Literatura académica sobre el tema "Vernaculaire louisianais"

Dans un contexte d’infériorisation ethno-sociolinguistique, les Cadjins francophones de Louisiane ont entrepris depuis les années 1970 des actions de revitalisation linguistique et culturelle pour lutter contre l’américanisation de la communauté et l’étiolement du parler vernaculaire. Une action glottopolitique majeure porte sur la détermination du nom du peuple porteur de significations historiques et ethno-symboliques. Plusieurs ethnonymes en concurrence circulent, dont les représentations associées mettent en évidence pour chaque désignant une dimension particulière du fait franco-louisianais et, ainsi, privilégient une certaine conception de l’identité communautaire. L’auteur examine la fluctuation de ce paradigme désignationnel, les enjeux ethnonymiques, le processus de redénomination imposé par les militants, l’évolution du nom ethnique depuis l’origine acadienne et l’identité émergente interculturelle et translinguistique d’une nouvelle génération de Cadjins anglophones.

This article reports a sociolinguistic analysis of the French spelling system in newly discovered, authentic personal letters written by literate settlers living in Louisiana during the 18th and 19th centuries. After showing that French and non-French vernaculars were very much alive among the Louisiana founding population, the paper examines the use of old and new French norms in Louisiana for three socio-economic classes over time: the elite, planter, and military/merchant populations. Socio-demographic pressures are described that could have led to the maintenance of old French features or the expansion of some French varieties. It is shown that the history of French spelling in France, the origins of diverse migrant populations that settled in colonial Louisiana, and the powerful socio-economic events that shape the expansion of a socially well-delineated population not only explain the linguistic behavior of both French settlers and Louisiana-born writers, but also provide many hints to determining the sociolinguistic attributes of the illiterate French vernacular-speaking population.

This study explores the architectural contributions of Canadians to Louisiana in the 18th century. One of the most revealing arenas in American architectural history concerns the origins of new vernacular traditions in locations being settled for the first time by Europeans. Between the late 15th and 18th centuries, many settlement experiments occurred along the coastlines of the Atlantic. Yet the dearth of reliable documentation from the earliest years of colonial establishment renders elusive a sound understanding of the factors which shaped these foundational architectural transformations. The result: a loss of understanding of the very essence of our American vernacular traditions. This study examines one such case for which a relative abundance of documentation survives—the Canadians in Louisiana. It traces the architectural transformations that materialized when Canadians attempted to found a new colony on the Mississippi Gulf Coast and the lower Mississippi River Valley, beginning in 1699.

This paper discusses the pronominal system of Louisiana French, a variety of French spoken mainly in the south-western part of Louisiana State. The analysis of data (Girard Lomheim, 2016) shows that although Louisiana French clitics share certain features with clitics from other informal varieties of French and dialects of French, they cannot be analysed along quite the same lines. They have reached a more advanced stage of grammaticalization. They are moving away from the status of syntactic argument towards the status of agreement marker. The fact that they are subject to strong phonetic erosion and have been gradually replaced by weak pronouns shows that they are coming closer to the ultimate stadium of their grammaticalization cycle (van Gelderen, 2011), the null stadium. The progressive reduction of the clitic paradigm is accompanied by the emergence of a new class of weak pronouns, which leads us to claim that the pronominal system of this vernacular is organized in three classes of pronouns: strong pronouns and two classes of deficient pronouns: weak pronouns and clitics in the terms of Cardinaletti et Starke (1994 and 1999). We claim that the difference between strong and weak pronouns should be addressed in terms of syntax and morphology whereas the difference between weak pronouns and clitics should be accounted for in terms of morphosyntax and phonology.

The English of bilingual Cajuns living in southern Louisiana has been described as an accented variety of English, the result of interference from French. In order to investigate this proposition, we present a variationist study of four features of Cajun English: 1) the interdental fricatives /th, ð7 realized by the dental stops [t, d]; 2) the failure to aspirate the stops /p, t, k/; 3) the monophthongization of /ai/ and 4) vowel nasalization. The data for this study are taken from the Cajun French/ English Sociolinguistic Survey; the survey has confirmed that English has become dominant in these communities over the last two generations. A sub-sample of 28 speakers, divided by gender into three age groups, is taken from St Landry Parish. If interference from French is the source of these features of Cajun English, we would expect a steady decrease in frequency over apparent time so that these vernacular features will be used more frequently by the older and less frequently by the middle-aged and least of all by the younger generation. The results of GoldVarb analysis of the variables show a complex interrelationship of age, gender and social network. All of the variables studied followed the expected pattern; the old generation use more of the vernacular variants than all others; the middle-aged dramatically decrease their use of the vernacular but the young generation exhibit a number of complex patterns in their use of the vernacular features. Interestingly the young follow the decreasing pattern for (p, t, k) but they show a level of usage for the other variables closer to the old generation so that there is a v-shaped age pattern rather than a pattern showing a steady decrease of the so-called accented features of Cajun English. We argue that although the vernacular forms produced by the older group can be considered part of an ethnic accent, they play a very different role in the younger generation which can be attributed both to French language attrition and to the on-going blossoming of a Cajun cultural renaissance. Being Cajun is now socially and economically advantageous; the younger generation, unlike the middle-aged, take pride in their Cajun identity. The functions of French for people under 40 years old have been significantly reduced so that it is now generally limited to the family domain and even more restricted in that it is used primarily in speaking with older members of the extended family. Given this situation, the only linguistic way to signal "Cajunness" is left to English.

