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1
Wilson, George Robert. "Investigating the idea of a European Union minimum wage policy : a socio-legal perspective." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22333/.
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This thesis investigates the idea of a European Union (EU) minimum wage policy, exploring what it might look like given the significant obstacles that stand in the way of its realisation. The idea of a minimum wage policy for the EU has a long and varied history and can be traced to the inception of the Single Market. Over the course of European integration, suggestions have been made for the Union to coordinate wages in Member States, against both absolute and relative values. Justifications for intervention have varied but predominately focus on the prevalence of low wage work in Europe. However, the limited competence of the Union to act in the area of pay, coupled with the heterogeneity of industrial relations systems in Member States, makes the realisation of an EU minimum wage at the hands of the Union highly unlikely. In light of these impediments, this thesis articulates an alternative policy. This policy would be instituted by the European social partners and implemented by an 'autonomous' European social partner agreement. Given the scope of social partner agreements, this approach would lead to a more 'transnational' wage policy akin to collective agreements signed between European industry federations and employers' associations organised across national boarders. In outlining the contours of this policy, valuable insights are gained into the operation of the European social dialogue and its potential to serve as an alternative space for societal governance. Furthermore, a potential 'hybrid' regulatory form for such a policy is suggested - between an autonomous agreement and 'new' governance processes - that would improve the effectiveness of its implementation.
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Lindén, Tord Skogedal. "Whose idea? : family policy in Germany and Norway and the role of international organizations /." Bergen : Univ. of Bergen, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018908670&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Anderson, John (John Stark). "Trade union investment funds : the emergence of a new idea and its realization in Sweden, Italy and Québec." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59608.
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The thesis examines the emergence of a new idea--trade union investment funds. The thesis looks at their establishment in Sweden, Italy and Quebec in the years 1983-84. The thesis aims to compare these three funds, the first three in the developed countries, and attempts to explain the reason for the important differences between the funds. The thesis situates the funds within the overall concept of economic democracy and traces a brief historical sketch of the development of this idea. The evolution of the general fund idea is exposed as is the debate over the significance of the funds in intellectual, political and union circles. The thesis examines whether the funds, particularly the Swedish version, represent a step forward towards socialism, yet a further integration of the working class into advanced capitalist society or an attack on democratic pluralism.
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Kusluch, Joseph Aloysius IV. "Building Socialism: The Idea of Progress and the Construction of Industrial Cities in the Soviet Union, 1927-1938." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1347969635.
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Czech, Susanne [Verfasser], Karsten [Akademischer Betreuer] Fitz, and Volker [Akademischer Betreuer] Depkat. "Clarence Streit's Union Now and the Idea of an Anglo-American Union: A Movement Away From Imperialism to a World State? / Susanne Czech ; Karsten Fitz, Volker Depkat." Passau : Universität Passau, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1237497426/34.
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Stockman, Christian. "A novel idea : the role of the Temporary Committee on Climate Change in the European Parliament and the European Union." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/13763.
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This thesis focuses on the European Parliament’s Temporary Committee on Climate Change and its function as a political actor in the context of European governance. It illuminates the role of the Committee as a policy-shaping instrument vis-à-vis standing parliamentary committees and elaborates on the significance of its actorness within the EU. The CLIM Committee’s unique horizontal mandate, ability to cut across typical
institutional boundaries and considerable influence allowed it to achieve its political objectives.
A discussion about CLIM’s creation is presented in the context of institutional spillover, as a dominant aspect of the neo-functional theoretical framework of European integration. An examination of the organization and structure of EP’s committee system as well as the EP’s position in the EU provides a foundation for analysis and evaluation of its accomplishments. The dialogue surrounding the publication of CLIM’s groundbreaking
final report also helps to shed light on how the Committee greatly influenced climate change policy in the EU. In addition, CLIM’s innovative structure and operation fostered cooperation between committees that was previously unheard of. This resulted in a new paradigm for information gathering and the addressing of multidisciplinary issues such as climate change that can only be tackled on a supranational plane.
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Jones, Isaiah E. "The Mystical Union of Infant Baptism: How Baptists Contributed to the Idea of Race by Their Rejection of Infant Baptism." DigitalCommons@USU, 2015. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/4514.
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In the first three centuries CE, the sacrament of baptism proved to be a universal tool which united people beyond age, race, or ethnicity as we understand it today. To put it simply, the theological meaning of baptism was reinforced by the sacrament of infant baptism. That is to say that the Christian faith was for all, irrespective of one’s race, age, or social-status. This openness to Christianity changed in the early modern period. In the seventeenth century the Baptists rejected infant baptism, for a more rational faith based on Enlightenment and Romantic assumptions. What the Baptists did not realize was just how embedded the social, political, economic, and other forms of human meaning and understanding were rooted in the sacrament of infant baptism. This thesis is an intellectual and social history on how Baptists contributed to the idea of race in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by their rejection of infant baptism. By the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Southern Baptists created a theology that supported racial superiority in North America. Once radical Protestant groups such as the Baptists rejected the inclusive baptismal theology of Irenaeus Lyon and Origen of Alexandria by leaving the Church of England, the incarnational and communal elements that once united Christianity would lead to racial divisions within Christian denominations in the modern period. Consequently, by rejecting the classical understanding of baptism-salvation, many Baptists looked elsewhere than baptism or religion for their identity and now looked to novel notions of species and race. These innovative explanations of identity outside of baptism led to racial superiority within North American Christendom in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. For the purpose of this study, I shall look at second century CE theologians Irenaeus of Lyons (130-202 CE) and Origen of Alexandria (184-254 CE) and compare their thoughts to the theological interpretation of John Smyth of Nottinghamshire (1570-1612 CE), and how his theological approach indirectly contributed to the idea of racial superiority (i.e. skin color) within early North American Christendom.
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Siedberg, Marie. "Do ideologies matter? : Idea analysis of foreign policy in the United States of America." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2516.
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<p>The aim of this essay is to clarify if there is an ideological difference within the political area of foreign policy of the United States. The question that will be answered is: Is the American foreign policy coloured by different ideologies, or has that area of politics become an arena without ideology differences?</p><p>In order to answer the question, the method used in this essay is idea analysis using ideal types as analytical instrument. The texts that are being analysed are the State of the Union Addresses of four American presidents. The presidents are Carter, Reagan, Bush and Clinton and each president give this speech once a year. The presidents are chosen due to the fact that their presidencies follow each other and are as recently in time as possible.</p><p>After analysing all of the speeches and considering the surrounding circumstances, like the Cold War, I came to the conclusion that there is no ideological difference within foreign policy of the United States of America. Some areas of foreign policy, however, show more or less connotations to either idealism or realism. Even tough ideology plays a part; there is no difference between the liberal party and the conservative party.</p>
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Germane, Marina. "The history of the idea of Latvians as a civic nation, 1850-1940." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4382/.
