Tesis sobre el tema "Violence Violence Indonesian newspapers"

The purpose of this study is to examine the students’ perceptions of violence in an urban Indonesian high school. An ethnographically-informed case study is employed in an attempt to understand the students’ day-to-day life within the school environment and its influence on the construction of the students’ understanding of school violence. Drawing from participant observations over more than 6 months, personal interviews with 4 key students and 4 teachers, 5 focus group discussions, 15 selected students’ diaries, YouTube, Facebook, blogs and BlackBerry Messengers, this study presents some key findings in relation to the students’ perceptions of violence. First, school violence is associated with masculinity. Toughness and physical prowess are perceived to be the male characteristics which should be performed through school violence. Showing male characteristics through school violence is crucial to avoid the stigma of being banci or she-male – an unacceptable gender representation in Indonesian society. Second, school violence is crucially perceived by the students to be about identity, either in conjunction with the self, a group or institutional identity. Third, school violence is seen as a medium to construct social capital – strong connections, trustworthiness and reciprocity. This study argues that the students’ positive perceptions of violence are influenced by the dynamic of social and cultural practices within the educational environment. The segregation of school facilities, the designed place for hanging out, the communication patterns among the students and the overt hierarchical system between juniors, seniors and alumni regulated by the students’ norms are clear factors in this. This study, therefore, reiterates the view that attempts to control school violence should focus beyond the boundary of the individuals per se; it should consider the social, cultural and institutional context.

COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
Esta dissertação expressa uma preocupação em relação à maneira como a juventude contemporânea vêm lidando com o estado de violência urbana e vulnerabilidades ao qual estão submetidos. Estudos, pesquisas e relatórios desenvolvidos na última década pela UNESCO apontam os jovens como a parcela da população mais vulnerável a problemas como violência, desemprego, dificuldade acesso à educação de qualidade e carências de bens culturais, lazer e esporte. Quando focados na realidade da América Latina os dados mostram que os jovens entre 15 e 24 anos constituem a parcela da população mais expostas a violências externas, tais como homicídios e acidentes de trânsito. No Brasil, do total de homicídios ocorridos no país aproximadamente 56% são a jovens, dito de outro modo, mais da metade das vítimas tem idade entre 15 e 29 anos. A pesquisa partiu da coleta e reunião de notícias de jornais referentes a situações de óbitos e vulnerabilidades envolvendo os jovens para perceber de que maneira os dados estatísticos se presentificam no cotidiano noticiado. As reportagens além de demonstrarem a realidade no campo social serviram de ponto de partida para um amplo debate com jovens de diferentes segmentos sociais acerca da condição da juventude na contemporaneidade. Esses encontros foram nomeados rodas de conversa.Através das falas dos jovens nas rodas de conversa este trabalho intentou exemplificar o modo pelo qual os jovens vivenciam a violência e experimentam essa realidade permeada por riscos e vulnerabilidades. Em síntese, o objetivo desta pesquisa foi incentivar a reflexão sobre o modo como a violência urbana e a vulnerabilidade afetam a experiência subjetiva da juventude no contemporâneo, oferecendo subsídios para os profissionais, que desenvolvem trabalhos voltados para este público, criarem alternativas intervencionistas de caráter preventivo. Ainda, a intenção desta pesquisa foi a de incentivar o desenvolvimento de políticas públicas para a juventude, um campo de atuação permeado por controvérsias que demandam urgências dos profissionais desta área.
This research reveals a concern about the contemporaneous youth and how they deal with the state of urban violence and vulnerability that they are submitted. Studies, researches and written reports developed in the last decade by UNESCO show the youth as a portion of population more vulnerable to problems like violence, unemployment, difficulty of access to good education, and also fail to have access to cultural benefits, leisure and sport. When we focalize on Latin American reality the data show that the youths between 15 and 24 years old belong to the portion of population more exposed to external violence such as homicide and traffic accidents. In Brazil, the total number of homicide occurred in the country approximately 56% happens to young people, it means that more than a half of victims are between 15 and 29 years old. This research started looking after news from newspapers related to situations of homicides and vulnerability within the youth population for taking into account the way statistical data are presented to everyday life. The news not only indicated the reality but were also used as a start point to discuss with the young people from different social classes about their condition in the contemporaneousness. These meetings were called conversations circles. Through the arguments of the young people within the conversation circles, this research aimed to point out the manners the youth undergo the violence, a reality full of risks and vulnerabilities. Finally, the aim of this research was not only to promote a critical thinking about the way the urban violence and vulnerability affect the inner experience of the young people, but also to offer a knowledge to the professionals that work with young people for creating interventions to prevent these problems. The intention of this research was also to promote public policy directed to youth, a field full of disputes which claims for urgent solutions from the professionals of this area of studies.

This thesis discusses the reactions of American newspapers and elite individuals to French women in violence as perpetrators and victims during the French Revolution. Canvassing the years between 1789 and 1799, it includes papers, especially politically aligned ones, from across the states of America and attempts to assess the prescriptive nature of various reports. In includes case studies of common/working-class women, aristocratic revolutionaries (Charlotte Corday and Madame Roland), and Queen Marie Antoinette. Using newspapers with and without political affiliations, to either the Federalist or Democratic-Republican Party, it argues that the dividing ideological lines between these factions were not as steadfast and rigid as previously believed during this period. Though papers and individuals did adhere to party lines, their opinions toward women in violence were affected by other factors, such as their ideologies about violence. Building on historiographies of colonial and revolutionary American attitudes toward women in violence, gender ideology in the early Republic, and political parties in the 1790s, it seeks to illuminate American views toward women in violence during the years of the early Republic.
Master of Arts

The problem of violence against women in Serbia is connected with the position that women hold inside of the discourse of family and society in general. Also, the general atmosphere in media implies the lack of media freedom, specific structural organization, and ownership relations in media companies. From this starting point, this paper investigates how different newspapers in Serbia are reporting about violence against women. This study outlines the most common topics and social actors that are represented inside of the articles. The analysis is divided in two parts. A content analysis of the five different newspapers in Serbia (Kurir, Blic, Vecernje Novosti, Politika and Danas) and critical discourse analysis of the most relevant articles inside of those. Part of the study is devoted to identify how these articles are most commonly framed among the chosen newspapers. Another part of the study looks at the comparison of the newspapers, with special emphasis on the social actors and the way they are represented among the articles. Results showed that newspapers report on violence against women differently when it comes to the category of frame. Most commonly used frame among overall sample is human interest frame which implies reports connected to the individual cases of violence against women that often generate feelings of outrage, empathy, caring, sympathy, or compassion. The background of the cases is almost in all of the articles used to portray the human-interest perspective. The reports are somewhat similar when it comes to the way how social actors are represented in the articles. For example, in the analyzed articles it is most often that the victims are presented as passive agents. The discourse of guilt around the social actors is often shared between the perpetrator and the victim. According to the latest statistics, eight women were killed during the first 58 days of 2018. Thus, practical implication of this study is to potentially point out more and less effective ways for Serbian news media to approach this serious social issue in the future.