-Stanley L. Engerman, Heather Cateau ,Capitalism and slavery fifty years later: Eric Eustace Williams - A reassessment of the man and his work. New York: Peter Lang, 2000. xvii + 247 pp., S.H.H. Carrington (eds)-Philip D. Morgan, B.W. Higman, Writing West Indian histories. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1999. xiv + 289 pp.-Daniel Vickers, Alison Games, Migration and the origins of the English Atlantic world. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. xiii + 322 pp.-Christopher L. Brown, Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy, An empire divided: The American revolution and the British Caribbean. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000. xviii + 357 pp.-Lennox Honychurch, Samuel M. Wilson, The indigenous people of the Caribbean. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997. xiv + 253 pp.-Kenneth Bilby, Bev Carey, The Maroon story: The authentic and original history of the Maroons in the history of Jamaica 1490-1880. St. Andrew, Jamaica: Agouti Press, 1997. xvi + 656 pp.-Bernard Moitt, Doris Y. Kadish, Slavery in the Caribbean Francophone world: Distant voices, forgotten acts, forged identities. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000. xxiii + 247 pp.-Michael J. Guasco, Virginia Bernhard, Slaves and slaveholders in Bermuda, 1616-1782. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999. xviii + 316 pp.-Michael J. Jarvis, Roger C. Smith, The maritime heritage of the Cayman Islands. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. xxii + 230 pp.-Paul E. Hoffman, Peter R. Galvin, Patterns of pillage: A geography of Caribbean-based piracy in Spanish America, 1536-1718. New York: Peter Lang, 1999. xiv + 271 pp.-David M. Stark, Raúl Mayo Santana ,Cadenas de esclavitud...y de solidaridad: Esclavos y libertos en San Juan,siglo XIX. Río Piedras: Centro de Investigaciones Sociales, Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1997. 204 pp., Mariano Negrón Portillo, Manuel Mayo López (eds)-Ada Ferrer, Philip A. Howard, Changing history: Afro-Cuban Cabildos and societies of color in the nineteenth century. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1998. xxii + 227 pp.-Alvin O. Thompson, Maurice St. Pierre, Anatomy of resistance: Anti-colonialism in Guyana 1823-1966. London: Macmillan, 1999. x + 214 pp.-Linda Peake, Barry Munslow, Guyana: Microcosm of sustainable development challenges. Aldershot, U.K. and Brookfield VT: Ashgate, 1998. x + 130 pp.-Stephen Stuempfle, Peter Mason, Bacchanal! The carnival culture of Trinidad. Philadelphia PA: Temple University Press, 1998. 191 pp.-Christine Chivallon, Catherine Benoît, Corps, jardins, mémoires: Anthropologie du corps et de l' espace à la Guadeloupe. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2000. 309 pp.-Katherine E. Browne, Mary C. Waters, Black identities: Wsst Indian immigrant dreams and American realities. New York: Russell Sage Foundation; Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. xvii + 413 pp.-Eric Paul Roorda, Bernardo Vega, Los Estados Unidos y Trujillo - Los días finales: 1960-61. Colección de documentos del Departamento de Estado, la CIA y los archivos del Palacio Nacional Dominicano. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1999. xx+ 783 pp.-Javier Figueroa-de Cárdenas, Charles D. Ameringer, The Cuban democratic experience: The Auténtico years, 1944-1952. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. ix + 230 pp.-Robert Lawless, Charles T. Williamson, The U.S. Naval mission to Haiti, 1959-1963. Annapolis MD: Naval Institute Press, 1999. xv + 395 pp.-Noel Leo Erskine, Arthur Charles Dayfoot, The shaping of the West Indian Church, 1492-1962. Kingston: The Press University of the West Indies; Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999. xvii + 360 pp.-Edward Baugh, Laurence A. Breiner, An introduction to West Indian poetry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. xxii + 261 pp.-Lydie Moudileno, Heather Hathaway, Caribbean waves: Relocating Claude McKay and Paule Marshall. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999. xi + 201 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Claudette M. Williams, Charcoal and cinnamon: The politics of color in Spanish Caribbean literature. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. xii + 174 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Marie Ramos Rosado, La mujer negra en la literatura puertorriqueña: Cuentística de los setenta: (Luis Rafael Sánchez, Carmelo Rodríguez Torres, Rosario Ferré y Ana Lydia Vega). San Juan: Ed. de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, Ed. Cultural, and Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, 1999. xxiv + 397 pp.-William W. Megenney, John H. McWhorter, The missing Spanish Creoles: Recovering the birth of plantation contact languages. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. xi + 281 pp.-Robert Chaudenson, Chris Corne, From French to Creole: The development of New Vernaculars in the French colonial world. London: University of Westminster Press, 1999. x + 263 pp.

