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1

Malashenko, A. "Islamic Vector in Russian Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-64-71.

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The Islamic vector is a part of Russian foreign policies. Its importance should not be exaggerated, yet it may hardly be ignored. This vector is underpinned by Russia’s striving to establish close relations with the Muslim world and to emphasize the closeness of their interests, as well as to contain the Western domination in the global politics by means of cultivating and promoting common contribution of Russia and Muslim countries to the creation of a new world order based on the principle of multipolarity. The Russian official ideology emphasizes the similarity of traditions and civilizatio
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2

Trusova, Mariya A. "The evolution of Western Powers’ perceptions of the Soviet-German relations in 1918–1924." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, no. 1 (2024): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-73-79.

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On the basis of the study of the Documents of foreign policy of Great Britain, France and the United States the author identifies the main stages of Soviet and German relations in the socalled Rapallo period. Eachstage has its own features of the perception and their prospects by these countries. The author concludes that Western countries’ assessments of German-Soviet relations are interdependent and interconnected with their foreign policy and foreign economic decisions.
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3

Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation take
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4

Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.

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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly,
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5

Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.

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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria
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6

Cope, Kevin L., Pierre-Hugues Verdier, and Mila Versteeg. "The Global Evolution of Foreign Relations Law." American Journal of International Law 116, no. 1 (2021): 1–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2021.58.

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AbstractThe constitutional rules that govern how states engage with international law have profound implications for foreign affairs, yet we lack comprehensive data on the choices countries make and their motivations. We draw on an original dataset that covers 108 countries over a nearly two-hundred-year period to map countries’ foreign relations law choices and trace their evolution. We find that legal origins and colonial legacies continue to account for most foreign relations law choices. A small number of models emerged in the nineteenth and early twentieth century in Western Europe, subse
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7

Astakhova, S. "Belarus: Relations with Russia in the New Political Reality." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2024): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-1-58-66.

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A new political reality is being formed in the context of the unfriendly policy of Western countries towards the Russian Federation. Belarus continues to be Russia’s only ally in the western direction. Russian and Belarusian diplomacy work together to achieve common foreign policy objectives to build a more just world order based on traditional values and respect for the interests of all parts. The idea of a multipolar world is becoming the basis of Russian foreign policy.
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8

Seyidova, Sevinj. "From the history of the formation of trade and economic relations between Azerbaijan and foreign countries in the 1920s – 1930s." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 1-2 (2023): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202301statyi50.

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The article is devoted to the history of the formation of trade and economic relations between Azerbaijan and foreign countries in the 20-30s of the 20th century. In the 1920s the Republic of Azerbaijan invited specialists from foreign countries to restore various sectors of the economy. With the strengthening of trade and economic relations between the USSR, the USA and Western Europe, interest in Azerbaijan increased on the part of representatives of firms and business circles from various countries.
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9

Kolarski, Ljiljana. "THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 23, no. 2/2022 (2022): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.5.

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The war in Ukraine represents a turning point in international relations that significantly affects the common foreign and security policy of the European Union. By taking place on European soil and mainly between Russia and Ukraine, it really indirectly affects several countries united in two important entities, the European Union and NATO. In this paper, we will deal with the analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on the countries of the Western Balkans, which are in a significant geopolitical position and have developed relations with Russia in the fields of foreign policy, security,
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10

Salmanova, Saida Nizami, Gulmira Gasham Guliyeva, and Dunya Hasanova, daughter of Khaliq. "THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF MODERN DIPLOMATIC HISTORY OF AZERBAIJAN." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 1 (April 18, 2024): 200–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2024-1-24.

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Abstract. On October 18, 1991, the declaration of independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan, located in a geopolitically important region, and the changes that took place in the international arena in the late 80s and early 90s brought to the fore the importance of formulating and implementing a new foreign policy in Azerbaijan. On March 2, 1992, the Republic of Azerbaijan, which began to be recognized by many countries of the world, became a member of the United Nations (UN). The recognition of Azerbaijan by the countries of the world and the establishment of diplomatic relations created the
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11

Gubina, M. A., and S. F. Sutyrin. "Russia–India trade relations in terms of increasing geopolitical uncertainty." Journal of the New Economic Association 58, no. 1 (2023): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/22212264_2023_1_149.

