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1
Dobner, Gallit. "Referendum : a dead letter : prospects for self-determination in Western Sahara". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79760.
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Western Sahara has been granted the dubious distinction of Africa's last colony. Long a victim of imperial enterprise, the territory was annexed by Morocco in 1975 Just as Spain withdrew. Despite international protest affirming the Saharawi people's right to a referendum of self-determination, still the question of Western Sahara lingers, frozen in time. This paper will demonstrate that a referendum no longer offers a way forward for three reasons: it is unlikely a referendum will be held due to Morocco's unwillingness to cooperate; if a referendum went forward, it is improbable that it would prove free and fair given Moroccan attempts to undermine the process; and if a successful referendum took place, it is unlikely the international community would be prepared to enforce Saharawi sovereignty. As such, alternatives must be sought. An examination of possible scenarios suggests limited autonomy, as a result of an Algero-Moroccan rapprochement, is Western Sahara's most likely trajectory.
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Wilson, Alice Rose. "Making statehood and unmaking tribes in Western Sahara's liberation movement". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252250.
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Lamamra, Nisrine Amel. "Protracted conflict in Africa : the social construction of sovereignty and war in Western Sahara". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608018.
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Cozza, Nicola. "Singing like wood-birds : refugee camps and exile in the construction of the Saharawi nation". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d9ee198d-3275-4d6e-ae7f-34eb9a2aa101.
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Boumahdi, B. "A political history of the Western Sahara dispute". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383716.
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Suarez, David. "The Western Sahara and the Search for the Roots of Sahrawi National Identity". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3010.
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This work is a socio-historical study of the roots of Sahrawi national identity. The Sahrawi are a community of people who live in the Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony. Most of its territory has been occupied since 1975 by Morocco, which denies the existence of a distinctive population inhabiting the Western Sahara. In contrast, the POLISARIO Front, vanguard of the Sahrawi nationalist movement, argues that the Western Sahara belongs to the Sahrawi and seeks its full independence. It bases its claims on the notion of a distinctive history, language, and culture for the Sahrawi, separate from that of Moroccans.
The central question of this study asks, “What are the origins of Sahrawi national identity?” This study provides a detailed account of Sahrawi identity formation and how it has developed in intensity and scope. It renders a clear understanding of the Sahrawi phenomenon, useful to the international community in its deliberations on the validity of their nationalism. This study examines the foundation of Sahrawi identity through three different theoretical lenses, namely, primordialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism. The study analyzes arguments derived from each of these theoretical approaches, acknowledging the diversity of arguments about the sources of national identity. This study also demonstrates how a national identity can develop over a long period of time as a succession of layers. This study locates the final moment of Sahrawi identity formation in the twentieth century, but adds that this conclusion utilizes essential markers of differentiation that persist over time—the building blocks of any national identity.
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Richey, Rashad [Verfasser]. "The Global Affect of Western Religion on Politics, Policy and Government / Rashad Richey". München : GRIN Verlag, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1166149196/34.
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Richey, Dr Rashad [Verfasser]. "The Global Affect of Western Religion on Politics, Policy and Government / Dr. Rashad Richey". Munich : GRIN Publishing, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138030546/34.
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Kharroubi, Safwat. "The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period". Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.
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Whittow, Mark. "Social and political structures in the Maeander region of Western Asia Minor on the eve of the Turkish invasion". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7b5a641-80b4-46cb-8b41-21e53af80054.