There is a problem with attitudes that blame the victim of sexual assault: these attitudes are widespread and show popular adhesion to assumptions about rape that have been criticized and combatted by feminists. These assumptions are known as “rape myths.” It is important to look at the role newspapers play in contemporary discourse around rape and the extent to which they reproduce rape myths or, alternatively, incorporate a feminist critique. This research examines how sexual assault is constructed in three English-language newspapers, The Toronto Star, The Globe and Mail, and The National Post in the year 2012. Using qualitative content analysis, themes of rape myths and the presence of feminist discourse are categorized. The power of language when describing rape in the media is recognized and a description of rape-supportive culture, within a feminist theoretical framework, is provided. The ultimate aim of this research is to identify and challenge myths and stereotypes surrounding rape as well as identify possible feminist discourse on rape in print news media in Canada.

El diario Trome es considerado un éxito periodístico, inclusive la escuela de negocios de la Universidad de Harvard lo considera digno de análisis. Es el diario de mayor circulación de habla hispana. En promedio vende 700 mil ejemplares al día mientras. Hoy supera los 2 millones de lectores y lectoras, en 2001 eran unas 163 mil y en el 2004 llegaba a un poco más de medio millón. Tomando en cuenta la excelente acogida de Trome en términos de ejemplares y lectoría, este trabajo busca identificar cuál es la agenda informativa ofrecida a su lectoría y evidenciar las representaciones sociales cotidianas preponderantes. Se incluye un análisis de la evolución del diario en sus 18 años. Las discusiones de sus creadores y los ajustes al contenido periodístico y su narrativa bajo el argumento de ofrecer lo que su audiencia espera. Además, incluye un análisis del titular de la noticia principal de la Portada y los de las 2 secciones más extensas del diario y recurrentes en Portada, Actualidad y Fiesta. Gracias al estudio de 21 diarios consecutivos y de 228 páginas de Trome, se ha podido identificar que los hechos de violencia y los asuntos de la vida privada de algunos personajes de espectáculo predominan como las representaciones de la vida cotidiana ofrecidas por el diario más exitoso de habla hispana, consumido por unos 2 millones de personas, básicamente de familias de nivel socio económico C y D, audiencia para la cual fue diseñado.
TROME newspaper is considered a journalistic success, even Harvard University Business School considers it worthy of analysis. It is the newspaper with the largest circulation among Spanish-speaking countries. On average, it sells seven hundred thousand (700,000) copies everyday compared to El Tiempo from Colombia, which sells around 400,000. Currently, its readers consist of more than 2 million people. This number had been growing considerably since 2001 when there were 163,000 readers and in 2004, it reached a little over half a million people. Considering the excellent results of Trome, this paper seeks to identify what are the news prioritize by Trome and stablish its representations of daily life. It includes an analysis of the evolution of the newspaper, as well as the discussions of its creators, the adjustments to the journalistic content and its narrative under the argument of offering what its audience expects. In addition, it includes an analysis of the headlines regarding the main news of its Cover and the 2 most extensive sections of the newspaper, Actualidad (current news) and Fiesta (Showbusiness). In summary, after the analysis of 21 consecutive newspapers and 228 pages, it has been possible to identify that the acts of violence and private life issues of some TV celebrities predominate as the representations of daily life offered by the most successful Spanish-speaking newspaper and consumed by about 2 million people. Basically, it is aimed at families of socio-economic C and D levels that represent the audiences for which TROME was designed.
Tesis

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major social and public health issue in the United States, particularly in rural locations. However, little is known about the context in which IPV occurs in rural areas. The goal of this dissertation was to examine the ways in which rural communities consider gender norms and the implications that might have for coverage and discussions of IPV. Since rural community newspapers have a uniquely important point of access by reporting on local news in a way that is not done by any other media source, newspaper content was analyzed. A content analysis was conducted of ten weekly, rural community newspapers in Iowa over one year, and comparisons were made with the state's largest paper, the Des Moines Register. The content analysis examined gender roles in articles, photographs and photograph captions. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with editors of most of the same rural community newspapers. Editors were asked about their community culture, gender roles within the community, and their awareness and knowledge of IPV. The dissertation was conducted through the framework of feminist positions on gender and violence, and also examined the nature of discussions surrounding gender roles and IPV in rural community newspapers photographs, through the concept of gender display, which considers how gender, power and subordination are reflected through mediated images. Additionally, news gatekeeping theory, which examines the way that newspapers operate within their communities and make day-to-day decisions about how to cover certain topics was used as a framework to guide the semi-structured interviews with editors. Results of the content analysis revealed that while IPV was rarely discussed, gendered coverage reflected traditional ideals of femininity and masculinity, although not to the extent expected. The content analysis analyzed various forms of gender display in photographs of men and women in their occupations, community and social roles. Overall, rural communities experience gender disparities, but this was in subtle representations of power differences in newspaper photographs. Results of the interviews indicated that rural community editors rarely think of gender roles within their community. When editors did talk about gender roles, the word "traditional" was frequently used, and most editors felt that men still held the majority of prominent positions within the community, while women also worked outside of the home, usually in less powerful jobs. Interviews indicated that rural community members have a very active role in the gatekeeping process.