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The article is devoted to exploring of the current state and prospects of Russian-Indian foreign trade relations. Currently, Russia and India are not key partners for each other, since the industrial capabilities of both economies do not contribute to closer ties. Both countries have repeatedly noted the need to increase mutual trade turnover, and serious progress has been achieved in 2022 (primarily due to external factors). India has become one of the beneficiaries of the current geopolitical circumstances, since it has not joined the embargo imposed by Western countries on Russian oil and p
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12

ÖNSÖZ, Ekrem. "İsrail-Türkiye İlişkileri: Geçmişten Günümüze Siyasal Gerçeklik Kuramı ve Tehdit Algılamaları." International Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 31 (2023): 530–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.7.31.28.

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In order to understand the relations between the two countries, it is important to refer to the theory of political reality in international relations. According to this theory, states determine their foreign policies in order to cope with existential threats. In this context, Israel's security approach is shaped by threat perceptions. Israel's political structure, political system, leading parties, leaders and the dynamics of political life play a decisive role in foreign policy decisions. The dynamics of the Israeli Parliament (Knesset), public opinion and coalition governments are important
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13

Fedorovskaya, I. "Armenia’s Foreign Policy in the New International Realities." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2024): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-2-92-100.

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Tension continues to persist in the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The signing of a peace treaty between the two countries is postponed indefinitely. In these circumstances, feeling the insufficiency of Russia's efforts to ensure the country's security, Armenia is looking for new partners. These are the countries of Western Europe and the EU, the USA, and India. France and India are becoming the largest arms suppliers to Armenia. Russia is moving from Armenia's allies to the status of partners, but there is no talk of any break in relations, since Armenia is economically heavily dep
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14

Bobrova, V., and K. Protasov. "Foreign Direct Investments in BRICS Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-26-35.

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The analysis of Brazil's, Russia's, India's, China's and RSA's opportunities allows to speak about the further development of BRICS potential in the near future due to increase of the FDI flows both within BRICS and in its relations with third countries. China which to date selectively takes foreign investments giving special priority to their qualitative characteristics will remain the most long-term country. Russia continues to be one of global leaders in the field of resource development and a country with plenty of unrealized opportunities in the industrial sector. By today, there is still
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15

Sokolov, A. P., I. S. Khludov, E. D. Spirin, and M. A. Makarov. "Western Diplomatic training: A Comparative Analysis of Education Models." Journal of International Analytics 15, no. 4 (2025): 97–119. https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2024-15-4-97-119.

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The article examines the specific features of diplomatic training in Western countries in the context of shifting foreign policy approaches. The analysis focuses on the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Hungary, and Poland, which were selected for their distinct historical and geographical characteristics. The cases are grouped into dyads to facilitate comparisons both between pairs and within each dyad. The comparative framework is based on specific criteria, including the existence of specialized diplomatic training institutions, the range of international relations program
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16

Ignjatović, Jelena, Jovana Kisin, and Azemina Mašović. "The analysis of foreign trade in Serbia and North Macedonia." Poslovna ekonomija 17, no. 2 (2023): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/poseko23-45312.

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The Western Balkans region has directed its economic growth and development through the integration of national economies into international trade flows. Given that all countries in the region have faced the consequences of the Covid19 pandemic, the overall situation has also affected foreign trade relations. Although the European Union has been the largest trade partner of the countries in the region in recent decades, the presence of the People's Republic of China and its influence on the region's trade is becoming more and more noticeable. The aim of this paper is to analyze the state of fo
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17

Zhiltsov, S. S. "Russia’s policy in the Eurasian area amid confrontation with the West." Post-Soviet Issues 11, no. 4 (2025): 270–83. https://doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2024-11-4-270-283.

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Western sanctions against Moscow have led to a radical change in the Russian foreign policy course. The Western direction of Russia’s diplomacy, which had been promoted since the late 1980s, began to change at the end of the XX and at the beginning of the XXI centuries. Amid the Western pressure, Moscow began to give higher priority to the eastern direction, expanding political and economic contacts with non-Western states. Russia’s main attention was turned to the countries of the Eurasian area, for which the policy of the West also created significant risks. As a result, over the past decade
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18

Zyabkina, E. I. "Ukrainian-Georgian Relations at the present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 1 (2019): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-1-65-73.