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The thesis is a contribution to two of the crucial problems of middle Byzantine history: the social and political structure of the provinces, and the explanation of the rapid fall of Asia Minor to the Turks at the end of the llth century. These problems are approached through a study of the Maeander region of western Asia Minor.Part one describes the geography of the region and shows it to have been a naturally fertile area, of great potential importance to the Empire. In the Roman period it had been very prosperous; the subsequent decline cannot be explained by geological or climatic factors. Part two surveys the archaeological evidence. The ancient city sites remained occupied at a sometimes very low cultural level through the early (7th -8th century) and middle (9th-llth century) Byzantine periods. A general move of settlements to apparently more secure sites with natural defences did not take place until the 12th-13th centuries in the face of the Turks. Up to the end of the llth century the city sites remained the focus of what was most active in the provincial society of the Maeander region. Part three looks at the region's elites. The strategoi and judges who ruled the theme of the Thrakesioi, which makes up the western two-thirds of the region, were outsiders appointed by the Imperial government in Constantinople and only in the region on short term appointments. Several major figures at the Imperial court owned land in the region but only as absentee landlords. When crisis came between 1071 and 1080 these outsiders abandoned the Maeander to the Turks. The church played an important role, but the resident local elite were a comparatively humble group, isolated from Constantinople, and lacking the influence to force the Imperial government into defending their interests.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.
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Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998". University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
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Speight, H. M. "Local government and politics in Devon and Cornwall, 1509-49, with special reference to the South-Western Rebellion". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358743.
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au, karinmac@iinet net y Karin Mac Arthur. "The 'Emperor's New Clothes': The Role of the Western Australian Press and State Government in Selling the Story of the Northbridge Curfew". Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070830.213559.
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The Northbridge curfew is one of the stand-out success stories of Western Australias Labor Government. Introduced in June 2003 in an alleged bid to make the streets safer, the Northbridge curfew has enjoyed overwhelming popular support and consistently high recognition in public opinion polls. This is despite the fact that the curfew bypasses those known to be responsible for most of the crime in the precinct (white males aged 18 to 35 years), targeting instead young people aged under 18 and affecting indigenous girls in particular. The curfew did not introduce any legislative changes (the police already had the powers under the Child Welfare Act 1947 to apprehend young people); neither did it allocate any additional resources to the organisations working with young people in Northbridge. Yet the coverage of the curfew in the WA press implied that indigenous youth presented a serious problem in Perths premier entertainment district and that the State Government was doing something about it.
This thesis uses a framing analysis of the press coverage of the Northbridge curfew as well as interviews with the relevant journalists and government media advisers to demonstrate how news values, work routines and political imperatives encouraged the WA press and State Government to work together in creating a 'fable' about Northbridge that criminalised indigenous youth. I argue that the story of the Northbridge curfew, like the 'Emperor's new clothes, presents a deliberate distortion of reality and that the various stages of its development illuminate the processes by which media and government can collaborate to manipulate public opinion.
I draw on my research findings to present recommendations designed, first, to encourage media professionals to develop a range of sources beyond government and, second, to draw the attention of the State Government to the broader ramifications of the Northbridge curfew story for all members of the Western Australian community.
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Howe, Philip J. "Well-tempered discontent : nationalism, ethnic group politics, electoral institutions and parliamentary behavior in the western half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 1867-1914 /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3069226.
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Rubio, Diego. "The ethics of deception : secrecy, transparency and deceit in the origins of modern political thought". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3e92fabc-9e47-41a5-a739-00a0f67d6dcf.
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The purpose of this thesis is to reflect on the importance that deception has had on the efficient functioning of societies and the development of individuals. I attempt to do so by adopting an historical perspective, analysing the development of the notion of lawful deception during the Middle Ages and, mainly, the Early Modern Age through theological and political discourses. The scope of my investigation is pan-European. I examine sources from the major Western territories, but I pay special attention to those produced in the Spanish-Habsburg Empire, which was a major political and cultural entity during this period. My claim is that between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, the West witnessed the formation of what I call an "Ethics of Deception:" a trend of thought that, without challenging the Augustinian prohibition of lying, recognised deception as intrinsic to nature and mankind, thereby justifying its use from moral and political perspectives. I explain how this intellectual process was conducted, fostered by new social realities, and helped by the flourishing of casuistry, tacitism and neostoicism. Furthermore, I argue that the acceptance of deception contributed to the creation of a new view of the world, language and human interaction. A view that is in the very basis of some of the most characteristic features of Baroque art and that opened the door to some of the most transcendental cultural changes of the period, such as the creation of politics governed by reason rather than faith, the secularisation of social behaviour, and the emergence of the notions of individualism, privacy and freedom of thought. For these reasons, I claim that deception played an important role in the shaping of Modernity.