The aim of this paper is to examine how Swedish newspaper articles portrayed domestic violence during the corona pandemic and to identify the risks of increased domestic violence depicted in the media. The study is based on the qualitative content analysis of 32 newspaper articles published between March 11th and April 15th 2020. Social constructivism theory, intersectional theory and framing theory were used in order to gain a deeper understanding of the results. The victims were in most articles described as women or women and children. The perpetrator of violence was referred to in half of the articles as male and in half just as the perpetrator. The articles were mainly described from a women's aid framework. Three central themes explaining the risks of increased violence were identified; isolation, a strained position for social resources and financial stress and anxiety.

Abstract This study aims at investigating how four different Swedish newspapers produce the phenomenon of honor, creating differences between "we and them" (our own quotation), as well as a summary of the differences between the newspapers'. This is to gain a deeper knowledge of the connection between the honour phenomenon and Swedish media. Method: Eight articles were collected based first on predetermined criteria and then by a random selection from all four newspapers. Analysis: The collected material was divided based on the issues as well as an thematization of the content and then analyzed in order to answer these questions. This study is based on an intersectional perspective with the following concepts: Culture, power, ethnicity, biological and social gender. Conclusion: The conclusions drawn in the following study are that the writers build their text content on factors that are represented as the causes of the honour-related violence. The most relevant factors are culture, religion and ethnicity, where the term gender also creates an additional dimension in the explanations of the honour phenomena. These explanations can further create a division between "we and them" (our own quotation). The victims of the articles are often made as weak and helpless as well as being young girls of different origins. The role of the villain becomes complex, as the practitioners themselves becomes the helper, while honour or culture takes the place as the main villain character in the content of the text. Even society is assigned a meaning through two different roles, patrons and the fraudulent rescuer. Based on this conclusion, a model was formed that might serve to clarify when it comes to the media's presentation of the relationship between the majority society and the victim of the honour violence. From this model, it becomes possible to understand the importance of self-awareness regarding attitudes in society and how it can further affect social work.

A presente tese consiste em um estudo das representações sociais pelos jornais Jornal da Tarde, especificamente as matérias do jornalista Percival de Souza, O Estado de São Paulo e Folha de São Paulo sobre o Esquadrão da Morte da cidade de São Paulo, compreendendo o período de novembro de 1968 a dezembro de 1978. Tem como objetivo contribuir para o estudo histórico da imprensa e sua atuação no Brasil contemporâneo, na medida em que seus agentes possuem interesses e objetivos reais na construção e condução de uma interpretação coletiva da sociedade. Adotamos o conceito de representações sociais do historiador Roger Chartier, sendo que de acordo com este as representações sociais produzem práticas e estratégias, no intuito de legitimar um projeto reformador, em detrimento de outro. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas, tendo por objetivo ampliar a discussão em torno das fontes e recuperar um dado contexto que não pudemos apreender das reportagens analisadas, dando voz aos protagonistas da história. As entrevistas realizadas foram com o jornalista Percival de Souza, os Procuradores Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo e o Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques, que foram protagonistas nas investigações sobre as atividades do Esquadrão da Morte, e o Capitão Francisco Jesus da Paz. Por fim, a pesquisa constatou que se no início as matérias apontam para o surgimento do Esquadrão da Morte como um ato de vingança, aderindo às versões dos delegados e policiais, a partir de meados dos anos de 1970 os jornais assumem uma nova postura ao apresentar a incoerência das autoridades públicas do Poder Executivo do Estado de São Paulo, particularmente o ex-governador Roberto de Abreu Sodré e o ex-secretário de Segurança Pública Hely Lopes Meirelles, em continuarem negando a existência do Esquadrão da Morte, além de destacarem o empenho da Justiça para punir os integrantes do Esquadrão da Morte.
This thesis is a study of the social representations presented in the articles published in the newspaper Jornal da Tarde (JT) - specifically the articles written by the journalist Percival de Souza -, and articles from O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) and Folha de São Paulo (FSP) on the Death Squad of Sao Paulo city, comprising the period from November 1968 to December 1978. It aims to contribute to the historical study of the press and its operation in contemporary Brazil, insofar as its agents have real interests and aims in the construction and in the conduction of a collective interpretation of society. We adopt the concept of social representations by the historian Roger Chartier, according to whom, the social representations produce practices and strategies, aiming to legitimize a reform project, to the detriment of others. In addition, we made interviews, aiming to broaden the discussion about the sources and to recover a certain context that we were not able to understand only by analyzing the articles. In doing this, we also gave voice by interviewing the protagonists of the story - the journalist Percival de Souza, and the attorneys Hélio Pereira Bicudo and Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques (who participated in the investigations on the activities of the Death Squad) - and the Captain Francisco Jesus da Paz. Finally, the research found out that, at the beginning, the articles presented the emergence of the Death Squad as a revenge act, accepting police officers and chiefs versions of the story. However, from the 1970s and forwards, the newspapers changed its perspective and showed the incoherence of the public authorities of the Executive Branch of the State of Sao Paulo, particularly regarding to the former governor Roberto de Abreu Sodré and to the former Secretary of Public Security Hely Lopes Meirelles, who insisted in denying the existence of the Death Squad, they also highlighted the work of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad. Besides, from the 1970s and forwards, these newspapers also highlighted the actions of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad.