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This thesis challenges the customary approach of studying the latent ethnic conflict in Latvia exclusively through the prism of post-Soviet studies, looking for the causes of societal disaccord in Latvia’s recent past as a Soviet Socialist Republic, when numerous traumas were induced on the eponymous nation, from the deportations of 1940 which robbed the nation of its intelligentsia, to Russification policies that threatened the very existence of the Latvian language and culture, and to mass labour immigration that radically changed the country’s demography and ethnic composition. While recognising that this approach has its own merits, this thesis focuses on another important factor contributing to the present ethnic discord, namely the historical development of the idea of the Latvian nation, especially vis-à-vis ethnic minorities, who have always been present in significant numbers on Latvian territory through the course of modern history. More often than not, the interwar period of Latvian independence and nation-building is discarded by political scientists as bearing purely symbolic meaning and having no real impact on the present. This thesis challenges this widespread assumption and argues that, on the contrary, both the genesis of the idea of the Latvian nation and its interwar experience of statehood are vital to understanding the present-day dynamics. My thesis encompasses the period of Latvian history from the mid-19th century, when Latvians’ national awakening began, to 1940, when the country lost its independence as a result of Soviet annexation. The aim of this thesis is three-fold: first, to challenge the widespread (and historically inaccurate) assumption prevalent in modern Latvia that the idea of the civic nation is something intrinsically alien and unsuitable, imposed on Latvia from above; secondly, to examine the long-forgotten original contributions made to the concept of civic nationalism, and to the whole universalist-particularist dilemma, by Latvian thinkers at the beginning of the 20th century, and to place them in the wider framework of European interwar history and nationalism studies; thirdly, to identify the key issues in majority-minority relations that contributed to the eventual deterioration of minority rights in Latvia prior to World War Two, and, to a certain extent, to the demise of parliamentarian democracy in 1934. These issues (divided into three principal clusters: citizenship, language, and education) are then compared to the remarkably similar challenges faced by Latvian society since 1991.
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BRUNO, FEDERICO. "ORDOLIBERALISM AND THE REFORM OF THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE DURING THE EURO CRISIS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/748061.
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The thesis aims at investigating the influence of Ordoliberalism, a German variant of Neoliberalism, in the reforms of the European economic governance undertaken during the crisis. The influence of the ordoliberal ideology has become, in the last years, a contentious topic: part of the literature claims that Ordoliberalism did influence the actions of the German government in the years of the crisis, while another part denies that this ideology played any significant role. This thesis aims to contribute to this debate.
The thesis is divided in two parts. The first one is theoretical and reconstructs the ordoliberal ideology relying on Michael Freeden’s morphological approach. The second part is empirical and uses the methodologies of political science to trace the influence of this ideology in the European crisis politics.
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Nieminen, Linda. "Transnational lists : An opportunity for the future?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162521.
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In the tumultuous political climate following Brexit, a new energy has been given to the idea of establishing transnational lists for the European elections. With the ever-increasing need for democratic legitimacy on the EU stage, the system of transnational lists is viewed by many as a salvation to the problem with democratic deficit within the European Union. The idea of transnational lists was voted in the European Parliament during the plenary session in Strasbourg on February 2018 but rejected after a debate on a clearly divided issue. By analysing the debate from 2018, this study aims to investigate what are the conditions, found in the debate, that could make transnational lists in the European Parliament possible. When analysing the debate from 2018, five significant conditions for transnational lists were identified. These conditions were democracy, question of federal states, the aspect of spitzenkandidaten, solidarity and the size of Member States. Interestingly, the conditions were observed to be both obstacles and possibilities for transnational lists. Taken together, these results suggest that there is an association between the above-named conditions and the failure of the proposition for transnational lists, alternatively, to a future breakthrough.
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Koether, Philipp. "On the basis of F.A.v. Hayek's idea of a free market monetary system and his publication: "Denationalisation ofmoney : an analysis of the theory and practice of concurrentcurrencies" (1976) about currency competition on financial markets inthe times of electronic commerce and the introduction of "e-money"." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31972810.
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Roncato, Giacomo <1995>. "Idea di Unione Europea come Stato Unico Federale." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16914.
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Dopo una breve analisi storica della nascita e dell'integrazione europea, e dell'idea federale, applicata alla stessa situazione europea, questo lavoro andrà ad analizzare la composizione della lobby federalista europea, soprattutto il suo lavoro e le sue azioni mirate ad incentivare la nascita e lo sviluppo di uno stato unico federale, partendo dalla base dell'Unione Europea, con particolare attenzione all'ultimo ventennio, dai primi anni duemila ad oggi.
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Vaitkuté, Laura. "Säkerhet kontra desinformation : En idéanalys av Europeiska unionens säkerhetspolitik mot desinformation." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-54875.
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Disinformation is a growing problem in a fast changing world, where technology today contributes to the spread of false and sometimes directly harmful information. Within the field of international security studies there is an ongoing theoretical conflict over whether or not security ought to be expanded to include issues that otherwise do not concern the traditional state and military-centric approach. One such issue is the multifaceted phenomenon disinformation, which some claim has little or no meaning and relevancy within the international arena. This is because it mainly influences individuals. Nevertheless, the EU has still initiated security work to combat disinformation. The main purpose of this study is to describe and illustrate how disinformation is defined within the EU’s security framework. Applying David. A Baldwins conceptual dimensions and ideal types and anchoring them in the prominent theories realism, liberalism and constructivism, the study aims to describe and illustrate how EU views disinformation in its pursuit for security. The study later shows that disinformation needs to be affirmed and taken more seriously by the international community.
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Viehoff, Juri. "Social justice in the European Union : a social democratic ideal for an 'ever closer union'." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a34be45e-866f-4919-bfd5-cba2eb2337d9.
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In recent decades the European Union has moved from a multilateral treaty to a distinctive social, political, and economic order among European states. During the same period political philosophers have increasingly turned their attention to questions of justice beyond the state. But their discussions have largely focused on global justice, and have paid relatively little attention to the distinctive moral and political questions raised by the emergence of a new type of order among European states. This thesis fills this lacuna, by developing a conception of ‘social democratic’ or ‘egalitarian’ social justice for the specific institutional arrangements of the EU. In Chapters one through three, I delineate a general conception of ‘pluralist egalitarianism’, the view that we have a variety of grounds for endorsing equality-inclined economic institutions domestically. Direct egalitarian arguments stress the internal requirements of institutional fairness to which basic economic institutions are subject. Indirect egalitarian arguments favour egalitarian economic outcomes based on concerns of social equality. I further differentiate between a transnationalist and an internationalist position. Direct transnationalist arguments stress the EU’s similarity to domestic institutions and derive egalitarian economic requirements for the EU as a whole. Indirect transnationalists argue that EU citizens stand in a distinctive kind of relationship such that the value of social equality has purchase amongst them, and social equality requires a limitation on economic inequalities at the EU level. By contrast, internationalists insist on the continuing importance of national self-determination. However, they endorse more substantive economic institutions at the EU level to protect existing social democratic welfare state arrangements. In chapter four to seven, I assess the extent to which each of these arguments can support a more egalitarian organisation of basic economic institutions at the EU level. Finally, I offer one practical proposal that would help the EU to realise the social democratic vision I have defended. This is the idea of an EU social minimum. I explain how such a social minimum would be conceived and implemented, and I demonstrate why transnationalists and internationalists should endorse such a policy.