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After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.The alignment of forces in each of the states contr
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19

Walewicz, Piotr. "Narracje na temat aneksji Krymu na łamach „Foreign Affairs” w świetle teorii stosunków międzynarodowych." Świat Idei i Polityki 15, no. 1 (2016): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201607.

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Publications in western specialized journals which describe the Russian Federation’s international behavior have always followed a certain paradigm of international relations. The article is an analysis of opinions and beliefs held by commentators and analysts writing for „Foreign Affairs”, based on their publications about the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation on march 2014. They have been scrutinized using three predominant theories of international relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. The research proved that western commentators and analysts writing about the ann
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20

Davydov, Andrey. "Russian Cooperation with BRICS Countries." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760027295-1.

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For a long period foreign trade was one of the major priorities for Russian economic development. Economic contradictions between Russia and Western countries changed international economic order. As a result of the Western sanctions global financial and banking system was ruined, international trade faces serious problems. In current situation Russia has to reload its economic priorities. This article covers the major trends in Russian foreign trade during 2022-2023. In 2022 oil and natural gas export increased and foreign currency reserves were reestablished. But in 2023 Western economic san
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21

Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.

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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United Sta
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22

Sikharulidze, A. Т. "Georgia Beyond “Radical Europeanness”: Undiscovered Directions of Foreign Policy." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-91-108.

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Georgia’s turn to the West signifi cantly aff ected its geopolitical and foreign policies. The author shares the view expressed by Georgian scholars that the country’s continued commitment to the Western vector is a direct consequence of ideas expressed by political elites (constructivist theory) and their self-identifi cation as “European,” coupled with Western-style liberal democracy as a social order preference (liberal theory). Georgia’s political elites are driven by the concept of “Europeanness” and thus focus primarily on the state’s aspirations to be integrated into the “Western world,
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23

Zhabskiy, Valeriy, and Aleksander Shuvalov. "Ensuring the national security of the Russian Federation, state priorities, law-making." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2021, no. 4 (2021): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2021-4-27-31.

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In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanti
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24

Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.

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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relat
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25

Monazami, Amirhosein. "The facilitating role of sport in foreign relations of the US and Iran." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 2 (2020): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n2p103-119.

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The soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after fourteen years of it’s revolution, has been influenced by various macro and micro concepts that have been repeatedly challenged by Western countries, especially the United States; So, Islamic Republic of Iran, in light of recent years' successes in the international field of sports, including seventeenth among the 206 countries in the Olympic 2012 can use this capacity to expand its interactions in the international arena. The purpose of the present study was initially to explore the concepts of strengthening Iran's soft power through sport
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26

Prokhorenko, Irina L’vovna. "Foreign Policy Thinking in Latin America: Concepts, Approaches and Research Directions." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (2019): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-177-186.

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The author tries to define terms, concepts and categories the most frequently used by Latin America scholars and to define the directions and thematic focus of their academic activities in the foreign policy and international relations research area by applying the discourse and content analysis of relevant scientific publications, its abstracts and keywords. It was concluded that de facto, under the influence or even the dominance of the Western political science and the Western international relations theory, the particular Latin America foreign policy thinking has emerged and continues to d
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27

Uysal, Gönenç. "Turkey’s Sub-imperialism in Sub-Saharan Africa." Review of Radical Political Economics 53, no. 3 (2021): 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/04866134211003995.

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The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Af
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28

Seyed Asl, Seyedmohammad, and Shalale Zabardast Alamdari. "Emerging Dynamics and Prospects in Iran-Russia Relations:Navigating the New World Order." International Organisations Research Journal 20, no. 1 (2025): 89–105. https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2025-01-05.

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In recent years, the discourse surrounding shifts in the world order, the factors driving the changes in political, economic, and cultural fields, and the implications of these changes for different countries have emerged as serious topics in the field of foreign policy studies and international relations. The changes are being evaluated at the global level with focus on how countries interact with one another and how international conflicts are resolved. Additionally, there has been a rise in policies promoting alignment and the division of the world into eastern and western camps. Indeed, th
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29

MEYERS, EYTAN. "The causes of convergence in Western immigration control." Review of International Studies 28, no. 1 (2002): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502001237.