Background: Women who inject drugs face vast disparities in health outcomes relative to their counterparts in the general population, most notably in HIV. Intimate partner violence (IPV) victimisation has a detrimental individual effect on women's HIV risk behaviour. Furthermore, IPV often co-occurs with substance use and poor mental health among women in high-income countries, but little is known about the cumulative and interactive effects of these conditions on women's HIV risk behaviour in low- and middle-income countries. This thesis applied an ecological approach guided primarily by syndemics theory to understand influences on women's HIV behavioural outcomes. It examined associations and mechanisms linking IPV, substance use, and depression, with HIV sexual and injecting risk outcomes in the first quantitative study of Indonesian women who inject drugs, the Women Speak Out study. Methods: This study combined community-based participatory approaches and extensive formative research with quantitative survey methods. 731 women, ≥18 years of age, and injecting illicit drugs in the preceding year were recruited using respondent-driven sampling (RDS) from urban settings in Greater Jakarta and Bandung, Indonesia. Network characteristics of the sample were assessed using the RDS software package for Stata 14. Data were analysed using multivariate logistic regressions, marginal effects models, and interaction analyses on the additive and multiplicative scales. The study was conducted in collaboration with the Indonesian Drug User Network. Results: Paper 1: Past-year IPV victimisation doubled the odds of engaging in one or more sexual HIV risk behaviours. Several covariates were associated with higher odds of sexual risk behaviour: HIV-positive status, non-injection crystal methamphetamine (crystal meth) use, low educational attainment, younger age, and being single. Co-occurrence of psychological, physical and/or injurious, and sexual forms of IPV had cumulative effects: sexual risk behaviour was reported by 62% of women who did not experience any form of IPV, but increased to 89% among those exposed to all three forms. Paper 2: Past-year IPV elevated women's odds of receptive syringe sharing. These effects remained after controlling for socio-demographic confounders. Two covariates, injecting illicit pharmaceuticals (vs heroin only) and housing instability and/or homelessness, remained associated with receptive syringe sharing in multivariate analyses. Paper 3: More than 1 in 4 women experienced concurrent IPV, depressive symptoms, and crystal meth use. All three exposures had independent negative effects on HIV sexual risk outcomes. The co-occurrence of all three factors produced a 4-fold increase in rates of survival sex work, 5-fold increase in STI symptomatology, and a 7-fold increase in inconsistent condom use. The joint effect of depressive symptoms and crystal meth use together was greater than the product of the estimated effects of each exposure alone on STI symptomatology, indicating an interaction on the multiplicative scale. Statistically-significant positive additive interaction was detected between IPV victimisation and crystal meth on inconsistent condom use; depression and crystal meth on STI symptomatology and on survival sex work; and IPV and depression on STI symptomatology and survival sex work. Conclusion: This thesis provides new evidence of the individual and cumulative effects of IPV, methamphetamine use, and depression on HIV risk outcomes among Indonesian women who inject drugs. The interaction analyses are the first to empirically test the assertion that these co-occurring conditions interact synergistically to increase drug-using women's HIV risk. This thesis furthers our understanding of how syndemics function within women who inject drugs to produce health disparities, and contributes to the problem theory for HIV risk behaviour in this population. The findings of this study have great public health significance and important implications for future longitudinal research, interventions, and policy.

The study seeks to interrogate the gender constructions in the Daily Sun’s “Charter for a Man” campaign which ran from 7 November to 7 December 2007. It coincided with the 16 Days of Activism against gender violence and was designed to lobby support for this campaign and discourage men from physically abusing women. The “Charter for a Man” listed nine principles that signatories were to abide by. It included a section to be signed by men to be submitted to and collected by the Daily Sun. The campaign was constructed as an intervention into the issue of gender violence. Consequently, the 30 news stories, four editorial pieces and 11 letters to the editor that were published during the campaign period make up the textual data analysed in the study. The news stories consisted of testimonies from abused women and some women abusers. In addition, celebrity signatories were selected to endorse the campaign and encourage other men to follow suit. In the editorials, the campaign was consistently flagged as a nation building initiative which all men were supposed to support. The letters to the editor consisted of readers who either supported or rejected the campaign. The study takes place against the context of a patriarchal society characterised by high levels of violence. Given this scenario, the study is informed by a concern with gender justice and therefore considers whether such a campaign, ostensibly aimed at eradicating gender violence, has the potential of being transformative of gender inequalities. The study set out to establish the kinds of masculinities and femininities that were variously constituted in the campaign as well as the gender discourses that were privileged. It is informed by the theories of feminist poststructuralism and Foucault’s conceptualisation of discourse. As the campaign is the initiative of a tabloid newspaper, it is also considered within the framework of newspaper campaigns and arguments about tabloids and the public sphere. As text based research, the study employs critical discourse analysis as a qualitative procedure of textual analysis. It makes use of an eclectic approach to textual analysis that draws on linguistics, narrative and argumentation. The texts are analysed according to the categories of news texts contained which includes the Charter itself, signatory articles, testimonies, vox pops and letters to the editor. The overarching theme of nationhood projected in the editorials and other categories is also discussed as part of the analysis. The study concludes that the Daily Sun campaign might be a seemingly progressive action at first glance. However, it does not challenge the existing gender order but rather maintains and sustains patriarchal attitudes through the repeated representation of women as weak and in need of patronage and men as their protectors and providers. In some instances, women are constructed primarily as sexual beings as their physical attributes are emphasised, while men are constructed as working class citizens and rational beings. The study therefore proposes that the Daily Sun fails as an alternative public sphere that might make visible the concerns of women as a marginalised group in society. The campaign, it is argued, is self-serving in its promotion of the Daily Sun’s image as the “People’s Paper” rather than serious concerns about gender violence.

Genom användning av diskursanalys ämnar denna studie besvara följande frågor: ”Hur framställs skillnaderna och likheterna mellan våld i nära relationer och hedersrelaterat våld, och hur betraktas de som olika fenomen?” samt ”Hur kan synen av olika kulturer påverkas genom att definiera våldet på olika sätt?”. För att besvara dessa frågor har 29 tidningsartiklar om våld i nära relationer och 61 artiklar om hedersrelaterat våld som skrivits i svenska dagstidningar mellan åren 2002 och 2021 samlats in. Dessa har sedan analyserats med hjälp av Laclaus och Mouffes diskursanalys. Analysen fokuserar på hur hedersrelaterat våld och våld i nära relationer presenteras i den mediala debatten. Utifrån analysen uppkom två diskurser: ”Det främmande våldet” samt ”Den mediala rapporteringen av distinktionen mellan olika våld”. Diskursanalysen tillhör det socialkonstruktivistiska perspektivet. Majoriteten av den tidigare forskningen berör det feministiska perspektivet. Dessa perspektiv brukas för att försöka förklara om det finns någon skillnad mellan nyhetsrapporteringen av hedersrelaterat våld och våld i nära relationer samt hur detta påverkar synen på icke-svenska kulturer. Studien klargör att det finns en skillnad på rapporteringen av hedersrelaterat våld och våld i nära relationer. Detta bidrar bland annat till att kunna särskilja olika grupper i samhället där etniska minoriteter framställs som främmande och oförmögen att kunna anpassa sig till det svenska samhället.
Through the application of discourse analysis, the purpose of this study is to answer the following questions: “How are the similarities and differences of domestic violence and honour-related violence portrayed, and in what ways are they viewed differently?” and “How can the perception of other cultures be affected by redefining the violence?”. To answer these questions, 29 news articles regarding domestic violence and 61 news articles regarding honour-related violence have been collected and then analysed with the help of Laclau’s and Mouffe’s discourse analysis. The analysis focuses on the way domestic violence and honour-related violence is portrayed in the journalistic space. Through this analysis, two discourses emerged: “The foreign violence” and “The distinction in portrayal of difference types on violence in the sphere of media”. Discourse analysis lies within the realm of social constructivism. Most prior research touches upon the feministic perspective. These perspectives are used in order to explain any difference in the reporting of honour-related violence and domestic violence in the media, and furthermore how it affects the regard of non-Swedish cultures. The study identified that there is a difference in the portrayal of honour-related violence and domestic violence in Swedish media. Ramifications include segregation, leading to the view that ethnic minorities are unable to conform to the structure of Swedish society at large.