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Ida, Monica. "On the homogeneous ideal of the generic union of lines in P³." Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37598483m.
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Kruck, Nicolai. "Der Grundsatz ne bis in idem im europäischen Kartellverfahrensrecht." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/992301521/04.
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Henley, William F. "Recovery status and chemosensory cues affecting reproduction of freshwater mussles in the North Fork Holston River downstream of Saltville, Virginia." Thesis, This resource online, 1996. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-09182008-063340/.
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Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.
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Eicker, Andreas. "Transstaatliche Strafverfolgung : ein Beitrag zur Europäisierung, Internationalisierung und Fortentwicklung des Grundsatzes ne bis in idem /." Herbolzheim : Centaurus, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/396035515.pdf.
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Heinbach, Gesa [Verfasser], Peter [Akademischer Betreuer] Niesen, and Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Steffek. "Ein Kosmopolitismus-Ideal für die Europäische Union / Gesa Heinbach. Betreuer: Peter Niesen ; Jens Steffek." Darmstadt : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1110791720/34.
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Schäfer, David. "Explaining the creation of the EU Banking Union : the interplay between interests and ideas." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3664/.
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How do we explain the outcome of the EU banking union negotiations? Still in 2011, a majority of governments opposed the banking union. They suddenly reversed policies and agreed the creation of a joint supervisor at the Euro Summit in June 2012. This thesis invokes liberal intergovernmentalism to explain the creation of the banking union. Yet, the negotiations pose two major puzzles. First, no clear predictions can be derived from liberal intergovernmentalism for the preferences of arguably the most powerful member state: the German government. Interest groups were divided, public opinion contradictory, and macro-economic preferences unclear. With no clearly most powerful interest, more than one policy was a rational course of action (Folk theorem). To solve this puzzle, the thesis argues that worldviews based on the principles of Ordnungspolitik influenced German policy-makers. In the absence of a unique equilibrium, these worldviews tipped the scale towards a policy of realigning control and liability. The outcome of the interstate negotiations poses the second puzzle for liberal intergovernmentalism. Its power-based theory of interstate bargaining cannot account for German concessions on several issues. Drawing on an account of rhetorical action, the thesis argues that a coalition of Southern European countries used the collectively stated goal to ‘break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns’ to prove German preferences as unsuitable for achieving this goal. While exposing the weaknesses of the German government’s policy responses, the Southern coalition framed their own preferences for risk-sharing as the most effective solution to the problem. The German government was forced to acquiesce in considerably more risk-sharing than it had initially deemed acceptable. The thesis draws on 84 interviews with negotiators from Germany, France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and the EU institutions. The analysis provides several generalisable insights into the role of ideas for domestic preferences and interstate negotiations.
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Ottel, Wilfried. "Forex netting, close out netting im Ausserbilanzbereich : aufsichtsrechtliche Anerkennung einer Idee? /." Bern [u.a.] : Haupt, 1995. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/275950514.pdf.
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Ida, Monica. "On the homogeneous ideal of the generic union of lines in the projective 3-space." Nice, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986NICE4020.
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Soit c l'union générique de d droites dans l'espace projectif, et i r la composante de degré k de l'idéal homogène de c. On démontre que, si d en excès 4, l'application naturelle du produit tensoriel de i r avec l'espace vectoriel des polynômes homogènes linéaires, dans i r+1, est de rang maximum pour tout k. On obtient ainsi le premier pas de la résolution libre minimale de l'idéal homogène de c. La résolution toute entière est déterminée lorsqu’à une certaine fonction du degré est non nulle ; ce qui est vérifié pour une infinité de valeurs de d
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Patry, Pénélope. ""Drømmen om Europas forente stater" ("Le rêve des Etats-Unis d'Europe"). Entre internationalisme et européisme, l'autre Europe du jeune Willy Brandt en exil (1933-1947)." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSEN047/document.
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Le fait que dès ses années d'exil scandinave, entre 1933 et 1947, le jeune Willy Brandt se lance dans le débat sur l'avenir d'une Europe unifiée et en propose des conditions concrètes de réalisation est encore très largement méconnu. Pourtant, la question de l'Europe jalonne les écrits d'exil du jeune socialiste réfugié en Norvège. Cette thèse de doctorat met en lumière ces primes idées européennes, le « rêve des Etats-Unis d’Europe », que Willy Brandt développe en exil. Elle interroge non seulement le rôle de l’exil scandinave dans l’émergence d’une pensée fédérale européenne chez Brandt, mais également la teneur de son projet et son éventuelle originalité. Cette étude repose sur un corpus de textes écrits de la main de Willy Brandt en Scandinavie entre 1933 et 1947. Dans ses ouvrages consacrés à la politique internationale, dans ses articles rédigés pour la presse ouvrière mais aussi, parfois, dans sa correspondance personnelle, l’objectif est d’identifier, dans une perspective d’analyse du discours, le motif de l’Europe unie et de l’analyser en contexte afin de le comprendre et de discerner ses potentielles évolutions. Cette étude se base sur des sources originales et pour partie non exploitées, ce qui a nécessité un travail conséquent de recherches en archives mais aussi, dans la mesure où Brandt publie à cette époque en norvégien et en suédois, l’apprentissage des langues scandinaves. Cette thèse de doctorat montre que par son influence contextuelle et culturelle, l’exil scandinave a marqué la pensée européenne de Brandt et que son modèle d’Europe sociale et démocratique porte indéniablement l’empreinte du socialisme scandinave<br>The fact that during his Scandinavian exile between 1933 and 1947, the young Willy Brandt has been engaged in the debate about the future Europe and even proposed concrete conditions for its realization is still largely unknown. Still, the question of Europe marked out his exile writings and was as such the focus of particular attention from the young socialist refugee in Norway as early as 1939. This doctoral thesis aims to highlight these early European ideas, the “dream of the United States of Europe”, that Willy Brandt developed during his exile. It shall question not only the role of his Scandinavian exile on the emergence of a European federal thought in Brandt’s exile writings, but also the content of his project, its particularities and furthermore its possible originality. At a time when resistance groups were massively discussing the idea of the European unification, what may characterize Brandt's proposal for Europe? And how did these first European ideas evolve during the Second World War as the contexts of conception and communication also changed. To answer these questions, this PhD thesis is based on the analysis of texts written by Willy Brandt in Scandinavia between 1933 and 1947. The corpus consists of three types of documents: books or monographs about the war