Literatura académica sobre el tema "Verdens gang (Oslo, Norway)"

Purpose – This study aims to explore how two Norwegian national online newspapers, Dagbladet and Aftenposten, have framed halal food in the past 6 years (2008-2014), a period conflating with a rise in Muslim demographics in Norway. Design/methodology/approach – A mixed-methods approach is used. Employing among others a Hallidayan transitivity analysis and other approaches from critical discourse analysis (CDA), clausal semantic structures, collocations and nominalizations were explored with a view toward fleshing out ideological significance. Particular attention was given to the neologism – “covert-Islamization” – popularized by the populist right-wing Progress Party. Findings – The findings reveal that Dagbladet refracts halal food through a discourse of crime and other dubious frames tapping into topoi of Islamophobia. Halal is, in this manner, transformed into a synecdoche for deviance. This is contrasted with Aftenposten’s more “halal-friendly” gaze which inter alia is attributed to greater access for Muslim contributors (over 40 per cent), with nearly all authorship penned in the aftermath of the Breivik massacre of July 22, 2011. Research limitations/implications – As a comparative research that explores two newspapers – albeit with substantial national circulation – there are obvious limitations. Future research could explore the contents of Verdens Gang, the biggest newspaper in Norway, and perhaps incorporate iconic semiotic content. Social implications – The prevalent media discourse on halal in Norway casts a shadow over a fundamental aspect of the identity construction of Norwegians who adhere to Islam, thus highlighting issues of belonging and citizenry in the “new” Norway. National discourses of identity and belonging impact upon the Muslim consumer’s perception of self and ethnicity, and how these perceptions are negotiated in the interstices of a skewed media coverage of halal certainly serves to undermine this self-perception. Originality/value – Several recent studies have broached the subject of the manifold representations of Muslims and Islam in the media using a CDA, but there is a dearth in studies with a specific focus on halal food. This study contributes to the lacuna in the literature in an area of growing importance, not just as a socio-political and religious phenomenon, but a lucrative commercial project in a Scandinavian context.

<strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">SAMMENDRAG</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Alkohol er, og har alltid vært, det dominerende rusmiddel i Norge, men forbruket har variert enormt gjennom</p><p align="left">tidene. I løpet av de siste 200 år har det variert med en faktor på ca. 20. Forbruket har imidlertid aldri vært</p><p align="left">spesielt høyt i internasjonal målestokk. Omtrent 87 prosent av den voksne befolkningen (15 år og over) oppgir</p><p align="left">at de har drukket alkohol minst en gang i løpet av siste år. Mange drikker imidlertid betydelig hyppigere og</p><p align="left">har et høyt forbruk. Det kan anslås at ca. 55 000 nordmenn har et forbruk på mer enn 10 cl ren alkohol pr. dag</p><p align="left">(dvs. 36,5 liter pr. år). Alkoholforbruket er størst i Oslo og områdene omkring Oslofjorden, samt i Rogaland,</p><p align="left">Hedmark og Sør-Trøndelag. Menn drikker omtrent to og en halv gang mer enn kvinner. Forbruket øker mot</p><p align="left">en topp rundt 20-års alderen og synker deretter. Cannabisbruk kom inn som et ungdomsfenomen på midten av</p><p align="left">1960-tallet. Ca. 10 prosent av ungdommen mellom 15 og 20 år sier de har prøvd cannabis en eller annen</p><p align="left">gang, mens det tilsvarende tallet for Oslo er nesten dobbelt så høyt. Ca. 11 prosent av den voksne</p><p align="left">befolkningen har noen gang prøvd cannabis, mens under 4 prosent har brukt det i løpet av siste 12 måneder.</p><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Nordlund S.</p></span></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><p align="left"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">The use of alcohol and other drugs in Norway. </span></span></strong><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;">Nor J Epidemiol </span></span></em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">1996; </span></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">6 </span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">(1): 3-12.</span></span></p><strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">ENGLISH SUMMARY</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Alcohol is, and has always been, the dominant intoxicant in Norway. However, the extent of use has varied</p><p align="left">enormously over the years, with amounts varying by a factor of about 20 during the last 200 years. Alcohol</p><p align="left">use has never been especially high by international comparison. About 87 per cent of the population aged 15</p><p align="left">and over report having consumed alcohol at least once during the past year, but many Norwegians drink much</p><p align="left">more frequently and have a high level of consumption. It is estimated that about 55 000 Norwegians consume</p><p align="left">on the average more than 10 cl of pure alcohol per day (36.5 litres per year). The consumption levels are</p><p align="left">above average in the Oslofjord area and in the counties of Rogaland, Hedmark and Sør-Trøndelag. Men drink</p><p align="left">about two-and-a-half times more than women. Consumption reaches a maximum around age 20, and</p><p align="left">decreases thereafter. The use of cannabis started as a youth phenomenon in the mid-sixties. About 10 per cent</p><p align="left">of Norwegian youth between 15 and 20 years of age have ever used cannabis, while the figure for Oslo is</p><p align="left">nearly 20 per cent. About 11 per cent of the adult population have ever used cannabis, while less than 4 per</p><p>cent have used it during the last 12 months.</p></span></span>