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Sheftel, Anna. "The construction of formal and informal historical narratives of violence in north-western Bosnia, World War II until present". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669877.
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Mehrabi, Wais. "Politics of International Recognition: The Case of Aspirant States". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1546318678351285.
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Oliver-Evans, Ceridwen. "The implications of the abolition of influx control legislation in the Western Cape". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22412.
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Bibliography: pages 259-277.Influx control legislation was formally abolished in South Africa in 1986. This thesis investigates the social processes set in motion with its abolition in the spheres of employment and urbanisation and argues that the way in which influx control has been defined is central to any analysis concerned with its abolition. In this regard, influx control has been viewed in two senses: a narrow one in which it has been equated with formal influx control legislation, 'the pass laws'; and, secondly and more broadly, through definitions which embrace all methods of control over African urbanisation and associated labour mobility. This thesis argues that, in the macro domain, while influx control in its narrow sense has been abolished, it has been replaced with far more complex and subtle forms of control. These ostensibly racially neutral measures, an 'orderly urbanisation' policy and a wide variety of laws existing on South African statute books continue to circumscribe African rights. The research focuses on a specific region, the Western Cape, an area where influx control has been more harshly implemented than elsewhere through the implementation of the Coloured Labour Preference Policy. This thesis investigates on a micro-level, via the medium of a company compound, how people at both an individual and institutional level have interpreted the legislative changes and acted upon them. The particular range of actors include government officials, employers and employer organisations, union representatives, and migrant workers and their families living in the company compound. The evidence I present was obtained primarily through interviews and ethnographic field-research conducted in 1988. A particular concern of the thesis has been to examine the disjunction between policy and practice as pursued by government officials and the effects and implications arising from this among the actors mentioned above. The main themes which have emerged from this research are those of confusion and a lack of knowledge among many of the informants. It was found that high-ranking government officials lack consensus on vital issues of citizenship and employment which affect the lives of thousands of Transkeian and Ciskeian citizens. Employers, confused by the confusion in government departments, and confronted by a new situation and new sets of rules have either ignored these or succumbed to government policy. Equally, unions have been slow to respond or systematically adopt a policy on the 1986 legislative changes. Finally, it was found that migrant workers and their families are availing themselves of opportunities presented by the abolition of influx control legislation in terms of freedom of movement, although as I argue, this takes the form of a complex range of fluid and dynamic movement patterns between the compound, the rural areas and urban townships. This complexity, as the thesis demonstrates, is reflected both in the attitudes and in the practical daily living arrangements of the workers as they respond to and interpret the macro-level forces which affect them.
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Reinhardt, Katrinka. "Mining and smelting technology and the politics of bronze in Shang and Western Zhou China : an inquiry into the Bronze Age interaction sphere". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26703.
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In this thesis I focus on mining and smelting in China during the Shang and Western Zhou periods (c. 2200-770 B.C.). The importance of bronze in Shang and Zhou society and the vast quantity of bronze artifacts recovered indicates that the acquisition of metal ore would have been a major occupation of the state. The Shang and Zhou governments controlled their own bronze foundries but did not control the mines. The mines are located in southern China where the Chu state flourished during the Eastern Zhou period, likely due partly to their possession of mineral resources, and in Inner Mongolia where the steppe cultures existed. The Zhou and the Shang were likely obtaining raw materials from southern and northern cultures, either through trade or raid. Provenance studies based on chemical composition of artifact and ore will help resolve the source of Shang and Zhou ore.