and the global international context, journalistic writings (newspaper articles, brochures, pamphlets, conference manuscripts all signed by Brandt between 1933 and 1947) and personal correspondence. The objective has been to identify in all these exile writings the motive of Europe as well as any other element relating to the theme of a united Europe or likely to be part of a more general reflection on international politics and the new post-war European order. This thesis has the particularity of being based essentially on original documents and hitherto largely unexploited sources, which has required a considerable amount of archival research. Moreover, since the sources used in this PhD thesis were written in Norwegian, Swedish and German, learning two Scandinavian languages, namely Norwegian and Swedish, was necessary. This study shows that through its contextual and cultural influence, the Scandinavian exile marked the emergence and evolution of Brandt’s European ideas between 1933 and 1947. The model of a social and democratic Europe the young Brandt dreamed of and developed during the Second World War undeniably bears the imprint of Scandinavia, and in particular Scandinavian socialism. By doing so, the thesis sheds new light on Willy Brandt’s political foothold and shows the importance of his exile years in the formation of a statesman and his foreign and European policy<br>Die Tatsache, dass Willy Brandt während seines Exils in Skandinavien zurinternationalen Diskussion über die Zukunft eines vereinten Europas beigetragen, und sogarkonkrete Bedingungen für eine künftige Einigung des Kontinents vorgeschlagen hat, ist nochkaum beachtet worden. In seinen Exilschriften tauchte das Thema „Europa“ allerdings immerwieder auf. Vor allem ab 1939 schenkte der junge Flüchtling dem Projekt einer künftigeneuropäischen Einigung besondere Aufmerksamkeit. Zum ersten Mal wird in der vorliegendenForschungsarbeit ein eingehender Überblick über Willy Brandts Europavorstellungen im Exil,deren Ursprung und deren Entwicklung, angeboten, und zwar im Rückgriff auf ursprüngliche,zum Teil bisher unbenutzte Quellen aus deutschem und skandinavischem Archivmaterial.Die Dissertation setzt sich zum Ziel, die Entstehung und die Entwicklung von WillyBrandts frühen Europavorstellungen im besonderen Kontext des skandinavischen Exilszwischen 1933 und 1947 zu analysieren, und fragt folgendes: Inwiefern hat das Exil inSkandinavien die Entstehung und die Ausformung von Brandts außenpolitischenKonzeptionen dauerhaft geprägt? Willy Brandts journalistische und literarische Schriften aus der Exilzeit zwischen 1933und 1947, die ein umfangsreiches Archiv aus Zeitungs-, bzw. Zeitschriftenartikeln, Büchern,Broschüren und gemeinsamen Veröffentlichungen bilden, liegen der vorliegendenForschungsarbeit zugrunde. Ziel ist es gewesen, in diesen Exilschriften das Motiv „Europa“sowie jedes andere Element zu identifizieren und zu erörtern, das sich auf das Thema einesvereinten Europas beziehen oder Teil einer allgemeineren Reflexion über die internationalePolitik und die neue europäische Nachkriegsordnung sein dürfte.Die Besonderheit dieses Forschungskorpus besteht in seiner Mehrsprachigkeit. Die imRahmen des vorliegenden Forschungsprojekts benutzten Texte und Manuskripte wurdennämlich auf Deutsch aber auch auf Norwegisch und auf Schwedisch verfasst. Wichtig war esin dieser Hinsicht, die Originalfassungen heranzuziehen, und damit der gesamtenForschungsarbeit nicht nur Authentizität sondern auch Originalität zu verleihen. In diesemZusammenhang gehörte das Erlernen von zwei skandinavischen Sprachen, nämlichNorwegisch und Schwedisch, natürlich auch zu den Grundlagen des Projekts.Diese Studie hat gezeigt, dass das skandinavische Exil die Entstehung und dieAusformung von Brandts frühen Europavorstellungen zwischen 1933 und 1947 kontextuellund inhaltlich geprägt hat. Im Modell des sozialistischen und demokratischen Europa, wovoner im Exil träumte und das er im Laufe des Zweiten Weltkrieges weiter entwickelte, lassensich nämlich etliche programmatische, kulturelle und politische Einflüsse der skandinavischen– und insbesondere der norwegischen – Sozialdemokratie erkennen. Dabei hat die vorliegendeDissertation die Bedeutung des skandinavischen Exils für die menschliche und politischeEntwicklung des Willy Brandt sowie für die Entstehung eigener außenpolitischer, ja sogareuropäischer Konzepte beim späteren Staatsmann nachvollziehen können
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Cheramie, Vincent Pierre. "Transnational Terrorism and the African Union: From Ideal Aspirations to Harsh Realities in Somalia and Mali." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/97.
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This paper will question why the African Union has been unsuccessful in confronting the rising issue of transnational terrorism. It looks at the history of both the Organization of African Unity and the African Union and examines the measures the two organizations have taken in preventing and combating terrorism. The particular history of African States and their relation to the term “terrorism” is discussed in this section. In this light, I analyze the African Union’s peacekeeping missions in both Somalia and Mali to determine why they have failed to stop the spread of transnational terrorism. In conclusion, I will discuss the reasons why I the African Union has struggled in dealing with transnational terrorism.
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Midtgaard, Magdalena L. "Ballet, culture and elite in the Soviet Union : On Agrippina Vaganova´s Ideas, Teaching Methods, and Legacy." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-123163.
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Balettutbildning har varit auktoritär och elitistisk i århundraden. Med utgångspunkt i Agrippina Vaganova och hennes metodiska systematisering av balettundervisning diskuteras frågor om elit, lärande och tradition inom balettundervisning. Vaganova var en länk mellan tsartidens Ryssland och det nya Sovjet och bidrog aktivt till att balett som konstform, trots sin aristokratiska bakgrund, fördes vidare och blev en viktig kulturpolitiskt aktivitet i Sovjet. Med underlag i texter av Bourdieu och Said diskuteras elit, kulturellt kapital och elitutbildning för att förklara några av de politiska och samhällsmässiga mekanismer som bidragit till balettens unika position i Sovjet. För att placera Vaganova som pedagog i förhållande till balettundervisning och balett genom tiden, presenteras korta informativa kapitel om baletthistoria, och utveckling och spridning av Vaganovas metod, både i Sovjet/Ryssland och i andra länder.
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Gabrielsson, Anna. "A study of pan-African ideas of a collective identity in Africa." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-14122.
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The intention of this paper has been to look at how pan-African ideas about a common identity hav e been expressed and developed on the African continent since the period of decolonisation in the 1960s. By using social constructivist identity-theory I have looked at how identity can be constructed by the use of myths, stories, symbols and ‘othering’. Thereafter I used these ideas when analysing different official documents from pan-African movements such as the creation of the AU and its constitutive act to identify what tools that were used to construct a common African identity. Thereby I was also to see if there had been any change in how pan-African ideas have expressed African identity over time.
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Kennedy, David Alan. "The ideal asset/liability model for credit unions (with assets between $100 - $500 million)." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2699.
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This project focused on developing the ideal Asset / Liability Model for credit unions with assets between one hundred million and five hundred million dollars. Ideally the model should be closely aligned with that of a successful credit union at the high end of this range. SELCO Community Credit Union of Eugene Oregon was used in creating the model.