Denna studie fäster intresset vid de senaste årens ökade uppmärksamhet runt femomenet hedersrelaterat våld. En uppmärksamhet som tagit sig uttryck i exempelvis statliga satsningar och offentlig debatt.

Det övergripande syftet med denna licentiatavhandling är att studera det samtal som förts i den medierade offentligheten, för att däri finna uttryck för idéer och ståndpunkter om hur staten skall reagera på hedersrelaterat våld.

För att kunna uppnå det övergripande syftet var det nödvändigt att med hjälp av tidigare teori konstruera ett analysinstrument, detta är studiens andra syfte. Analysverktyget som användes i undersökningen bestod av fyra olika socialpolitiska åtgärder för att komma till rätta med hedersvåld: reglering typ 1, reglering typ 2, exit (ingenting alls) och dialog. De socialpolitiska åtgärderna i analysverktyget betraktas som operationaliserade visioner om det multikulturella samhället. Det multikulturella samhällsidealet assimilationism, där det ivras för gemensamma värderingar och där gruppens betydelse tonas ner, ligger bakom den socialpolitiska åtgärden reglering typ 1. Kosmopolitism är det multikulturella ideal vilket åtgärdsformen reglering typ 2 är en yttring av. Här betonas tolerans för skillnader och mänskliga rättigheter, men ovilja inför omständigheter då individer ställs inför gruppers tvång till anpassning och underkastelse. Den multikulturella formen som benämns fragmentiserad pluralism och där gruppgemenskap, respekt för grupprättigheter och gruppers särart är viktiga ståndpunkter, reflekteras i interventionsformen exit (ingenting alls). I den sista varianten av multikulturalism, interaktiv pluralism, påtalas betydelsen av samspel mellan grupper och ömsesidig förståelse av olikheter, interventionsformen som speglar denna form av multikulturalism är dialog.

Ett ytterligare mindre syfte med licentiatavhandlingen består i att belysa hur socialtjänstens arbete med hedersrelaterat våld lyfts fram i medierna.

Licentiatavhandlingen är vetenskapsteoretiskt grundad i kritisk realism och teoretiskt är studien förankrad i tankegångar om multikulturalism. Speciellt betydelsefulla är de teoretiska diskussioner där man fokuserar på konflikten mellan jämställdhetsideal och frihetsideal i multikulturella västerländska stater. Följande frågor söker jag svar på: I vilken omfattning återspeglas olika multikulturella idéer, i form av åtgärder eller socialpolitiska interventioner mot dem som utför hedersrelaterat våld, i den medierade offentligheten? Vilken betydelse har faktorer som tidningsartikelkaraktär, tidningens utgivningsområde och publiceringstidpunkt på vilka socialpolitiska interventioner som lyfts fram? Hur ser skillnaden mellan olika aktörer ut vad gäller vilken socialpolitisk åtgärd som lyfts fram och finns det skillnad mellan aktörer i vilken omfattning som de förekommer i tidningsartiklarna? I vilken mån har dikotomin multikulturalism/assimilationism någon bäring och relevans i den svenska debatten om hedersvåld? I vilken grad och på vilket sätt skildras socialtjänsten i debatten om hedersrelaterat våld?

Empirin består i grunden av 1755 artiklar ur fem av Sveriges största dagstidningar (i några av analyserna har endast vissa delar av detta material används). Tidningsartiklarna har behandlats utifrån den textanalysiska metoden innehållsanalys. Som hjälp har använts ett speciellt datorprogram (QDA Miner) som utvecklats bl.a. för detta ändamål. Vissa delar av analysen har utförts genom manuell kodning medan andra delar har datorn genom instruktioner automatiskt sökt och hämtat specifika ord. Viss enklare deskriptiv statistisk beräkning har skett. Resultaten redovisas i frekvenstabeller och i vissa fall även med exemplifierande citat hämtade från tidningsartiklarna.

Resultaten i studien visar att: (1) intresset för hedersvåld har ökat de senaste åren och att detta tycks ha sammanfallit med de två hedersmorden på Fadime Sahindal och Pela Atroshi; (2) det går att påvisa fyra olika former av socialpolitiska åtgärder i artikelmaterialet samt att en av dessa, reglering typ 2 (dvs. den kosmopolitiska visionen) tycks ha en särställning genom att vara den mest förekommande, även då man testar mot variabler som tidningsartikelkaraktär, tidningens utgivningsområde och publiceringstidpunkt; (3) dikotomin multikulturalism/ assimilationism stämmer dåligt i de sammanhang där hedersrelaterat våld diskuteras; (4) de socialpolitiska åtgärderna förefaller oftast vara reaktiva; (5) politiker och debattörer utgör aktörer som man oftast finner bakom uttalanden om socialpolitiska åtgärder; och slutligen (6) socialtjänsten nämns i ringa grad i förhållande till andra myndigheter samt framställs i tämligen negativ dager.

En central implikation av studiens resultat är att resta krav på statliga ingripanden mot dem som utövar hedersvåld inte nödvändigtvis innebär en assimilationistisk ståndpunkt. Den springande punkten är hur ”kraven på ingripanden” motiveras. Ur en assimilationistisk ståndpunkt ämnas statliga åtgärder mynna ut i en delad ”livsstil”, medan det utifrån en kosmopolitisk ståndpunkt snarare handlar om att åtgärderna skall säkerställa efterlevnad av lagar och mänskliga rättigheter. Det gäller således att inte förväxla dessa två på ytan lika men ändå i grunden olika ställningstaganden.

