Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Women football coaches"

Historically, men have dominated the English football workplace; as a result, the number of women in coaching positions has been limited. The aim of the present study was to explore the lived experiences of women head coaches to identify the extent that gender influences the English football workplace. Semi-structured interviews (N = 12) were conducted with women head coaches operating at the (a) youth recreational, (b) talent development, and (c) elite levels of the English football pyramid. An inductive thematic analysis was performed which informed the development of composite vignettes, a form of creative nonfiction. Three vignettes were developed comprising women head coaches’ stories at each pyramid level. Findings from the thematic analysis identified themes of gender stereotyping, proving yourself, and confidence at the youth recreational level; work-life conflicts, limited career mobility, and marginalization at the talent development level; and tokenism, undercurrents of sexism, and apprehensions of future directives at the elite level. The vignette stories demonstrate that gender negatively influences coaches’ interactions and confidence early in their career in youth recreational football; gender bias is embedded within discriminatory organizational practices which limit career mobility for coaches working in talent development; and gender is used to hold elite level women coaches to higher scrutiny levels than male colleagues. Recommendations (e.g., [in]formal mentoring, male advocacy, recruitment transparency) are made to practitioners for a targeted occupational-focused approach regarding support, retention, and career progression of women head coaches in football.

The purpose of this study was to explore what particular areas of organizational cultures facilitate the development and progression of women as football coaches and coach developers. The English Football Association provided the context for the research. Previous statistics demonstrate that recruitment, retention, and progression of women in English football coaching and tutoring are lower and slower than their male counterparts. In-depth interviews were completed with 26 women coaches and coach developers during November 2015 and February 2016 to understand their personal experiences as linked to the structure and culture of their sporting governing body, and analyzed using Schein’s theory of organizational culture. Three key tenets of organizational culture were found to be most influential on the career development of the participants: journeys and crossroads (the establishment of a learning culture), inclusive leadership, and vertical and horizontal relationships. The research demonstrates the need to identify disparities between espoused values and assumptions to enact cultural change toward supporting more women to be valued, included, and progressed in the sporting workplace.

Women’s elite football is in a transitional phase where coaches and players are increasingly offered professional contracts. The current study examined the stories of coaches currently operating in a women’s football academy in England to understand whether and how the professionalization of women’s football has influenced their coaching philosophy. Narrative interviews with 10 coaches (aged 23–60 years, two women) were carried out and analyzed using thematic narrative analysis. Observational data were also obtained while the authors were immersed within the environment. Two high-order themes were identified: (a) the coaches adapted their philosophy to meet the new needs of professionalization and (b) there were novel moral challenges surrounding the coaches’ approach to a dual career. The findings illustrated that the individuals developed a coaching philosophy that was adapted according to the coaching environment, which was largely informed from their previous experiences in men’s football. Player’s stories highlighted conflicting expectations surrounding dual careers.

Building on the body of research that has addressed the experiences of female coaches, the present study examines women’s role as coach developers. English football served as the context for the research. Figures demonstrate women are underrepresented in this role more so than they are as coaches, and their distribution across the coach developer pathway is unevenly balanced, with most women qualified at Level I of the pathway. Using the concept of ‘organizational fit’, the research connects the experiences of the 10 coach developers interviewed, to the structural practices of their national and local governing bodies. These practices were symptomatic of the organizations’ culture that is created and upheld by masculine ideals. Work expectations and the environment were structured on the image of men as coaches and coach developers. Cultural barriers to women’s sense of organizational fit were specifically found to be: the incentive to progress (return on investment from higher coaching qualifications), the degree of organizational support and nurture, and the opportunity to progress and practice. Consequently, organizational expectations and values do not support the ambitions of women to climb the coach developer career ladder, and restrict their sense of choice and control. Future research should direct its attention towards a greater interrogation of aspects of sport organizational culture that may serve to ‘push’ female coaches away from its core, or alternatively, pull them closer to engage and make use of their expertise and abilities as coach developers.