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Blanco, Pérez Aitor. "The 3rd century A.D. in south-western Asia Minor : epigraphic studies into civic life and diplomatic relations with Rome". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:143b0ccb-7518-47ab-a9a8-bcd807a4b8b4.
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This thesis studies the inscriptions produced by the southern and western settlements on the Anatolian peninsula - modern Turkey - from the death of the emperor Commodus (AD 192) to Diocletian's accession (284). The 3rd century AD, a period of fundamental transition between the high and late Roman imperial ages, has traditionally been considered an age of crisis and decline. This crisis supposedly affected civic life as members of the local communities were not willing or financially able to take part in politics. Against this prevalent opinion in scholarship, the purpose of this study is to analyse the abundant epigraphic evidence surviving from this region in order to reassess the local activity of such political communities. The first chapter intends to determine whether the effects of the Constitutio Antoniniana on the nomenclature of the peregrine (i.e. non-Roman) population can be used as a reliable dating criterion. It also explains the methodology on which my collection of epigraphic evidence has been based. The second chapter examines the families, individuals, institutions and celebrations comprising the civic life of Ephesus, Lydia, Aphrodisias and Southern Anatolia (esp. Termessos, Perge and Side) in the first half of the 3rd century. These four case studies demonstrate a high level of local activity, which was recorded with inscriptions resembling those produced in the 2nd century AD. The third chapter analyses the communication between these local communities and the ruling power of Rome. On the one hand, this analysis describes the prevalent diplomatic procedures followed and their motivations. On the other, it evaluates the testimonies attesting direct contact between the population of south-western Asia Minor and imperial representatives such as governors, administrators and soldiers. The final chapter deals with the particular circumstances affecting the production of inscriptions in the region from 250 to 284. These four chapters demonstrate that the civic life of south-western Asia Minor can be studied from a local perspective and beyond the narrow methodological framework imposed by adherence to the model of the '3rd century crisis'. The contextualised analysis of epigraphic evidence provided shows strong elements of continuity in the civic life of the region and its relation with Rome. The same analysis also concludes that the stark decline and changes of the inscriptions produced in the second half of the 3rd century were not only caused by internal factors. According to these results, this thesis hopes to contribute to the reconsideration of the Anatolian peninsula in such a crucial period of the history of the Roman Empire.
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Simons, Peter. "Isolationism on the Road to Damascus: Mass Media and Political Conversion in Rural Western Michigan". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/SimonsP2004.pdf.
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Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). "The Pull to the Right in Western Europe: an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.
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This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.
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Thackwell, Nicola Donna. "“We waited for our turn, which sometimes never came” : registrars negotiating systemic racism in Western Cape medical schools". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86641.
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Thesis(MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT; In order for the transformation objectives of racial and gender diversity to be adequately reflected in the South African medical profession, it is crucial to understand how Black medical registrars experience the training environment. This qualitative study presents the experience of ten Black African medical specialists who completed their registrar training in the Western Cape in the past five years. Using both thematic and discourse analysis the study aimed to identify and describe the interpersonal, structural and institutional factors that may impede or promote Black advancement during registrar training. Participant experiences where contextualised in relation to discourses around the medical profession as a site of cultural reproduction that has been historically constructed as the exclusive domain of the White male. The analysis unearths experiences of systemic racism where the organisational culture of training institutions is experienced as alienating and unwelcoming to Black professionals. The findings raise the need for a more thorough evaluation of how transformations efforts are being received in specialist medical education. Key Words: Black doctors, Transformation in Higher Education, Systemic Racism, Medical training