This study focuses its interest on recent years’ increased attention, in Sweden, to the phenomenon of honour violence. The attention has taken the shape of, for example, government actions and public debate.

The overall purpose of this dissertation is to study the discourses that have been held in the public sphere and therein find expressions of ideas and positions regarding how the state should react to honour violence. To achieve the overall objective, it was necessary to use previous theories to construct an analytical tool. The analytical tool consists of four different sociopolitical measures used to handle honour violence: regulation type 1, regulation type 2, exit (nothing) and dialogue. In the analysis tool, the various types of intervention are regarded as operational visions of the multicultural society. The multicultural ideal assimilation, which eagerly supports common values and where the group’s importance is toned down, is behind the sociopolitical action regulation type 1. Cosmopolitanism is the multicultural ideal of which regulation type 2 is a manifestation. It stresses tolerance for differences and human rights, but is reluctant to accept circumstances in which individuals are forced to submit to group pressure. For fragmented pluralism, group solidarity and respect for the rights of the group are important and this view is reflected in the intervention exit (nothing). The final version of multiculturalism, interactive pluralism, calls attention to the importance of interaction between groups and mutual understanding of differences. The intervention which mirrors this form of multiculturalism is a dialogue.

A further objective of this study is to highlight how social work with honour violence is presented in the media.

The dissertation has its epistemological basis in the critical realism and theoretically the study is rooted in ideas about multiculturalism. Especially important have been the theoretical discussions focused on the conflict between equality and liberty in multicultural western states. Among other things I have searched for answers to the following questions: To what extent are the different multicultural ideas reflected as action or social policy interventions against perpetrators of honour violence, in the mediated public sphere? Does the dichotomy multiculturalism/assimilation have any bearing and relevance in the Swedish debate on honour violence or are there second positions behind the binary split? To what extent and by what means are the social services described in the debate on honour violence?

The empirical material basically consists of 1755 articles taken from five of Sweden's largest daily newspapers (in some of the analyses, only certain parts of this material are used). The news articles have been treated on the basis of a content analytical method. To help, a special computer program (QDA Miner), developed among other things for this purpose, has been used. Some parts of the analysis have been carried out by manual coding while other parts are made by computer automated searching and downloading of specific words. Some simple descriptive statistical calculations have been made. The results are reported in frequency tables and, in some cases, with illustrative quotations from the newspaper articles.

The results of the study show that: (1) there has been an increasing interest in honour violence the last few years and this seems to coincide with the two honour killings of Fadime Sahindal and Pela Atroshi, (2) it is possible to detect four different forms of social action, and one of them, regulation type 2 (that is the cosmopolitan vision), seems to have a special status in that it is most common, (3) dichotomy multiculturalism/assimilation hardly corresponds to the context in which the honour violence is discussed (4) the social policy measures most often seem to be reactive, (5) agents behind the statements on social policy are most often politicians and commentators, and finally, (6) social services, in relation to other authorities, are mentioned rarely and presented in a fairly negative way.

A key implication of the study results is that when people called for government action against those who practice honour violence, this does not necessarily mean they have an assimilationistic view. The key question is how “demand for intervention” is justified. From an assimilationistic standpoint, governmental actions should lead to a single "lifestyle," while they from a cosmopolitan viewpoint should rather ensure compliance with laws and human rights. It is therefore important not to confuse these two perspectives.

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When words, images and ideas are related and then shared by subjects, they create a reality. It is the context of communication that social representations take shape as elements which are present in social relations, thereby constituting a social reality. On such presupposition, this thesis aims at gaining an understanding of how the local online newspapers Diário dos Campos and Jornal da Manhã, in the city of Ponta Grossa, Paraná (Brazil), addressed issues related to “violence” committed by male teenagers in conflict with the law throughout the year of 2011. The Theory of Social Representations (TSR) was adopted as a theoretical framework, in order to reconstruct the object of research, namely, the social representations of online newspapers. From a methodological point of view, qualitative research was the starting point, and the data were then tabulated following a quantitative research. A total of 65 online newspaper reports on violence committed in 2011 by male teenagers in conflict with the law were catalogued. The analysis of the data was developed in accordance with the research procedure of content analysis, taking into account the frequency of the data in the aforementioned newspapers, and, hence, setting up categories, which were then addressed in light of the Theory of Social Representations (TSR). In its conclusion, the thesis attests that, generally, the social representations in the online newspapers with the law limit the discussion to police issues, thereby discontextualizing the events. Besides, violence is associated with infractional acts, so that violence and crime are seen as synonymous, and this creates a stereotype for these teenagers. Also, social representations have the same way to approach and discuss violence, with little divergence between then.
Palavras, imagens e ideias ao se relacionarem e serem compartilhadas pelos sujeitos criam uma realidade. É no âmbito da comunicação que as representações sociais se configuram como um elemento presente nas relações sociais, constituindo uma realidade social. A partir deste pressuposto a presente dissertação tem por objetivo compreender como os jornais locais online: Diário dos Campos e Jornal da Manhã representam e discutem as matérias referentes à violência praticada pelos adolescentes do sexo masculino em conflito com a lei, no ano de 2011, na cidade de Ponta Grossa (PR). Utilizou-se como referencial teórico a Teoria das Representações Sociais (TRS) para a construção do objeto de pesquisa, que são as representações sociais dos jornais online sobre a violência. O caminho metodológico tem como ponto de partida a pesquisa qualitativa, e, para a tabulação dos dados, utilizou-se a pesquisa quantitativa. A catalogação dos jornais online foi realizada, sendo catalogadas 65 matérias sobre a violência envolvendo os adolescentes em conflito com a lei no ano de 2011. Para a análise dos dados, utilizou-se como instrumento de pesquisa a análise de conteúdo, a partir da frequência dos dados, em conjunto com as matérias dos jornais, elencando categorias, sendo estas desveladas à luz do referencial teórico – a TRS. Conclui-se que as representações sociais presentes nos jornais online que apresentam as matérias referentes à violência envolvendo os adolescentes são marcadas por uma centralização nas discussões policiais, caracterizando uma descontextualização das matérias. A violência é associada ao ato infracional, de modo que violência e crime são vistos como sinônimos, o que tende a estereotipar os adolescentes. As representações sociais, de ambos os jornais possuem as mesmas formas de abordar e discutir a violência, com pouca divergência entre eles.