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Hildermeier, Julia. "How Ideas Change Markets : Social and Semantic Construction(s) of Automobility in 21st century Europe." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015DENS0022.
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Cette thèse cherche à comprendre et développer comment les trajectoires institutionnelles émergent, tant empiriquement que théoriquement. Sur la base d’une étude de cas de l’industrie et la culture automobile, elle identifie les trajectoires de PATH DEPENDENCY, historiquement (chap.1) et théoriquement (chap.2). Dans une approche méthodologique qualitative, les chapitres 4 et 5 identifient les effets des conflits environnementaux dans l’industrie que remettent en cause la justification de sa structure même. L’analyse empirique de différents conflits autour des standards des émissions des voitures, les innovations technologiques comme le moteur électrique montrent que l’automobilité de demain, et le secteur, vont évoluer de manière plus pluraliste et hétérogène qu’avant. Si parmi les deux scenarios de développement une trajectoire institutionnelle stable émerge, elle dépend de si un narratif cohérent peut émerger, qui rend compréhensible et évident les relations entre offre, demande et réglementation pour les acteurs. La conclusion (ch.6) identifie les conditions d’émergence de nouvelles trajectoires institutionnelles : dans les conflits où un narratif alternatif est déjà présent, mais sous-jacent, des nouvelles structures organisationnelles et sémantiques peuvent émerger<br>This PhD thesis seeks to understand how institutional paths emerge, theoretically and empirically. Taking the case of the European automobile industry and culture it revisits how path dependency can emerge historically (chapter 1) and theoretical patterns of path production (chapter 2). Based on qualitative research design (chapter 3), the case study identifies possibilities of path rupture through environmental conflicts in automobile history (chapter 4 and 5). It shows that through path ruptures and the emergence of new paths following new environmental requirements, 21st century automobility builds pluralistic and more heterogeneous semantic and organizational structures. Geographic and local conditions such as city planning and infrastructure matter in shaping vehicle use and culture in the future, as well does the distribution of decision making power on different political levels. Chapter 6summarize s and reflects the results of my micro-analytical study as parts of an emerging theory of path creation. If the analyzed trajectories of scenarios for the automobile sector become reality, either electrified automobility or electric multimodality, depends on whether they build a coherent narrative that ‘make sense’ of offer, demand and regulation in the sector. The case study showed that these coherent narratives can emerge when conflicts render visible already existing counter-narratives. These counter-narratives emerge in situations of crisis, such as when new environmental regulation determines technological development and behavioural adaptation in automobility. Once accepted, they create a new path – a new semantic and organizational structure in society
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Kienzle, Benjamin. "Ideas, Interests and the Limits of Collective Foreign Policy Output: The Case of the European Union Non-Proliferation Policy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/5246.
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La política exterior y de seguridad de la Unión Europea (UE) varía sustancialmente dependiendo de las circunstancias específicas de cada caso. Esto es particularmente evidente en el ámbito de la no proliferación de armas de destrucción masiva (ADM). Por ejemplo, en el caso de la crisis nuclear iraní la UE se muestra un actor propio con un papel bastante coherente y enérgico, mientras que durante la disputa con Irak del 2003, la UE se porta más bien como una organización internacional profundamente dividida e incapaz de realizar acciones independientes. En la presente tesis se asume que las principales variables independientes que pueden explicar este fenómeno no son los 'intereses nacionales' sino las ideas en forma de creencias normativas y causales que sustentan la construcción de intereses, la elección de los instrumentos y, en última instancia, la política exterior colectiva. Por lo tanto, la cuestión central de esta investigación es: ¿Cómo afectan las ideas a la política exterior colectiva, en particular de la UE en el ámbito de la no proliferación?<br/>En la primera parte de la tesis, se desarrolla el marco teórico para comprender mejor la relación entre las ideas y los diferentes grados de acción colectiva por grupos de estados en materia de 'alta política.' Basado en un modelo concreto sobre el papel de las ideas en la cooperación internacional, se examina cómo funcionan estas ideas en el caso específico de la política exterior y de seguridad europea. En este sentido, se identifican cuatro grupos dominantes de ideas ('complejos de ideas') que influyen en la política europea común: 'Europa nacional,' 'Europa integracionista,' 'Europa cosmopolita' y 'Europa multilateral.' En estos complejos de ideas son particularmente importantes las creencias causales y normativas sobre seguridad, el uso de los medios y relaciones estatales. El argumento fundamental es que un número limitado de complejos de ideas hace probable el consenso en una política relativamente fuerte. Esto es particularmente cierto si se toma en consideración la maleabilidad de las ideas y el alto grado de institucionalización de grupos de estados como la UE. La competencia entre los complejos de ideas, sin embargo, deja un margen considerable para el desacuerdo. Por tanto, los complejos de ideas pueden explicar la fuerte variación de la política de la UE entre los diferentes campos de actividad.<br/>La segunda parte de la tesis analiza empíricamente la política europea en el ámbito de la no proliferación de ADM. Se han elegido tres casos de estudio: (a) una comparación entre las políticas de la UE durante la crisis nuclear iraní y la invasión estadounidense de Iraq; (b) los esfuerzos desiguales de la UE contra la proliferación en el sur y este de la vecindad europea, y (c) las políticas de la UE hacia las instituciones internacionales de no proliferación a la luz del concepto de 'multilateralismo eficaz.' El objetivo es demostrar cómo las ideas influyen en la práctica la política exterior desigual de la UE bajo situaciones diferentes. Del análisis de los estudios de caso se pueden extraer tres conclusiones principales: en primer lugar, el consenso en la UE para la acción colectiva sólo es posible si ciertos límites relativos a la percepción de seguridad, la utilización de medios y las relaciones con otros estados no se cruzan; en segundo lugar, la necesidad de un equilibrio entre los complejos de ideas opuestos explican la política frecuentemente moderada de la UE ('equilibrio de ideas'); y, por último, las ideas como 'multilateralismo eficaz' se pueden utilizar de manera limitada como un foco para fomentar la cohesión, coherencia y legitimidad de la UE en los asuntos internacionales.<br>The foreign and security policy outputs of the European Union (EU) vary substantially depending on the issue at stake. This has been particularly clear in the field of non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). For example, in the case of the Iranian nuclear crisis, the EU shows the characteristics of a fairly coherent and forceful actor in its own right, whereas during the 2003 Iraq standoff the EU is merely a deeply divided international organization incapable of independent action. The dissertation argues that the principal independent variables that can explain this phenomenon are not 'national interests' but ideas in the form of normative and causal beliefs, which underpin the construction of interests, the choice of instruments and, ultimately, collective foreign policy outputs. Hence, the central research question is: How do ideas affect collective foreign policy output, in particular by the EU in the field of non-proliferation?<br/>In the first part, the dissertation develops a theoretical framework to understand better the relation between ideas and the different degrees of collective action by groups of states in matters of 'high politics.' Based on a concrete model outlining the role of ideas in international cooperation, it continues examining theoretically how ideas work in the specific case of the European foreign and security policy. In this regard, it identifies four dominant sets of ideas ('idea complexes') that influence common European policy output: 'national Europe,' 'integrationist Europe,' 'cosmopolitan Europe' and 'multilateral Europe.' In these idea complexes, causal and normative beliefs about security, the use of means and state relations are particularly important. The key argument is that the limited number of relatively malleable foreign policy idea complexes makes consensus for relatively forceful policy output likely, in particular taking into consideration the high degree of institutionalization of groups of states such as the EU. The competition between idea complexes leaves, however, substantial room for disagreement. Therefore, idea complexes can explain the EU's strong output variation between different fields of activity.<br/>The second part of the dissertation analyzes empirically the EU's policy in the field of non-proliferation of WMD. Three specific case studies have been chosen: (a) a comparison between the EU policies during the Iranian nuclear crisis and the US led invasion of Iraq; (b) the EU's uneven non-proliferation efforts in the Southern and Eastern neighbourhood; and (c) EU policies towards international non-proliferation institutions in light of the concept of 'effective multilateralism.' The aim is to demonstrate how ideas influence in practice the uneven EU foreign policy output in different situations. Three major conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the case studies: First, consensus in the EU on collective action is only possible, if certain limits regarding security perception, use of means and relations with other states are not crossed; secondly, the need for striking a balance between competing idea complexes explains the frequently moderate policy output by the EU ('ideational balancing'); and, finally, ideas such as 'effective multilateralism' can be used to a limited extent as focal points to foster cohesion, coherence and legitimacy of the EU in international affairs.