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die oog op die realisering van die transformasiedoelwitte rakende ras- en geslagsdiversiteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse mediese professie, is dit deurslaggewend om te verstaan hoe Swart mediese spesialis studente die opleidingsomgewing ervaar. Hierdie kwalitatiewe studie gee die ervaring weer van tien Swart Suid-Afrikaanse mediese spesialiste wat die afgelope vyf jaar hulle opleiding in die Wes-Kaap voltooi het. Deur gebruik te maak van beide tematiese- en diskoersanalise, poog die studie daarin om die interpersoonlike, strukturele en institusionele faktore wat Swart bevordering tydens professionele opleiding kan belemmer of bevorder, te identifiseer en te beskryf. Deelnemers se ervarings is gekontekstualiseer in verhouding tot die diskoerse rondom die mediese professie as terrein van kulturele voortsetting van wat histories as eksklusiewe domein van Wit mans gegeld het. Die studie ontbloot ervaringe van sistemiese rassisme, waarin Swart professionele beroepspersone vervreem en onwelkom voel in die organisasiekultuur van opleidingsinstansies.Die bevindinge beklemtoon die behoefte aan ‘n meer diepgaande evaluasie van hoe transformasie-pogings ontvang word in mediese spesialis opleiding. Sleutelwoorde: Swart dokters, transformasie in tersiêre opleiding, sistemiese rassisme, mediese opleiding
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Botha, Johannes Rudolf. "Xenophobia conflict in De Doorns; a development communication challenge for developmental local government". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20094.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to deliver on developmental expectations. The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships. In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility and dealing with the issue of xenophobia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid- Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land, verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen. Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte. Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.
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Matthews, Sally Joanne. "The African Renaissance as a response to dominant Western political discourses on Africa : a critical assessment". Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2002. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05302007-162640.
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Goldin, Ian. "Coloured preference policies and the making of coloured political identity in the Western Cape region of South Africa, with particular reference to the period 1948 to 1984". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670409.
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Bosman, Estelle. "Public corporate governance with specific emphasis on accountability". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95639.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Corporate governance systems have evolved over centuries, often in response to corporate failures or system crises. From the early 1990s in South Africa, corporate governance began to reach prominence, prompted by losses from fraudulent activities within corporate entities such as Masterbond, Fidentia and Enron. Corporate governance is aimed at curtailing such fraudulent behaviour. In 1994, the elected democratic majority government of South Africa found that there were no standard rules or principles in place to either control or govern the delivery of services and the carrying out of policies. Government then made corporate governance a significant part of their strategic vision of restructuring. A protocol on corporate governance was published to provide guidance, specifically to the public sector in South Africa. In line with the protocol, policies and procedures were put in place in order to assist the public sector to meet corporate governance standards and best practice. It is apparent that the lack of systematic accountability can cost the public sector and the taxpayers of South Africa millions in terms of redoing work, inefficiency, workplace conflicts and misunderstandings. This in turn leads to ineffective work practices and leadership. This research study set out to establish how accountable the public sector is, specifically the Western Cape Government, concerning the protocol and the policies and procedures that are in place. The study aimed to evaluate the accountability of project coordinators within the Western Cape Government, specifically on construction projects. The literature review in the research report identifies the roles and responsibilities, stipulated in the policies and procedures, that the public sector needs to adhere to in order to be accountable. A scorecard was compiled to cross check the accountability of staff within the Western Cape Government in line with the policies and procedures in place. A construction project was used as an example on the scorecard and the outcome thereof is published in the report. This research report reveals the shortcoming of governance and specifically accountability within governance and determines how it could be addressed.
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許景昭. "禪讓、世襲及革命 : 從春秋戰國到西漢中期的君權傳承思想研究 = Abdication, inheritance and "Change of heaven's mandate" : the theory of sovereign's power transfer from the Spring and Autumn period to the mid-Western Han dynasty". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2009. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1048.
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Slinger, Ronel H. "A study of the Drakenstein Local Municipality's five main urban economic sectors with special reference to the municipality's strategic objectives". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1000.