This study investigates Grocott’s Mail’s rape reporting through a participatory action research process. It draws on feminist cultural studies, sociology of news, and normative theories of the media to inform the research project. The participatory action research process explored three areas with the journalists at Grocott’s Mail: their understanding of the community they serve and their own professional identity as a community of practice, roles of the media in society which inform reporting, and rape as a social issue and problem. Through this process the study found that the pervasiveness of rape in the Grahamstown community, the complexities around rape reporting which include the significant legal challenges, the personal impact rape cases have on journalists, and the journalistic roles and approaches employed in rape reporting all influence how the paper covers rape. In analysing these matters the study found that the primary factor inhibiting a successful strategy for managing rape reporting was that Grocott’s Mail does not place gender-based violence on their news agenda as an issue requiring attention in order to develop the community they serve.

碩士
國立成功大學
護理學系
102
Objective: The objective of this study is to examine violent incidents experienced by nurses and the associated factors of violence against nurses in Indonesian emergency departments. Methods: A structured questionnaire from the World Health Organization (WHO) on workplace violence in the health sector was modified and translated into Bahasa. A total of 169 nurses working in emergency departments in six (6) hospitals in Jakarta and Bekasi Indonesia were participated in the study. The gathered data were analyzed using descriptive and multivariate logistic regression. Result: Ten percent of emergency nurses reported experiencing physical violence and mainly perpetrated by patients, whereas more than a half of emergency nurses (54.6 %) reported experiencing non-physical violence with patient’s relative as the main perpetrators. More than of nurses (55.6%) did not have encouragement to report workplace violence and very few (10.1%) of nurses had received any information or training about workplace violence. No predictors were found to be associated with physical violence, whereas the predictor for non-physical violence is type of hospitals. Conclusion: The findings of this study highlighted the seriousness of violence in Indonesian emergency departments. Support from the management, encouragement to report violence and availability of workplace violence training are expected to mitigate and manage violence against nurses in emergency departments.

The issue of honour killings has become a prominent topic of discussion in the Western discourse of violence against immigrant women. In Canada, particularly, the recent high-profile cases of honour killings have drawn increased attention from the media, academics and the public. The prevalent discussion links these murders to the broader issues of immigration, multiculturalism, and violence against immigrant women. In this thesis, I examine the nature of honour killings, their components, and the discourse of honour killings in its Canadian context. In doing so, I conduct a textual analysis of the representation of three recent honour killings in two major Canadian newspapers; The Toronto Star and The Globe and Mail. Results suggest that honour killings touched a nerve in Canadian media leading to the use of culturalist approaches to understand and represent these killings. This culturalist approach to the debate created serious obstacles for clarifying or explaining this form of violence against women. It further hindered any constructive public debate about ending these killings. The consequences of the culturalist approach to honour killings as well as recommendations for future research and theoretical developments in this area of violence against women are suggested.
UOIT

Background: South-Africa has a long standing history of migration. Yet in 2008 the country experienced unprecedented waves of xenophobic violence against foreigners in a number of townships around the province of Gauteng. In the aftermath negative sentiments seemed to have developed against foreign nationals. The media is a power tool in the creation of such sentiments. Through images, language, voices and representation of individuals and groups media outlets may have significant impact on the perception of its audiences on their realities. This research aimed to investigate in what ways two South-African newspapers have depicted African migrants in relation to their health and healthcare services. In resource scare settings such as South-Africa, a competition for limited services in combination with an increase of users may have contributed to a xenophobic environment. To examine this hypothesis, articles were investigated for their language use and underpinning discourses. Methods: For the analysis two Gauteng English-speaking newspapers were selected (The Star, The Sowetan). Data were retrieved from the online archive of Wits University library and selected through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Using a Jäger’s structural and fine analysis approaches, a form of critical discourse analysis, articles were analyzed according to their use of rhetoric, metaphors, subjects, voices, power relations and institutional forms of power. Furthermore, authors were investigated and all articles summarized as well as examined for their tone and atmosphere. Moreover, articles’ data were checked for their accuracy. Results and Discussion: Publications in the two newspapers on the subject of health and migration were infrequent with 38 articles between 2008 and 2015. The overall impressions of articles varied but the majority did not frame migrants negatively. Information on the authors was not readily available. Metaphors were framed around the supposedly high numbers of migrants entering the country (waves, masses, etc.). A significant word choice was the word illegal which was often used to imply a criminal act. However, many articles conveyed equally empathic views on the difficult positions of migrants. Moreover, othering through the creation of inside and outside groups were a recurrent form of presenting migrants. Several terms around foreign nationals were used interchangeably to speak about migrants irrespective of their legal status. The majority of migrants articles referred to were Zimbabweans (68%) which was often associated with a negative image. Data use in articles was difficult to confirm or reject as accurate data were not easily accessible. Both newspapers allowed various voices to be heard. There was no evidence for misuse of institutional forms of power. Overall, the main discourses in the articles were around cross-border migration and health risks, the poor management of migration, the use of resources by migrants and the health status of migrants living in South-Africa. Results are limited by the researcher’s bias based on her gender, nationality and social background which also limited the choice of data sources to English speaking newspapers. As a non-native English speaker, linguistic nuances may have gone unnoticed. Moreover, certain information was not available, including data on the authors or the layout of the articles. Lastly, this research limited itself to xenophobia against cross-border migrants and not internally displaced people or xenophobia between ethnic groups. Conclusion and Recommendations: Both newspapers fail to account for the different stories behind cross-border movements. Neither of the newspapers gave particular space to the subject itself.
M T 2019