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Kloppers, Pieter. "Competition policy enforcement: ideas for regional enforcement in developing countries, with particular reference to the Southern African Customs Union." Bern : World Trade Institute (WTI), 2003. http://www.wti.org/images/stories/MILE/MILE%20Theses/Competition%20Policy%20Enforcement.pdf.
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Güntzel, Ralph Peter. "The Confédération des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence, and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60027.
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During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.
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Liebau, Tobias. ""Ne bis in idem" in Europa : zugleich ein Beitrag zum Kartellsanktionenrecht in der EU und zur Anrechnung drittstattlicher Kartellsanktionen /." Berlin [u.a.] : BWV Berliner Wissenschafts-Verl. [u.a.], 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/490832229.pdf.
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Wännström, Sanna. "Transparency. Accountability. Democracy : Access to EU Documents between Ideal and Reality." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296627.
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The overarching aim of this master’s thesis is to investigate what role the accessibility of EU documents plays for the democracy in the EU. A three-pillar approach was adopted, consisting of a text analysis of the Regulation 1049/2001, which promotes transparency, and an analytical induction analysis of the cases where access to EU documents was denied despite the European Ombudsman’s recommendation to the contrary. The third pillar refers to the interplay between the two first; a contested field with ideals on the one side and the political reality on the other. The main findings are that the positive picture of openness presented in the Regulation does not correspond with the cases. Although openness is used as a rhetorical tool in the Regulation, the case material shows that the EU has tried to restrain the development towards openness. The study suggests that although the EU officially promotes accountability through openness, its unofficial attitudes rather reminds of the concept of responsibility (Lewin 2007) that enables a more restrictive approach to transparency. Thus, both the legal frameworks and the informal factors play a role in determining the accessibility of the EU archives and its role for European democracy. This is a two years master’s thesis in Archive, Library and Museum Studies with special focus on Archival Science.<br>Den här masteruppsatsen behandlar tillgänglighetsfrågor i samband med EU:s arkiv- och dokumenthantering och dess roll och betydelse för demokratin inom EU. Först undersöktes förordning 1049/2001 med hjälp av en textanalys för att ta reda på hur EU värderar öppenhet. Därefter vändes fokus till de fall där tillgång till dokument nekats, trots Europeiska Ombudsmannens råd. Slutligen sammanfördes dessa komponenter för att skapa en bild av spänningsfältet mellan ideal och realitet. Studien visar att öppenhet framställs mycket positivt i förordningen. Emellertid stämmer den bilden inte överens med fallmaterialet. Detta visar hur EU i de enskilda fallen försökt motverka utvecklingen mot ökad öppenhet. En trolig slutsats vore att EU stödjer koncepten öppenhet och ansvarsskyldighet i teorin, men att attityden i praktiken snarare ligger nära begreppet ”responsibility” (Lewin 2007), som möjliggör en mer restriktiv inställning till öppenhet. Det lagliga ramverket är därmed inte den enda faktorn som påverkar hur tillgängliga EU:s handlingar verkligen är och vilken roll de spelar för demokratin inom unionen. Denna masteruppsats är skriven inom mastersprogrammet i ABM (arkiv, bibliotek, museum), inriktning arkivvetenskap.
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Husøy, Inger Lise. "Culture, solidarity and the ideal of sustainability in Norwegian and Chinese trade unions : a comparative approach /." Oslo : Senter for utvikling og miljø, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/sum/2007/63172/MASTEROPPG-duo.doc.
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Fitch-Roy, Oscar William Frederick. "Negotiating the EU's 2030 climate and energy framework : agendas, ideas and European interest groups." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27058.
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In 2014, European heads of state selected new targets for the EU as part of the 2030 climate and energy framework. The targets will guide the ambition and nature of EU policy in this area until 2030 and are likely to have important implications for Europe’s transition to a low-carbon economy. The decision taken by the European Council was preceded by several years of vigorous interaction between interest groups, the European Commission and the member states. The outcome of this interaction set the agenda for EU climate and energy policy but the role of interest groups in climate and energy policy, especially relative to important economic ideas, is relatively under researched. By augmenting and applying the multiple streams approach developed by John Kingdon in the 1980s and using process-tracing techniques, this thesis contributes a detailed case study of this important instance of European interest representation. It is found that the complex and dynamic political context for the interaction made planning and executing advocacy campaigns challenging for all actors. The debate about the 2030 framework is shown to hinge on the idea of technology-neutrality and its status on the policymaking agenda. A number of policy coalitions are observed with a wide range of characteristics, some novel. Several attempts at ‘policy entrepreneurship’ by interest groups are recorded but most were disrupted by the confused and fast-changing political situation. It is shown that a combination of spill-over between policy windows, framing and coalition building activity served to push the idea of technology neutrality up the agenda. The multiple streams approach is shown to be broadly applicable to the research context and aims but greater agency over policy windows than originally assumed must be granted to actors and the possibility for successful policy entrepreneurship to yield unintended policy outcomes allowed for.
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Tapio, Tuomas. "The United States, European Union and the development of cooperation in competition policy : measuring and modeling ideas in foreign economic policy /." Genève : Institut universitaire de hautes études internationales, 2003. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00084282.pdf.
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Rhinard, Mark. "Ideas, interests and policy change in the European Union : the mobilization of frames by actors in the agricultural and biotechnology policy sectors." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.409734.
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Peterson, Bryan E. ""Contra haereticos accingantur": The Union of Crusading and Anti-heresy Propaganda." UNF Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/808.