The objectives of this study were to evaluate high school coaches’ knowledge in sports nutrition and the nutritional practices they recommend to their athletes. Forty-seven high school coaches in “leanness” and “non-leanness” sports from the greater region of Quebec (women = 44.7%) completed a questionnaire on nutritional knowledge and practices. “Leanness sports” were defined as sports where leanness or/and low bodyweight were considered important (e.g., cheerleading, swimming and gymnastics), and “non-leanness sports” were defined as sports where these factors are less important (e.g., football). Participants obtained a total mean score of 68.4% for the nutrition knowledge part of the questionnaire. More specifically, less than 30% of the coaches could answer correctly some general nutrition questions regarding carbohydrates and lipids. No significant difference in nutrition knowledge was observed between coaches from “leanness” and “non-leanness” sports or between men and women. Respondents with a university education scored higher than the others (73.3% vs. 63.3%, p < .05). Coaches who participated in coaching certification also obtained better results than those without a coaching certification. The most popular source of information about nutrition used by coaches was the Internet at 55%. The two most popular nutrition practices that coaches recommended to improve athlete performance were hydration and consumption of protein-rich foods. Recommendation for nutritional supplements use was extremely rare and was suggested only by football coaches, a nonleanness sport. Findings from this study indicate that coaches need sports nutrition education and specific training.

This article draws on the responses of 2,347 football fans (male = 83.4%; female = 16.6%) collected via an online survey from September 2015 to January 2016 regarding the position of women (as fans, coaches, referees, journalists, board members, and administrators) in the gender order in men’s professional association football in the United Kingdom. Engaging with the theoretical framework of hegemonic masculinity, the authors addressed two recurring themes emerging from the results: the exclusionary practices of sexism and subordination aimed at women in men’s football and the extent to which women are regarded as “authentic” fans, given the gender inequalities and power imbalances they face in their practice of fandom in men’s football. The article concludes by suggesting that, although there are emerging “progressive” male attitudes toward women in men’s football, hegemonic and complicit masculinities remain a significant feature in the culture of fandom in men’s professional football in the United Kingdom.

It has been well documented that Title IX opened up doors of opportunity for women to participate in sports at all levels. Similarly, players including Jackie Robinson and Sam “Bam” Cunningham paved the way for Black athletes to compete at all levels of sports. It is equally well documented that the world of college sports is, by and large, the world of white men. This paper examines the status of two “underrepresented groups” in college coaching and administration: women and Black men. Using Virginia as a case study, with references to NCAA data for comparison, our analysis reveals that despite increased participation for both women and Blacks, and the overall dominance of Black athletes in some sports, including basketball and track and field, in those same sports the majority of Black men and women are stalled at the ranks of assistant coach, never able to lead a team on their own, and never commanding the kinds of salaries associated with head coaches. Finally, the data in our case study demonstrate that football impacts opportunities for white women and Black men inversely. Cautiously we conclude in this research note by revealing that football increases some opportunities for Black men and suppresses some opportunities for white women.

Association football is one of the most popular sports with more than 265 million players worldwide and 209 national associations. The climax on the calendar is the FIFA World Cup, an international football competition contested by the men’s national football teams of the member nations. This championship has been held every four years since the first tournament in 1930 with exceptions in 1942 and 1946 due to World War II. Women too have a World Cup tournament that started in 1991 and is held every four years. The purpose of this commentary is to analyze the downward trend in scoring at World Cup tournaments from 1930 to 2010, with the aim of providing coaches, educators and sport scientists with possible reasons for the decline.