A Master’s Thesis submitted to the School of Journalism Media Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa; in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of a Master’s Degree by Coursework and Research Report in Journalism and Media Studies, 2016
This study explores the way in which xenophobic violence was framed during March and April 2015. This is undertaken through qualitative content analysis of the editorial, news, opinion and feature articles in order to identify themes and news values selected for the coverage of the violence. The study draws on some of the news values enshrined two newspapers, Sunday Times (South African newspaper) and Sunday Mail (Zimbabwean newspaper), coverage of the xenophobic violence and framing of the violence that occurred during 2015. News values are used to determine how much prominence an event or issue is. Hence, this insight is used to analyse the news articles to determine what the newspapers considered newsworthy during the xenophobic violence. In addition, framing theory asserts that the media put more focus on certain events than others and place them within a field of meaning. As such, overall, the findings of the study show that both newspapers framed xenophobic violence in a manner that was not derogatory to the foreigners i.e. the use of words such as makwerekwere or aliens but however different considering the different contexts from which the newspapers reported from. The Sunday Mail had little coverage on the violence and mostly reported on the violence if there was a Zimbabwean national involved. On the contrary, Sunday Times, reported on all the events that took place during the spate of the violence.
XL2018

The news media are powerful purveyors of culture in North America. Crime news reporting particularly is an influential means by which the news media define the boundaries of deviant and non-deviant behaviour. For the purposes of the present research, I examined the ways that the print news media constructed cases of male-perpetrated Intimate Partner Homicide (IPH) in Alberta. Using a social constructionist theoretical orientation grounded in an Ethnographic Content Analysis methodology, I examined 381 newspaper articles that discussed four separate incidents of male-perpetrated IPH. Approaching these data from the perspective of media reciprocity and a social constructionism epistemology, I considered the various ways that the print media presented these cases for their audience, but also the various ways that the audience’s expectations and the general zeitgeist of the culture may have affected this presentation. Much of the dominant discourse in the cases I studied was consistent with previous research examining IPH presentations in the news media, namely that the media present victims and perpetrators in stereotyped ways according to their gender and ethnicity. However, I also examined some less prominent themes, including those that were pro-feminist, ambivalent, fictionalized, and constructed for the purpose of audience titillation and voyeurism. Additionally, owing to the qualitative nature of the methodology, I was able to examine discussions that subverted the stereotypical representation of victims and perpetrators in the news media and examine how these presentations could affect audience understanding of the phenomenon of IPH. Overall, the present project led to a discussion of how the media construct various facets of psychology and feminism and how these facets are in turn constructed by society in a reciprocal process whereby the media influence culture and culture correspondingly affects the media.

O presente trabalho de investigação está subordinado ao tema “Os media e a violência doméstica – uma análise à cobertura noticiosa da imprensa portuguesa”. Com isto, pretende-se perceber de que forma a publicação de notícias sobre violência doméstica podem contribuir para a construção social da realidade, despertando consciências para este fenómeno, levando a que as vítimas se sintam mais confiantes e seguras em denunciar um tipo de crime que nos últimos anos tem sido objeto de debate e da adoção de diversas medidas, ao nível da prevenção e investigação criminal, assim como em criar instituições e infraestruturas que possam apoiar estas vítimas. Para o efeito, procedeu-se à análise de notícias sobre o crime de violência doméstica num determinado período de tempo no Jornal Correio da Manhã, Jornal Público, Jornal Expresso e Revista Sábado, com o objetivo de perceber se a imprensa dá destaque a este fenómeno e de que forma o aborda.
The present research work is subordinated to the theme "The media and domestic violence - an analysis of the news coverage of the Portuguese press". With this, it is intended to understand how the publication of news about domestic violence can contribute to the social construction of reality, raising awareness for this phenomenon, leading victims to feel more confident and secure in denouncing a type of crime that in recent years has been the subject of debate and adoption of various measures in the area of crime prevention and investigation as well as in creating institutions and infrastructures that can support these victims. For this purpose, news about the crime of domestic violence was analyzed in a period of time in Correio da Manhã, Jornal Público, Jornal Expresso and Revista Sábado, in order to understand if the press highlights this phenomenon and how you approach it.

The main aim of this study was to investigate which factors are likely to affect the probability that events of violent collective action are reported by the press in KwaZulu-Natal. The study hypothesised that the likelihood of violent conflict events being reported by the press is affected by certain characteristics of the events themselves, such as their intensity and size, and by the environment in which events occur, such as their physicai location and the prevailing political context. The study was limited to the KwaZulu-Natal province where levels of violent collective action have been the highest in the country over the past decade. This province is also home to many violence monitoring agencies, which constituted an important alternative source of information against which the reporting trends of the newspapers in the province could be compared. The main source of information used in this study was the Conflict Trends in KwaZulu-Natal project's database of collective action events, which comprises events reported by both the press and the monitoring agencies. Data on a total of 3990 violent conflict events was analysed during 1987, 1990 and 1994, in the form of comparisons between the reporting tendencies of the press and the monitors. Interviews were also conducted with reporters and editors of the daily newspapers in KwaZulu-Natal, as well as with selected monitoring agency staff members. These interviews provided valuable information about how these media operate, and the factors which constrain their violence reporting activities. The most support was found for the argument that the political context influences violence reporting by the press. Analyses suggested that in all three years studied, the press contribution to the database decreased as monthly levels of violent conflict increased. This was explained in relation to the prevailing political context. The results also showed that reporting trends changed over time. In the earlier years, the press did not appear to be more inclined to report events of larger size and intensity, or events which were close to the newspapers' base. In 1994, however, this trend was reversed. There also was no clear evidence that the States of Emergency impacted negatively on press reporting of violence in terms of the variables studied. In addition, the study concluded that both the press and the monitOring agencies had made important separate contributions to the database on violent collective action. It is, therefore, vital that systematic studies of violent conflict in KwaZulu-Natal make use of multiple sources of data.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

This study aims to draw on some of the ethical guidelines enshrined in the South African Press Code (SAPC 2007:10). This SAPC states that “the press shall be obliged to report news truthfully, accurately, fairly and in a balanced manner, without any intentional or negligent departure from the facts”. This insight is used in order to analyse the way in which the 2008 xenophobic attacks were reported in South Africa by the Sowetan and Daily Sun newspapers. Overall, the findings show that the two newspapers adhered to the South African Press Code (2007), and were ethical in their 2008 news reports. This specifically contradicts the dominant perception of most mainstream newspaper readers, who thought that, the Daily Sun is just a tabloid newspaper which “represents the lowest standard of journalism” (Wasserman 2012:1), because of its sensational crime and sex stories.
Communication Science
M.A. (Communication)