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This study assesses the intersection of crusading and heresy repression in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. The event that encapsulates this intersection was the Albigensian Crusade, a two-decades long conflict that befell the south of France, or Occitania. The papacy, aligned with northern lords and other willing Christians, took up arms to defend the Church from the Cathar heresy’s corrupting influence. This conflict marked a new development in Christian acts of violence. While the Church had crusaded against many different enemies—even branding some as heretics—before 1209, the Church had never called a crusade for the explicit purpose of stamping out a heretical group. This study aims to answer two questions: how did the scope of crusade broaden to incorporate heretical groups and how did methods for countering heresy shift to include crusading? To answer these questions, this study analyzes two strands of ecclesiastical propaganda. Propaganda consisted of written works that functioned as tools to educate, inform, persuade, and inspire in others certain beliefs and actions. These were texts that defined, promoted, and celebrated the practice of crusading; and texts that defined, maligned, and condemned heresies and those adhering to them.
These two strands of propaganda began to intertwine in the late twelfth century, resulting in a modified anti-heresy discourse in which crusading against heretics became a theologically justifiable idea. This study argues that the call for crusade against the Occitan heretics was the end result of theological developments that began in the 1170s. What’s more, the institutionalization and codification of these strands of propaganda created the theological precedent for framing the Albigensian Crusade as a holy war, allowing the idea of crusading against heretics to take root in anti-heresy discourse in the years preceding Innocent III’s papacy and his call for crusade in southern France.
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Speks, Amanda. "The import(ance) of conflict minerals : An ideal type analysis of the EU’s regulation on conflict minerals." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8355.
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The purpose of this study is to determine to what extent the European Union (EU) functions as a market power in the case of conflict mineral regulation. Previous research by Partzsch has shown that the EU response to conflict minerals only somewhat qualifies for the EU to be seen as a normative power. There appears to be a clash between the norms of sustainable development and economic development, which could explain why the EU does not fully qualify as a normative power. Another theoretical framework has thus been chosen to explain the EU’s function in the case of conflict minerals. This theoretical framework is Market Power Europe (MPE) by Damro, which does not look to the collective norms of the EU, but rather on the market-related policies that the Union uses to influence other actors. With the use of an ideal type analysis of EU policy and official documents, this study found that the case fills the criteria to function as a market power in the case of conflict minerals.
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Sidler, Elizabeth D. "Ideal Learning Spaces: the Student Perspective." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc801917/.
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Classrooms, libraries, student unions, and university campuses shape students’ learning experiences. These physical learning spaces set the stage for college student engagement and academic performance. Most of the research about the role of physical spaces in learning lacks the student perspective. The goal of this study was to offer a student-centered vision of ideal learning spaces. Students are the learners for whom learning spaces are designed, and this thesis examines the way students of one summer class at Oklahoma Baptist University conceptualized and interacted with their learning spaces. Data collection included surveys of the students, a focus group with members of the class, participant observation in the classroom, and interviews with students and the professor. Students viewed physical spaces as the backdrop for human action and chose spaces that supported their learning styles and goals. Students described supportive spaces as warm, purposefully crafted spaces, and full of other people who were seriously pursuing the same goals. This thesis explores the ways students conceptualized and interacted with learning spaces as a network of support for their learning and provides recommendations for the design of learning spaces that facilitate this support.
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Wise, Bruce (Bruce Douglas) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Labour versus the state : the conflicting policy interests and ideas of the Canadian trade union movement and the Federal Conservative Government, 1984-1988." Ottawa, 1990.
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Baudisch, Ilja. "Die Tragweite des gemeinschaftsrechtlichen Grundsatzes "ne bis in idem" im dezentralen Kartellrechtsvollzug : eine Untersuchung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der deutschen Rechtsdogmatik /." St. Gallen, 2008. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00240476.pdf.
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Nieto, Rojas Patricia. "El Modelo de Representación de los Trabajadores en la Empresa en el Sistema de Relaciones Laborales Español. Algunas Ideas Para el Debate." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118860.
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In the Spanish legal system, the workplace employee representation but may have certain similarities with the political representation (regulatory origin, not voluntary for the principal, democratic legitimacy) poses a specificity both the subjective perspective, to be circumscribed workers who make up the constituency, as a material arises as to represent the professional interests shared by a community of individuals united by an identical legal relationship derived from belonging to the same company. Its uniqueness is that this function can be assumed, concurrently, for two types: some representatives of elective basis; others, union base. This legal decision set a pluralistic model of subjects, but strongly interconnected functional dimension, due to differing legal natures.<br>En el ordenamiento jurídico español, el modelo de representación de los trabajadores en la empresa aunque pueda tener ciertas similitudes con la representación política (origen normativo y no voluntario para el representado, legitimidad democrática) plantea una especificidad tanto desde la perspectiva subjetiva, al quedar circunscrita a los trabajadores que conforman la circunscripción electoral, como material pues surge para la representación de los intereses profesionales compartidos por una colectividad de sujetos unidos por una idéntica vinculación jurídica, derivada de la pertenencia a la misma plantilla. Su singularidad es que esta función puede ser asumida, de manera concurrente, por dos tipos de sujetos: unos representantes de base electiva; otros, de base sindical, configurando con esta decisión legal un modelo pluralista de sujetos que, aunque fuertemente interconectado en su dimensión funcional, obedece a naturalezas jurídicas distintas.
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Burrows, Mark. "The left-wing road to fascism : an investigation of the influence of 'socialist' ideas upon the political ideology of the British Union of Fascists." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3054/.
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The primary conclusion drawn by the thesis is that the political ideology of the BUF clearly exhibited a left-wing strand which is described as the BUF's brand of fascist 'socialism'. This strand (whilst a travestic and heretical form of socialism) considered the BUF to be more radical and virile than the Labour movement and, alone amongst political movements, capable of bringing about a national revolution which would contain a socio-economic reorientation of the country along classic socialist lines - an end to poverty, the building of houses and job creation - with Trade Unions taking a central role, within the framework of the Corporate State, in the industrial decision making process. It is not suggested that this strand was a self-contained concept within the BUF. The thesis has simply taken the heuristic step of grouping together these ideas in order to highlight the presence of an identifiable strand within the BUF's political ideology. The thesis supports the school of academic thought which believes that fascism must be taken seriously as a genuine political ideology if it is to be understood. Fascism is viewed as an eclectic political ideology containing a clear potential (although one not necessarily realised) to exhibit a strand of thought which was at base a fascistic revision of socialism. In regards to the methodology adopted by the thesis, the generic theories of fascism devised by Griffin, Sternhell, Eatwell and Payne, it was concluded that in tile context of this thesis all proved capable of predicting the potential inherent in fascist ideology to grow from left-wing roots and exhibit a brand of fascist 'socialism'. In terms of the theories' use as research tools it is Griffin's which stands out, due to its combination of profundity and lucidity, which gives his theory an operational simplicity, flexibility and heuristic quality.
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Tiley, David Carleton University Dissertation Political Economy. "Post-Fordist 'Ideal type'? - The labour process in the Japanese manufacturing sector, 1967-1990." Ottawa, 1997.