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In recent years, some scholars have argued that there has been a convergence of the immigration control policies of the industrial democracies. This article demonstrates that, in fact, there has been an extraordinary similarity among the immigration control policies of the major receiving countries for over a century. It examines six alternative explanations for these similarities in immigration control policies: (1) a global hegemon that forces or persuades various countries to act in unison; (2) global or regional migration regimes and organizations; (3) interdependence between the immigrati
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30

BASKAKOV, Ilya, and Aida ERMANALIEVA. "Iran’s Current Foreign Policy Course in the South Caucasus." Middle & Post-Soviet East 6, no. 3 (2024): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/j.2949-2408.2024.03.06.

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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of Iran’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus at the present stage in the context of the degradation of Iran’s relations with Western countries and the proclaimed turn of the country to the East and Asia. The article analyzes the trends in the development of the South Caucasus as a regional subsystem of international relations, as well as logistics and energy projects promoted by various countries in the region. It is stated that for Iran, the South Caucasus is part of a complex megaregion of Southwest Asia, where Tehran’s strategic interests lie. T
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31

Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. "Partner na trudny czas. Obraz Austrii w świetle materiałów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej z lat 1980–1983." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 24/1 (April 29, 2016): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.06.

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The aim of this article is to show how the Fourth Department (Western Europe) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) assessed its relations with Austria in 1980–1983. This topic is analysed from the perspective of the existing research on Polish foreign policy and its relations with the West. The article mainly presents the Polish perspective of bilateral relations and efforts to restore good trade relations with Austria. Before martial law was introduced in the PRL, this neutral Western country had evidently favoured Polish affairs in the international arena.
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32

Critchlow, James. "Western Cold War Broadcasting." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (1999): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976841.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, Western governments turned to radio as the most effective means of countering the Soviet information monopoly. U.S. and West European radio stations attempted to provide listeners with the kind of programs they might expect from their own radio stations if the latter were free of censorship. For most of these listeners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the broadcasts were their only contact with the outside world. The importance of the foreign radio programs was confirmed not only by audience estimates, but also by the considerable efforts the Communist regimes ma
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33

О., В. Коломієць. "ГЛОБАЛІЗАЦІЯ СУЧАСНОЇ ЗОВНІШНЬОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ ВИШЕГРАДСЬКОЇ ГРУПИ". Сучасне суспільство: політичні науки, соціологічні науки, культурологічні науки 2, № 14 (2018): 88–102. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1295372.

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<em>The article analyzes the globalization imperatives of the modern foreign policy of Visegrad group (V4), which showed certain differentiation, discreteness and duality due to internal contradictions in the relations between the countries-members of the V4. Currently, the main foreign policy priorities of the Visegrad group is a pan-European policy in the framework of the European Union, to ensure national and regional security of member countries, as well as the implementation of the policy of good neighborliness with neighboring countries, giving priority to the Western Balkan countries th
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34

Višňovský, Radovan. "Visegrad Group and Relations with Russia." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (2020): 347–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-347-355.

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This article refers to the Central European countries by meaning the Visegrad Group countries (V4) - Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. The development of the Visegrad Group aimed on integration to the Euro-Atlantic structures fulfilled its promise, nevertheless, the membership in Western structures does not necessarily mean the loss of Russian influence in the region of Central Europe. On the contrary, the region’s connection to Russia developed in the past remained to some extent even after the process of political transition in particular countries. Such connections are responsi
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35

Sour, Lotfi. "The Western Sahara conflict in the Algerian Moroccan relations." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 58 (2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-130.

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Algeria and Morocco have for centuries kept an uneasy relationship of conflict and doubt which shaped the Maghreb region history. In fact, both states shared the same borders but never shared same policies. This caused the relational gap at both governmental level and social grounds. As a result, the hostility and continuing tension has remained at top in their foreign policies for most of their mutual history. Consequently, the Western Sahara conflict has been undoubtedly an important driver of one of the most critical problems to have confronted the two countries in the course of their bilat
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36

Cui, Hao. "Theoretical innovations in international relations from the perspective of “Global South”." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 8, no. 8 (2024): 6468. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v8i8.6468.