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Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.128 leaves printed single pages, preliminary pages i-ix and numbered pages 1-118. Includes bibliography and a list of figures in color and tables. Digitized at 300 dpi 24-bit Color to pdf format (OCR) using a Hp Scanjet 8250 Scanner, and digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: "The South African Constitution (1996) promotes the improvement of liVing environments and livelihoods for all constituents by means of a developmental approach to local governance" (IDASA, 2005:2). The development role of local government can be understood through the consideration of four basic drivers which includes planning for development, governance and administration, regulation and service delivery. The Drakenstein Local Municipality is committed to ensure sustainable economic growth and development by increasing national and provincial competitiveness as well as the reduction of poverty. Key to this process is the retention and expansion of existing businesses as well as the attraction of new investment. The main focus of this research study is the promotion of business development as it forms part of local economic development (LED) and is also an integral part of integrated development planning (IDP) at local government level. The introduction of proposed targeted investment incentives is aimed at facilitating the implementation of the Drakenstein Local Municipality's strategic development objectives. The proposed intervention options should be a special effort to attract investment to the study area which will result in a positive spill-over effect in the Drakenstein Local Municipality's local economy. Intervention options can be developed in terms of investment incentives that can bring about job creation, economic development and poverty alleviation in the study area as set out in their strategic deveiopment objectives.
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Portengen, Michael Bernard. "Regional alienation : understanding political culture, regionalism and discontent in western Canada". Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/12192.
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While western regional alienation has been the subject of much scholarly and public debate
in Canada, we still know relatively little about the factors driving the phenomenon. Relying upon
survey data collected in the 1997 Canadian Election Study (CES), this study attempts to
substantively quantify western regional alienation and identify its correlates. Using the existing
literature as a starting point, the study examines how western regionalism and political culture are
typically conceptualized and identifies several factors commonly said to propel regional unrest and
western 'distinctiveness.' Regression analysis is used to systematically test the accuracy of existing
theories concerning western regional alienation. The study contends that while the four western
provinces do not hold a monopoly on feelings of regional alienation, levels of unrest are indeed
higher in the West than in other parts of the country. Regional alienation is also distinguished from
more general understandings of political apathy or cynicism. Finally, with respect to the factors said
to propel regional unrest, antipathy towards Quebec and Outgroups are shown to be the most
important predictors or regional alienation - while attitudes concerning the economy, populism,
social programs, law and order and continentalism have a weaker effect. However, even after
controlling for these factors, significant regional differences remain. Thus, other factors - as-of-yet
unaccounted for - must also play a role.
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Schlosar, Jay Matthew. "Myth, alienation, and the western trinity : seeking new connections and positive identity in the new West". 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/376.
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Iwata, Taro. "When Injustice Becomes Justice: Western Domination Over Hawai'i Through Political Mythmaking". 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/21104.
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Tanaka, Kashi. "Social cleavage and the party pie : the relationships between social heterogeneity and party systems in Canadian provinces". Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/17592.
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One of the purposes of political parties is to reduce a heterogeneous polity into a few
political elements. This thesis determines if there is a relationship between political
parties and social cleavages in Canada. I have used provincial election results and census
data from 1956 to 1991. Electoral results are converted into two measures of party
system size, the effective number of parties (the number of significant parties in a
legislature) and the competitive number of parties (the number of relevant parties in an
election). Social heterogeneity is measured by converting census data into a series of
indexes that measure the ethnic, religious, and linguistic diversity. 1 also examine the
affect of rural/urban and centre periphery cleavages in provincial politics.
I have found that there is a significant relationship between social heterogeneity and party
system size in Canada. Of the cleavage structure examined, ethnicity is positively
correlated with party system size and the size of a province's rural population is
negatively correlated with party system size. Curiously, religion and language have
mixed affects; religion is positively correlated with the number of parties that get elected
but negatively correlated with the number of parties that win seats. Similarly, the size of
a provinces French speaking population has a positive relationship with the number of
parties that win seats but a negative relationship with the vote distribution among parties.