La presente investigación tiene por objetivo adaptar y validar una escala para la evaluación del desempeño profesional de los entrenadores de fútbol basada en su formación previa y en el nivel de competencias digitales que posea dicho entrenador (Escala para la evaluación del desempeño profesional del entrenador de fútbol en base a su formación permanente, nivel de TIC y autoevaluación). La muestra del estudio está constituida por un total de 412 entrenadores en formación, de los cuales el 91,7% son hombres y el 8,3% restante son mujeres. Todos estos sujetos son alumnos de los cursos de formación de entrenadores de fútbol de la Federación de Fútbol de la Comunidad Valenciana (FFCV), distribuidos por los diferentes niveles técnicos, aunque el más representado es el UEFA C con un 71.1%. El diseño de la escala se realizó a partir del cuestionario realizado por Zambrano, Meda y Lara (2005). Se realizó un análisis factorial exploratorio (AFE) y un análisis factorial confirmatorio (AFC), que permitieron identificar tres factores en los que se agruparon los indicadores: interés por la formación continua (4 ítems), formación en TIC (3 ítems) y autoevaluación (4 ítems). Los diferentes indicadores de bondad de ajuste mostraron valores adecuados: (χ2/gl=2.77); RMSEA=.057 (Intervalo de confianza=.042-.072); CFI=.97; IFI=.97. Se comprobó la fiabilidad mediante los valores de fiabilidad compuesta, alfa de Cronbach y la varianza media extraída. Los resultados de la investigación sostienen la fiabilidad y validez de la escala para valorar el desempeño profesional de los entrenadores de fútbol. Abstract. This research aims to adapt and validate a scale for the evaluation of the professional performance of football coaches based on their previous training and the level of digital competencies that the coach possesses (Scale for the evaluation of the professional performance of football coaches based on their permanent training, level of ICT and self-evaluation). The study sample is made up of a total of 412 coaches in training, of which 91.7% are men and the remaining 8.3% are women. All of these subjects are students of the training courses for football coaches of the Valencian Football Federation (FFCV), distributed by the different technical levels, although the most represented is UEFA C with 71.1%. The design of the scale was based on the questionnaire carried out by Zambrano, Meda and Lara (2005). An exploratory factorial analysis (EFA) and a confirmatory factorial analysis (CFA) were carried out, which allowed identifying three factors in which the indicators were grouped: interest in continuous training (4 items), ICT training (3 items) and self-evaluation (4 items). The different goodness-of-fit indicators showed adequate values: (x2/gl=2.77); RMSEA=.057 (Confidence Interval=.042-.072); CFI=.97; IFI=.97. Reliability was checked using the composite reliability values, Cronbach’s alpha and the average variance extracted. The results of the research support the reliability and validity of the scale to assess the professional performance of soccer coaches.

IntroductionDue to the increase in participation and risk of anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) injuries and concussion in women’s Australian Football, an injury prevention programme (Prep-to-Play) was codesigned with consumers (eg, coaches, players) and stakeholders (eg, the Australian Football League). The impact of supported and unsupported interventions on the use of Prep-to-Play (primary aim) and injury rates (secondary aim) will be evaluated in women and girls playing community Australian Football.Methods and analysisThis stepped-wedge, cluster randomised controlled trial will include ≥140 teams from U16, U18 or senior women’s competitions. All 10 geographically separated clusters (each containing ≥14 teams) will start in the control (unsupported) phase and be randomised to one of five dates (or ‘wedges’) during the 2021 or 2022 season to sequentially transition to the intervention (supported Prep-to-Play), until all teams receive the intervention. Prep-to-Play includes four elements: a neuromuscular training warm-up, contact-focussed football skills (eg, tackling), strength exercises and education (eg, technique cues). When transitioning to supported interventions, study physiotherapists will deliver a workshop to coaches and player leaders on how to use Prep-to-Play, attend team training at least two times and provide ongoing support. In the unsupported phase, team will continue usual routines and may freely access available Prep-to-Play resources online (eg, posters and videos about the four elements), but without additional face-to-face support. Outcomes will be evaluated throughout the 2021 and 2022 seasons (~14 weeks per season). Primary outcome: use of Prep-to-Play will be reported via a team designate (weekly) and an independent observer (five visits over the two seasons) and defined as the team completing 75% of the programme, two-thirds (67%) of the time. Secondary outcomes: injuries will be reported by the team sports trainer and/or players. Injury definition: any injury occurring during a football match or training that results in: (1) being unable to return to the field of play for that match or (2) missing ≥ one match. Outcomes in the supported and unsupported phases will be compared using a generalised linear mixed model adjusting for clustering and time. Due to the type III hybrid implementation-effectiveness design, the study is powered to detect a improvement in use of Prep-to-Play and a reduction in ACL injuries.Ethics and disseminationLa Trobe University Ethics Committee (HREC 20488) approved. Coaches provided informed consent to receive the supported intervention and players provided consent to be contacted if they sustained a head or knee injury. Results will be disseminated through partner organisations, peer-reviewed publications and scientific conferences.Trial registration numberNCT04856241.