La Louisiane présente la particularité de posséder la seule agence d’État dont le rôle consiste à préserver et diffuser une langue minoritaire, en l’occurrence le français. Le CODOFIL (Conseil pour le Développement du Français en Louisiane) fut créé en 1968 par la loi 409 du Congrès de Louisiane. Son président fondateur, James « Jimmy » Domengeaux était persuadé que la réintroduction du français dans les écoles, à raison de trente minutes quotidiennes (dans le cadre d’un programme de Français Langue Seconde ou FLS), permettrait de freiner le déclin de cette langue, chassée des établissements scolaires par la constitution de 1921. Sa décision d’importer un corps enseignant étranger, majoritairement issu de France, de Belgique et du Québec afin d’enseigner le français international et non le vernaculaire louisianais, allait entraîner une rupture profonde entre la population francophone et le CODOFIL, sans pour autant ralentir la baisse du nombre de locuteurs cadiens. Cette situation poussait alors certains chefs d’établissement et parents d’élèves, dans les années 1980, à demander la création de programmes d’immersion française où les élèves reçoivent un enseignement des matières principales en français. Le succès constant de ces programmes (ils scolarisent aujourd’hui plus de 3.400 élèves en Louisiane) devrait logiquement en faire le fer de lance de l’action du CODOFIL car, au contraire du programme de FLS (dont les effectifs sont pourtant six fois plus importants), les classes d’immersion produisent véritablement des francophones. Une enquête présentée dans ce travail et menée auprès de 49 professeurs étrangers exerçant dans ces classes montre que tel n’est pas le cas et que le CODOFIL ne s’implique pas dans le volet pédagogique relatif aux programmes d’immersion et laissent aux enseignants étrangers le soin d’inclure, ou non, des séquences à vocation identitaire dans leur progression, tâche pour laquelle ils ne reçoivent aucune formation émanant du CODOFIL. Ce dernier se contente d’un rôle administratif de pourvoyeur de visas. La conséquence majeure de cette politique est l’absence presque totale de la langue et de la culture cadiennes dans les salles de classe. Une loi adoptée en juin 2010 par le Congrès de Louisiane, alors que ce travail de recherche était en cours, est venue modifier la mission du CODOFIL et établir l’enseignement immersif comme un de ses objectifs prioritaires : le législateur considère désormais que diffusion du français, programmes d’immersion et intérêt économique de l’État sont étroitement liés
Louisiana is the only state in the USA to possess a public agency whose role consists in protecting and transmitting a minority language, namely French. CODOFIL (Council for the Development of French in Louisiana) was created in 1968 by an act of the Louisiana legislature. Its founder and first president James “Jimmy” Domengeaux held that the reintroduction of French in the schools of Louisiana with daily 30-minute classes (French as a Second Language program or FLS) would slow down the constant decline of this language that had been banned by the 1921 constitution. Domengeaux’s decision to import foreign teachers from France, Belgium and Quebec to teach international French and not the Louisianan variety that he deemed unfit for the classroom was to leave the cajun population displeased and resentful towards CODOFIL, while the number of French speakers kept falling. This situation led some school principals and parent support groups in the 1980’s to demand a change of policy and the creation of immersion. Instead of studying French as in the FLS program, pupils are taught the main subjects in French. Given the growing success of those immersion programs (they now comprise more than 3400 pupils in Louisiana) which churn out real French speakers (unlike the FLS programs and their 18 000 pupils), CODOFIL should be expected to focus its core action on them. A survey presented in this work and conducted with 49 French Associate Teachers (FAT) shows that CODOFIL is not, leaving the FATs to their own devices when it comes to teaching Cajun culture and language. Generally ignorant of those features when they arrive in Louisiana, they are deprived of a serious training. CODOFIL is content with its administrative role consisting in delivering. The main consequence of this policy is the near total absence of cajun culture and language in the classroom. A recent and unexpected act of the Louisiana legislature (June 2010), adopted while this work was still under way, is meant to radically alter the mission of CODOFIL and establish the immersion programs as a high priority: the transmission of French, immersion classes and the economic interest of the state are now regarded as closely linked