Formålet med denne studien er å belyse og drøfte presseetiske problemstillinger som oppsto under den umiddelbare dekningen av terrorangrepene i Oslo og på Utøya den 22. juli 2011, i avisene VG, Aftenposten, Aftonbladet og Dagens Nyheter. Studiens teoretiske rammeverk omfatter de presseetiske systemene i Norge og Sverige, nyhetskonkurransen og kommersialiseringens konsekvenser, samt forskning på presseetikkens plass i krim- og katastrofejournalistikk generelt, og i de aktuelle hendelsene spesielt. I studien kombineres kvalitativ tekstanalyse, med verktøy fra henholdsvis kildekritisk- og retorisk analyse, og kvalitative forskningsintervju. Resultatene viser at presseetiske problemstillinger knyttet til øyevitners, politiets og anonyme kilders pålitelighet og bristende kildekritikk i forhold til blant annet informasjonssubsidier, var fremtredende i det undersøkte materialet. Kritikkverdig bruk av spissvinklede titler og andre former for journalistisk løgnaktighet, foreligger også, på samme måte som nærgående bildebruk av skadde og døde. Studien antyder også at den harde nyhetskonkurransen hadde en negativ effekt på deler av rapporteringen. Det finnes mange likheter, men også interessante forskjeller mellom så vel dekningen som i den etiske refleksjonen i de analyserte avisene. Aftonbladet skiller seg ut som den avis med den mest diskutable dekningen sett fra et etisk perspektiv, uten at dette internt begrunnes med at avisen utgis utenfor rekkevidde for de fleste av tragediens berørte og pårørende.

The aim of this study is to examine in which way nationalistic influences plays a prominent part in the news coverage of larger media houses. This by studying how  two newspapers, Swedish Aftonbladet and Norwegian Verdens Gang, portrays and reports about Therese Johaug after she was tested positive for doping.   We performed a critical discourse analysis of a total of 20 web-based news articles. These articles were chosen from the date the news appeared and one week forward. This in order to see if the the two newspapers were characterized with nationalistic tendencies as well as comparing them to see what the differences and similarities might be.   By using theories such as national identitets, nationalism, ”us and them” and imagined communities we came to the conclusion that a nationalistic discourse is very much present. The subjects in the articles often become representatives of either Norway or Sweden - depending on the nationality. Johaug is mostly characterized as a national hero and sympathies are often shown from the norwegian news-articles. The opposite meaning were shown in the swedish news-articles. Described as an antagonist and a cheat - the complete opposite of a national hero. Imagined communities are also present as a nationalistic discourse. The people of Norway and Sweden are often involved - in order to justify this imagined community which occurs within the nation's borders.   The similarities and differences between the two newspapers are quite subtle - but present nonetheless. This with a nationalistic discourse which confirms both previous research and our theoretical framework.

In this chapter, we analyze protests and demonstrations in Norway in the period between 1983 and 2016. The aim is to shed light on the role of different kinds of civil society organizations in the protest channel, and the relationship that exist between political and civic engagement. The analysis presented stem from two original datasets. The first one is built on the national assembly’s own archive, where legal protests and demonstrations outside the assembly building are recorded. The second dataset is built on the compilation of recorded protests in Norway’s largest newspapers, Aftenposten and Verdens Gang, and contains both legal and illegal protests carried out in Oslo or in other parts of Norway. We find a vibrant protest channel where a host of political and social issues are presented through various protest activities, and where a broad variety of organizations play an important role in organizing and executing demonstrations and protests. Even though there is evidence of informal networks and private initiatives that organize protests, the main bulk of activities are carried out by formal organizations. Hence, a limited amount of protests are considered spontanious and unorganized.