongly to a charge that they behaved dishonestly (i.e., an honor threat) than to a charge that they were incompetent, compared to European American participants in northern US states. This research provides an important extension to previous research focused on the southern states in the United States.

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Hüsem, Selim. "Millî Mücadele Sırasında ABD’nin Ankara Temsilcileri". En Millî Mücadele'nin Yerel Tarihi 1918-1923 (Cilt 12): Ankara, 507–24. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-74-0.ch18.

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"The national movement led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha had chosen Ankara as its center due to its protected location. Ankara was also an important city in Anatolia in terms of transportation. Following the occupation of Istanbul by the Entente powers, the Parliament was dissolved. The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was formed in Ankara with the participation of both members of the Assembly in Istanbul and deputies elected from various parts of the country. The Turkish Army's successes brought international recognition to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Many foreign representatives, including those of the Entente powers, were present in the city. By 1921, the United States, which had representatives here, was aware of the de facto authority of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. US officials in Istanbul and Anatolia were making moves to protect their commercial activities, aid organizations, and educational institutions. However, the people who led the National Struggle moves that could mean recognizing the cadre as an official government. avoided. The Government of the Turkish Grand National Assembly had adopted the principle of full independence as a red line in its relations with all foreign elements, including the Americans. They therefore expected that every American demand would be met with a response. For the archival sources in the study, the State Archives Presidency of the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey and The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) documents accessible from the Gale Archive Unbound database were used. utilized. In addition, the relevant volumes of The Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series, which are published as document books, were utilized. Publications analyzing Turkish-American relations during the War of Independence were also utilized."

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Laderman, Charlie. "The American Solution". En Sharing the Burden, 140–68. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190618605.003.0006.

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This chapter re-examines the American conflict over its world role after World War I and reinterprets the evolution of ideas on the purpose of the League of Nations in both Britain and the United States. It explains how Wilson’s attempt to offer a solution to the Armenian question through an American mandate became entangled in a wider debate over America’s future world role. It reveals why leading British statesman also looked to the United States to solve the Armenian question through assuming mandates for Armenia and the municipal district of Constantinople. And it reveals how Turkish and Armenian leaders influenced the mandate debate, forcing Americans to confront the complexities of pacifying the post-Ottoman Near East.

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Nettle, Daniel y Suzanne Romaine. "Where Have All the Languages Gone?" En Vanishing Voices, 1–25. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195136241.003.0001.

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Abstract A few years ago, linguists raced to the Turkish farm village of Haci Osman to record Tefvik Esenc, a frail farmer believed to be the last known speaker of the Ubykh language once spoken in the northwestern Caucasus. At that time only four or five elder tribesmen remembered some phrases of the language, but only Esenc knew it fluently. Even his own three sons were unable to converse with their father in his native language because they had become Turkish speakers. In 1984 Esenc had already written the inscription he wanted on his gravestone: “This is the grave of Tefvik Esenc. He was the last person able to speak the language they called Ubykh.” With Esenc’s death in 1992, Ubykh too joined the ever increasing number of extinct languages. Four years later in South Carolina a native American named Red Thundercloud died, the last voice of a dying tongue. No longer able to converse in his native language with the remaining members of his community, he took the language of his tribe to the grave with him. Red Thundercloud was alone among his people, but not alone among native Americans. Roscinda Nolasquez of Pala, California, the last speaker of Cupeiio, died in 1987 at the age of 94, and Laura Somersal, one of the last speakers of Wappo, died in 1990.

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Kalinyak, Karen. "Sickle Cell Anemia". En Pediatric Nutrition In Chronic Diseases And Developmental Disorders, 239–42. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195165647.003.0034.