Abstract Varying in age from ninety-nine to two-hundred-twenty years old, the surviving historic buildings on Grand Isle reflect the patterns of lifestyle and ethnic heritage on the state?s only continuously occupied barrier island and define Louisiana Coastal Vernacular. These structures, and the stories of the people who continue to occupy them, provided the primary resources for this thesis. The proposed National Register Multiple Property Listing (MPL) comprises the only documented study in the United States of historic coastal vernacular structures endangered by climate change and wetland loss. The structures also potentially hold the keys to future coastal construction methods. Research for the MPL revealed techniques developed through trial and error that allowed buildings to survive category four hurricane winds and storm surges up to sixteen feet for over a hundred years. Once formally identified as Louisiana Coastal Vernacular, these structures may hold the keys to future coastal construction methods. Potential global applications in the face of rising seas and increasingly severe annual tropical events require further investigation of surviving historic structures and their environments. Future investigation and documentation may reveal substantial applications to new construction that reduce loss of life and property during coastal storm events. Over the past thirteen years, state and federal authorities, citizens, and industries have struggled with numerous issues related to life in Louisiana?s unique coastal environment. What, how, and where to build has constituted a major theme of these discussions and yet, no comprehensive documentation of structures that have survived centuries of this environment has been conducted to ascertain how they survived and whether that information may be applied to future coastal communities. The historic buildings on Grand Isle represent a unique facet of life in Louisiana as well as containing the potential groundwork for a better way of living with coastal areas around the world.

Drawing on and piecing together a trove of previously unexamined sources, this book is the first critical study of the renowned African American gospel singer Mahalia Jackson (1911–1972). Beginning with the history of Jackson’s family on a remote cotton plantation in the Central Louisiana parish of Pointe Coupée, the book follows their relocation to New Orleans, where Jackson was born, and Jackson’s own migration to Chicago during the Great Depression. The principal focus is her career in the decade following World War II, during which Jackson, building upon the groundwork of seminal Chicago gospel pioneers and the influential National Baptist Convention, earned a reputation as a dynamic church singer. Eventually, Jackson achieved unprecedented mass-mediated celebrity, breaking through in the late 1940s as an internationally recognized recording artist for Apollo and Columbia Records who also starred in her own radio and television programs. But the book is also a study of the black gospel field of which Jackson was a part. Over the course of the 1940s and 1950s, black gospel singing, both as musical worship and as pop-cultural spectacle, grew exponentially, with expanded visibility, commercial clout, and forms of prestige. Methodologically informed by a Bourdiean field analysis approach that develops a more granular, dynamic, and encompassing picture of post-war black gospel, the book persistently considers Jackson, however exceptional she may have been, in relation to her fellow gospel artists, raising fresh questions about Jackson, gospel music, and the reception of black vernacular culture.

The vernacular variety of French historically spoken in south Louisiana, commonly known as Cajun French or to linguists as Louisiana Regional French (Klingler 2003), is the unique product of the contact between varieties of French spoken by the colonists, immigrants, and Acadian exiles who populated the region. The Acadian influence on this Louisiana dialect of French is reflected in its common name, ...

This chapter discusses the method and manner used in compiling the folklore of South Louisiana children. Using varied means, recordings, note-taking, video, and questionnaires, schoolyard folklore collections were compiled over forty-four years. Recordings include children telling jokes and stories, playing ring and line games, chanting, singing, and break-dancing. The folklore collected presents children communicating in subtle and sophisticated ways. Over forty years the use of Black English vernacular remained the speech of choice for schoolyard and street. It entered the vocabulary of countless white teenagers who grew up in integrated schools. Play and laughter functioned as survival tools, and Black English vernacular provided a feeling of community and solidarity.

This chapter covers the timeline from 1960 when New Orleans integrated its public schools, to 2011, the age of computers and the Internet. Integration had an immediate impact on children and their folklore – African American and white children began to communicate on the playground, sharing chants, jokes, jump rope rhymes, taunts, teases, and stories. Through the next forty-four years, schoolchildren of South Louisiana were able to conserve much traditional schoolyard lore while adapting to tremendous social and material changes and incorporating into play elements from media, computers, smartphones, and the Internet. As time passed African American vernacular became trendy among teenage whites. Black popular music became the music of choice for many worldwide. This is a story about how children, African American and “other” have learned to fit play into their rapidly changing society.