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Margaras, Vasilis. "The development of a Brussels-based EU strategic culture : a case study of the European Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2009. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8142.
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The study of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has been dominated by various mainstream theories drawn from International Relations and European Studies. These have largely neglected the role of ideas, beliefs, values and practices regarding the use of police and military instruments, in other words, the strategic culture which shapes the security and defence policies of the European Union (EU). This strategic culture of the EU has become manifest in the way ESDP officials think about the deployment of military and police resources as well as in the way they plan ESDP missions. After introducing the concept in general terms, the thesis claims that the notion of strategic culture can be applied to the EU. Various innovative models of categorisationa re provided throughout the thesis in order to describe the state of development of EU strategic culture. An analysis of the development of the strategic culture of the EU is provided since the end of the Cold War up to the year 2007. Important developments such as the institutionalisation of ESDP and the establishment of influential policy networks are considered in detail. The study also takes into account the discourse of ESDP and questions the ideas that stem from it through interviews and questionnaires with ESDP officials. A cases tudy of the police and military missions of the EU in Bosnia Herzegovina is included in order to show how ideas regarding the use of force impact on the implementation of EU missions. In conclusion, the thesis claims that the EU has its own strategic culture which is characterised by a number of behavioural/structural elements as well as by certain ideas, values, beliefs and practices.
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Jurásek, Miroslav. "Úvahy o globálním řádu po skončení studené války: perspektiva Francise Fukuyamy a Samuela P. Huntingtona." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201131.
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The times coming with the End of the Cold War were very turbulent. Politicians had to take into the consideration lots of scenarios and the next global trends to make correct decisions. Most of the very numerous visions of the future global order followed more or less the twofold pattern: order or anarchy. "The End of History and the Last Man" and "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order" written by two prominent American political scientists Francis Fukuyama and Samuel P. Huntington and published at the beginning of the 90s are the most representative works that fit into this pattern. These provocative and controversial theories have been criticized and empirically challenged by many on one side, on the other side it hasn't impeded others to use them as a starting point for their next analyses. This dissertation thesis is a contribution to the debate between the dissenters and the supporters of these theories from a predictive point of view. Through the research theoretical methodology it is argued that the examined theories are still valid even nowadays because their theoretical essence (or hard core in the Lakatosian research program) has not been refuted yet. Nevertheless, the hard core of the theories determines their very specific character which puts forward the importance of the factors labelled in the Lakatosian framework as an external history of a science. These factors organized according to the Mehtas criteria of so called strong idea are, especially in the social sciences, decisive for how a theoretical construct is accepted in a broader non-academic context. It is demonstrated that both theories fulfill all criteria to be very influential in practice, although the idea of clash of civilizations is even more powerful in this respect. The specific features of all theories are illustrated on two case studies: Union of South American Nations and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Firstly, the selection of these case studies is justified and secondly, the anomalies in terms of the Lakatosian methodology are identified and then explained. There have been found no unexplainable anomalies, which practically confirms the validity of both research programs on one side, on the other side it facilitates a better assessment of the studied theories in a sense of their interpretative scope and possibilities.
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Karasseva, Olga. "Enjeux et perspectives du partenariat entre la Russie et l'UE : Institutionnalisation des relations et échanges économiques." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0022.
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L’intérêt à l’égard des relations économiques entre la Russie et l’Union européenne s’est accentué au cours des années 2000. L’interdépendance économique accrue entre les deux partenaires témoigne de l’importance de cette relation et justifie l’intérêt tant pour son architecture institutionnelle que pour ses conséquences de long terme. Notre démarche consiste à interroger la façon dont ce partenariat se construit sur la base des nouvelles propriétés convergentes entre la Russie et de l’Europe. Cela nous permet de mieux caractériser le rapport entre l’architecture institutionnelle et la dynamique « de facto » des échanges économiques au sein de ce partenariat qui, lui, tient compte de l’évolution des besoins économiques internes des deux partenaires. On est ramenés donc ici à aborder la question du développement économique interne de la Russie. Traiter ce dernier aspect à la lumière de l’évolution des relations Russie-Europe, en particulier à un moment où celles-ci sont grevées par l’hypothèque énergétique et des divergences d’ordre politique, peut paraître paradoxal. Toutefois, la prise en compte de la configuration de ces relations semble être pertinente à plus d’un titre et permet de constater que les échanges économiques entre l’UE et la Russie constituent la première étape d’un processus inéluctable de réalisation des objectifs de développement de long terme des deux partenaires. Les enjeux sont donc manifestes tant pour l’avenir de l’Europe que pour celui de la Russie. Largement lié à la question énergétique, ce partenariat est accompagné d’une ambition originale qui rappelle le vieux rêve d’une Eurasie fondée sur la relation de deux entités à vocation fédérale. Cependant, la forme même que prendrait cette Eurasie ainsi que ses limites posent problème. Ainsi, notre travail interroge la nature de ce modèle inédit de relations internationales, qui aurait la grande originalité de reposer exclusivement sur un équilibre institutionnel. Aussi, nous nous intéressons à la pertinence du qualificatif « partenariat » que l’on a l’habitude d’attribuer aux relations Russie-UE, pour voir s’il n’est pas plus approprié de parler d’une union politique régionale comme solution alternative à la globalisation. Enfin, ce travail entend fournir un cadre méthodologique original nécessaire à l’étude des relations particulières entre la Russie et l’Union européenne dans une perspective dynamique<br>The interest regarding economic links between Russia and The European Union has considerably increased during the 2000s. The greater economic interdependence between the two partners is a sign of the importance of this relationship and justifies such an interest as much in its institutional architecture as in the long-term consequences. Our approach is to question the way this partnership is being built, based on new common assets between Russia and Europe. This allow us to better characterise the rapport between institutional architecture and the ‘de facto’ economic exchanges within this partnership, that take into account the evolution of domestic economic needs of both partners. The leads us, therefore, to address the question of Russian domestic economic development. Treating this last aspect in the light of the evolution of Russian-European relationships, particularly at a time when they are strained by the energy hypothesis and divergences of a political order, may seem paradoxical. However, examining the shaping of these relationships seems pertinent for several reasons and enables us to conclude that economic exchanges between the EU and Russia are the first stage in the necessary process towards achieving both partners’ long-term development goals. The stakes are apparent for the future of both Europe and Russia. Strongly linked to the energy question, this partnership is accompanied by an original ambition reminiscent of the old Eurasian dream, founded on the relationship between two entities with a federal vocation. However, the shape that this Eurasia might take, and its limits, pose a problem. Thus, our work questions the nature of this new model of international relations, which would be very original, based exclusively on an institutional equilibrium. We are also interested in the pertinence of the term ‘partnership’ that we tend to use to define Russian-EU relationships, to see if it might not be more appropriate to talk about a regional political union as an alternative solution to globalisation. Lastly, this study intends to propose an original methodical framework necessary for studying specific relationships between Russia and the European Union with a perspective for growth