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“Global South” is undoubtedly a broad term that typically refers to developing countries with varying degrees of economic, cultural and political influence. The rise of the Global South signifies the importance of reassessing the existing international order. In terms of international relations theory, this should be an innovative, progressive and reflective field of study. However, this research is predominantly led by the Western mainstream international relations theories. This often neglects the internal and external factors in the development processes of other countries, the formation of
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Vares, Peeter, and Olga Zurjari. "Foreign Policy." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 1 (1995): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408349.

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First VisionsDuring the Soviet period Estonia, like the other national republics of the USSR, lacked a foreign policy of her own. While foreign ministries did exist, they had just a symbolic function: staffed by only five or six people, they were allowed minimal cultural and trade contacts with the Western countries and limited inter-communist party ties within the Soviet bloc. They had to report to the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs on every move they made and served, first and foremost, as cover organizations for the KGB. Designing more substantive foreign policies in the Baltic Republics
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38

Makaradze, Beka. "The Issues of Democratization in Relations between Turkey and the USA in the Post-War Period." Historia i Polityka, no. 36 (43) (June 1, 2021): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.019.

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At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted at counterpurposes. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs in political relations had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the matter of security that determined the acceptanc
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Smajilović, Emir, Nikola Radić, and Vlado Radić. "INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL RELATIONS ON FOREIGN TRADE TRADE OF SPECIAL PURPOSE PRODUCTS." Oditor 10, no. 3 (2024): 7–37. https://doi.org/10.59864/oditor12403es.

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International trade is the main driving force of economic development. It appears as a sphere of international economic relations and is formed from trade in goods and services from all countries of the world. However, international trade is most influenced by political relations in the world. The model of behavior on the political scene in the last thirty years is based on setting unacceptable conditions in the political, economic and military segments, which deviate from defined and generally accepted international relations, neglect of interests and gross interference in the internal affair
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40

Ije, O. Jairus, and Momoh Zekeri. "China African economic relations with a focus on Nigeria: bilateral advantages." GLS KALP: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 4 (2024): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.69974/glskalp.04.04.83.

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Diplomatic relations between Nigeria and China for instance, was established on February 10, 1971. Relations between the two nations grew closer and stronger as a result of the international isolation and Western condemnation of Nigeria’s military regimes from 1970s to 1998. Also, conflict situations as well as competitions over natural resources have provided ideal opportunities for foreign powers such as China to intervene in the affairs of other countries like Nigeria. The Nigeria civil war, 1967 to 1970, offered such opportunity to foreign powers to intervene in the national affairs of oth
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41

Sabeeh, Ass Prof Dr Ali Jouda, and Ass Lect Zainab Shaker Abdel-Razzaq. "The Libyan position on the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 1990-1991 AD." Thi Qar Arts Journal 2, no. 40 (2022): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v2i40.370.

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The Iraqi military occupation of Kuwait on August 2, 1990 AD, constituted a regional and international crisis that made the Arab and Western countries deal with it with great interest, given its direct impact on the security of the Arab Gulf region, to which Western interests are linked. From here came the positions of most countries of the world towards this important event, including The position of the Libyan Jamahiriya stemming from its foreign policy, its Arab and international relations, and its methods of dealing with Arab and international crises, especially the Iraqi-Kuwaiti crisis.
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42

Yakovlev, Artem, Olga Malyutina, and Juma Bagamaeva. "Strategizing Russia’s Trade with Some Countries in East and South-East Asia." Strategizing: Theory and Practice 4, no. 3 (2024): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2782-2435-2024-4-3-315-325.

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As western sanctions affect Russia’s foreign policy, its foreign trade policy takes a turn to the East. Econometric modelling applied to the strategy of trade flows may reveal some important factors that affect the volume of Russian trade with Asian countries. The authors assessed the prospects for the development of trade relations between Russia and some countries of East and South-East Asia. The study focuses on international trade relations between the Russian Federation and some countries of East and South-East Asia, i.e., China, India, Vietnam, and Singapore. The methods included econome
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Kaloeva, E. B. "Power and civil society in the Western Balkans, their role in foreign policy through the eyes of balkan and foreign researchers." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.04.

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The article attempts to show the role of official authorities and civil society on the thorny path that the countries of the Western Balkans have to overcome towards mutual undestanding. Unfortunately, some tensions still persist in relations between the countries of the region, and from time to time some hotheads propose new projects for revising borders, which can lead to the resumption of armed conflicts. Such a development can be ruled out not only by the actions of sober-minded politicians, but also by civil society, which played an important role in restoring peaceful order of life after
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44

Stanojević, Nataša. "Deglobalization of the World Economy and its Effects on the Western Balkan Countries." Economic Themes 58, no. 3 (2020): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ethemes-2020-0020.