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Abstract Sickle cell anemia (SCA) is a genetic disorder in which a sickle gene (Hb S) is inherited from each parent. Persons with sickle cell trait (Hb AS) carry the sickle gene but under normal circumstances are completely asymptomatic. The sickle gene is prevalent in people of African, Italian, Sicilian, Egyptian, Turkish, Arabian, and Asiatic Indian background. In the United States, sickle cell disease is found predominantly in African Americans. About 1 of every 12 African Americans are asymptomatic carriers (have sickle cell trait), and approximately 1 of every 400 African American newborns have the disease. The sickle hemoglobin is the result of a single amino acid substitution of valine for glutamic acid in the sixth position of the beta globin chain. In contrast to the usual adult hemoglobin (Hb A), the sickle hemoglobin tends to polymerize when it undergoes deoxygenation. This process affects the shape of the red blood cell, forming elongated, stiff, less deformable sickleshaped cells that are rapidly destroyed and removed from the circulation. The two primary manifestations of SCA are severe hemolytic anemia and widespread vaso-occlusion and infarction of various organs and tissues. The hemolytic anemia is a result of the markedly shortened life span of the sickle cells, which survive in the circulation for only 9–11 days compared to 120 days for normal red blood cells. The clinical manifestations that reflect this ongoing hemolytic process include jaundice, pallor, weakness, and fatigue. The widespread vaso-occlusion is a result of the adherence of the stiff, less deformable sickle cells to the lining of blood vessels, which virtually plugs up the small vessels and thus obstructs blood flow to a particular tissue or organ.

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Mayers, David. "War and Revolution". En The Ambassadors and America’s Soviet Policy, 67–89. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195068023.003.0004.

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Abstract American diplomacy in St. Petersburg seemed to mock the Provisional Government’s herculean effort to prosecute military operations against Germany while establishing democracy. Against the background of Bolshevik audaciousness and despite Washington’s need for reliable analysis of shifting conditions, U.S. diplomacy was hesitant and uncomprehending. In contrast to compelling Americans on Russian soil, from the romantic John Reed to the Red Cross’s exuberant Raymond Robins, Ambassadors George Marye and David Francis stood out because of their nai’vete. Wartime Diplomacy Nowhere more than in Russia did the Great War prove the wisdom of Clausewitz’s injunction against making warfare into “something pointless and devoid of sense.” Casualties in 1914 to 1918 were unimaginable to St. Petersburg as it considered the course to take during the weeks following Francis Ferdinand’s assassination. Of the 12,000,000 men who were mobilized for military service, approximately 1,700,000 were killed in battle, 4,950,000 wounded, 2,410,000 captured.1 Additional fatalities from disease, suffering among civilians, and damage to property were equally fearful. Acquisition of the Black Sea Straits, Constantinople, and other Turkish territories could not have justified these costs, let alone the unleashing of destructive revolution and civil war.

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French, David. "Reconstructing the New World Order, 1921–6". En Deterrence, Coercion, and Appeasement, 113–66. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863355.003.0004.

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This chapter explains how British policy-makers re-shaped the immediate post-war settlement in ways that gave them peace combined with security. At the Washington conference the British contained the American threat to their global naval supremacy, and the Japanese threat to their regional security in the Far East. The British public wanted arms limitation agreements, and British policy-makers gave it to them, and they did so in a way that enhanced the security of their empire. They also succeed in blunting the threat to the peace and security of Europe and the Middle East. By 1922 the combination of the Russo-Turkish treaty and the Russo-German treaty signed at Rapallo meant that the three major revisionist powers, the USSR, Germany, and Turkey, had come together in a potentially dangerous grouping intent on overturning the post-war settlement. Over the next four years the British broke up that alliance. The Treaty of Lausanne, the Dawes Plan, the Locarno pact, and the settlement of the Mosul dispute created, at least temporarily, the kind of stable settlement they needed to safeguard their imperial security. By 1926 Britain was the world’s only global power. The Americans might have had the economic and financial wherewithal to challenge them, but they lacked the sustained political will to do so.

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Goode, James F. "“They Have Made a Mess of Cyprus”". En The Turkish Arms Embargo, 86–104. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179681.003.0005.

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This chapter opens with the 1976 presidential campaign. Each candidate made efforts to attract Greek Americans’ support, but Carter criticized Ford’s handling of Cyprus, promising to do more for the island, and won them over. Vice President Mondale played a major role in formulating foreign policy and also served as liaison with his former colleagues in Congress. The new administration had to decide quickly how to deal with Cyprus. The US-Turkey Defense Cooperation Agreement that Ford had submitted to Congress caused some awkwardness for the Democrats. The new president sent senior statesman Clark Clifford to the eastern Mediterranean to gather information. Following Clifford’s report, the administration seemed ready to pursue a bizonal solution on the island, which Archbishop Makarios was willing to accept. With Makarios’s unexpected death and Turkey’s continuing resistance to US pressure, however, the White House paid less attention to the island, turning its attention to other regional troubles.

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