There are two important conclusions in this thesis. First, there is substantial evidence that
social heterogeneity influences party systems size in Canadian provinces. This result
challenges institutional explanations which suggest that party systems in polities that use
plurality electoral systems which elect single members will not be affected by social
diversity. My second conclusion is the identification of a largely untouched area of
research on provincial party systems. European theorists have used social structural
approaches for fifty years to explain how societies and political parties co-evolve. This
thesis proves that this approach has an important role to play on this side of the Atlantic.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Velasco, Gustavo F. "Land, class formation, and state consolidation in Winnipeg, 1870-1885". 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/4441.
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The organization of Winnipeg from 1870 until 1885 can be described as an intense period of spatial transformation and expansion. After the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) surrendered Rupert’s Land and the North-West Territories to the Crown in 1870, the re-formulation of land tenure transformed the urban space. Different actors in the still young and small community used diverse mechanisms to secure common land as private property allowing the formation of a dynamic real estate market.
During those years Winnipeg expanded rapidly and the availability of city lots soon became limited. Lot prices soared and land transformed into a commodity generated the conditions for the reproduction and circulation of capital in the city. The arrival of investors and financial institutions helped to create the real estate boom of 1881-82 and transform a small village into a modern capitalist city. By 1885, Winnipeg was ready to initiate an uneven and fast transition to industrial capitalism.
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Ngaido, Tidiane. "Redefining the boundaries of control post-colonial tenure policies and dynamics of social and tenure change in western Niger /". 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34148190.html.
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D'Souza, Ryan Arron. "Arab hip-hop and politics of identity : intellectuals, identity and inquilab". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5849.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Opposing the culture of différance created through American cultural media, this thesis argues, Arab hip-hop artists revive the politically conscious sub-genre of hip-hop with the purpose of normalising their Arab existence. Appropriating hip-hop for a cultural protest, Arab artists create for themselves a sub-genre of conscious hip-hop – Arab-conscious hip-hop and function as Gramsci’s organic intellectuals, involved in better representation of Arabs in the mainstream. Critiquing power dynamics, Arab hip-hop artists are counter-hegemonic in challenging popular identity constructions of Arabs and revealing to audiences biases in media production and opportunities for progress towards social justice. Their identity (re)constructions maintain difference while avoiding Otherness. The intersection of Arab-consciousness through hip-hop and politics of identity necessitates a needed cultural protest, which in the case of Arabs has been severely limited. This thesis progresses by reviewing literature on politics of identity, Arabs in American cultural media, Gramsci’s organic intellectuals and conscious hip-hop. Employing criticism, this thesis presents an argument for Arab hip-hop group, The Arab Summit, as organic intellectuals involved in mainstream representation of the Arab community.
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Bousmaha, Farah. "The impact of the negative perception of Islam in the Western media and culture from 9/11 to the Arab Spring". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5677.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.
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Abatneh, Abraham Sewonet. "Disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration of Rwandan child soldiers". Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1398.
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This study investigates the situation of Rwandan youth ex-combatants in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Specifically, the study examines how and why young people become involved in conflicts as fighters, how the conflict impacts upon them, and how the Disarmament, Demobilization, Rehabilitation and Reintegration programs set up by international aid agencies attempted to address the youth's special needs as they relate to reintegration in their home communities.
By employing qualitative semi-structured interviews and group discussions with demobilized ex-combatant youth and other stakeholders in northern Rwanda, the study examines how the Western model and assumption of childhood and child soldiering has so far dictated the approaches of international aid agencies in response to the needs of young people in armed conflicts. The study challenges some of the assumptions and argues for a more representative and focussed approach that emphasizes on the socio-cultural context of the ex-combatants. The research shows how and why some youth voluntarily join armed groups. It also highlights the resilience of the youth in the midst of conflict and their ability to rebuild their lives.
The findings of the research have some implications for the way the international aid agencies conceptualize and provide assistance to the young people affected by armed conflicts. It challenges the assumption held by the aid agencies regarding the exclusive emphases on victimization and trauma counselling, and refocuses on the need to rebuild the youth's resilience and coping strategies.Sociology
MA (Sociology)