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Abstract This paper analyses trends in three key aspects of economic globalization: international trade, foreign investment and global product chains. The paper points to downward tendencies of the world economic integration in all three segments. The paper finds that causes of these trends are not cyclical, but structural, that is, the process of deglobalization of the international market and transformation of the very foundations of the international economic system is underway. The paper also includes an empirical analysis of the potential effects of these changes on six economies of the W
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45

Yuanyuan, Fu, and Daniil S. Demidenko. "REVIEW AND ANALYSIS OF RUSSIAN-CHINESE ECONOMIC RELATIONS IN MODERN CONDITIONS." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1/1, no. 142 (2024): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2024.01.01.010.

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Russian-Chinese relations at the present stage continue to develop actively despite the difficult foreign policy conditions. The Russian Federation is under unprecedented sanctions from most countries of the Western Bloc, and China has a difficult relationship with the United States on a number of critical issues. The foreign policy pressure on China due to the close and largely allied cooperation with Russia after February 2022 has not broken the partnership. This article examines the main trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in the la
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Doğan, Şahin. "Turkey between USSR and the West: Visit of Minister of Foreign Affairs Rüştü Aras and Minister of Internal Affairs Şükrü Kaya to the USSR in 1937." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 4-2 (2022): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202204statyi52.

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Turkish and USSR statesmen and diplomats made many mutual visits from the 1920s until the 1940s. All these visits had important reasons in terms of relations between the two countries and international developments, as well as important results in terms of improving relations between the two countries. By 1937, the differentiation of Turkey’s foreign policy theses with the USSR and especially Turkey’s attempts to improve its relations with Western states were not welcomed by the USSR. In this study, the visit of Minister of Foreign Ru§tu Aras and Minister of Internal Affairs §ukrn Kaya to the
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47

Karimova, Natalia Ermanovna, and Natalia Ermanovna Karimova. "THE ARAB GULF STATES IN BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY." Results of National Scientific Research International Journal 3, no. 10 (2024): 28–34. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13930615.

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This article analyzes the role of the Arab Gulf States in British foreign policy. Historically established relations between Great Britain and the Gulf States significantly impact the political, economic and military aspects of the interaction between these regions. The article examines the key stages and directions of British policy in the region, from the colonial period to the present day, focusing on the strategic interests of Great Britain, including security issues, energy resources and trade. It also analyzes the factors that make the Persian Gulf region attractive to Western countries,
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Minović, Jelena, Slavica Stevanović, and Vesna Aleksić. "The Relationship between Foreign Direct Investment and Institutional Quality in Western Balkan Countries." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 23, no. 1 (2020): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2020.1818038.

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Birinci, Ebru, Ali Emre Sucu, and Ivan Alekseevich Safranchuk. "The Role of non-Western Countries in the Construction of Russian Great Powerness: The Cases of Turkey and Israel." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 3 (2021): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-517-528.

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This article contributes to the study of Russian great powerness, focusing on the potential of the Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli relations to influence the construction of Russias great power status in a multipolar world. Based upon Russian and English literature dedicated to the study of great power concept and Russian great powerness, authors adopt analytic eclecticism for the theoretical framework of the study. In this regard, for a comprehensive understanding of Russian great powerness, both constructivism with its focus on identity, and neorealism stressing national interests, secur
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50

Tan, Nguyen Van, and Dinh Thi Thanh Hoa. "Japan in relations with Portugal and the Netherlands under Tokugawa - A comparative perspective." GLS KALP: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 3 (2024): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.69974/glskalp.03.03.36.

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Among Western countries conducting trade and evangelization activities, Portugal was the first to establish a relationship with Japan. However, the main axis in Japan's relations with Portugal was mainly related to missionary issues and the shogunate government's policy of suppressing Christianity. Meanwhile, the Netherlands' relations with Japan were mainly in the field of trade and exchange, so the Netherlands not only did not face the prohibition policy of the Tokugawa court, but on the contrary, Japan encouraged the acquisition of Western science and technology. Understanding Japan's relat
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