El entrenador de fútbol sala prebenjamín se erige como un mediador social, formativo y deportivo en un escenario en vigente vorágine y masificación. Debe atender las tensiones de clubes, familias y niños para promover un sentido educativo de la competición deportiva; por ello, su figura es foco de estudio emergente. En esta investigación se desea conocer descriptivamente el perfil del entrenador, sus motivaciones, cualidades y dificultades para considerar la relevancia de su formación para la mejora del escenario formativo-deportivo en prospectiva. El estudio forma parte de la fase descriptiva de un estudio de modalidad etnográfica. Tras el análisis cualitativo del trabajo de campo de una observación participante con ocho equipos prebenjamines (ocho entrenadores varones) durante toda la temporada 2014/15, se categoriza un cuestionario que se generaliza a una muestra de 52 formadores (47 varones y cinco mujeres). Los resultados muestran un joven entrenador con escasa formación inicial relacionada con la Educación Física, un desempeño de la actividad motivada por su arraigo al fútbol a lo largo de su vida y una priorización de partida por atender a cuestiones educativas y de mediación social sobre el referente estrictamente competitivo. Se discute sobre el interés en la profesionalización y el reconocimiento social de la actividad. El apoyo formativo del entrenador se presenta como una necesidad para la mejora en el fútbol base, priorizando competencias para la mediación en escenarios formativos-deportivos y claves psico-socio-pedagógicas para gestionar la educación de sus jugadores prebenjamines.Abstract. The under 7s indoor football coach stands as a social, educational and sports mediator in a scenario in current massification. He must work between the tensions of clubs, families and children to promote an educational sense of the sport competition; therefore, he is an emerging focus of study. The aim of this research is to determine descriptively the profile of the coach, their motivations qualities and difficulties to consider the relevance of his formation for the improvement of the training-sports area in prospective. The study forms part of the descriptive phase of a study of ethnographic mode. After the qualitative analysis of the fieldwork in a participant observation with eight under 7s football teams (eigth male coaches), we construct a questionnaire, that is generalized to a sample of 52 coaches (47 men and five women) along the season 2014/15. The results show a young coach with poor initial formation related to physical education, that works motivated by its roots in football throughout his life and a prioritization to answer to educational issues and social mediation before of the strictly competitive reference. The research discusses about the interest in the professionalization and the social recognition of the activity. The training support for the coach is presented as a need to improve the youth football, prioritizing skills for mediation in training-sports contexts and psycho-socio-pedagogical keys to manage the education of their under 7s players.

Context Conflict is prevalent between sports medicine professionals and coaching staffs regarding return-to-play decisions for athletes after injury in the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division I setting. The firsthand experiences of athletic trainers (ATs) regarding such conflict have not been fully investigated. Objective To better understand the outside pressures ATs face when making medical decisions regarding patient care and return to play after injury in the NCAA Division I Football Bowl Subdivision (FBS) setting. Design Qualitative study. Setting Semistructured one-on-one telephone interviews. Patients or Other Participants Nine ATs (4 men, 5 women; age = 31 ± 8 years [range = 24–48 years]; years certified = 9 ± 8). Data Collection and Analysis Interviews were audio recorded and later transcribed. Thematic analysis was completed phenomenologically. Researcher triangulation, peer review, and member checks were used to establish trustworthiness. Results Two major themes emerged from the qualitative analysis: (1) pressure is an expected component of the Division I FBS AT role, and (2) strategies can be implemented to mitigate the negative effects of pressure. Three subthemes supported the second major theme: (1) ensuring ongoing and frequent communication with stakeholders about an injured athlete's status and anticipated timeline for return to play, (2) providing a rationale to coaches or administrations to foster an understanding of why specific medical decisions are being made, and (3) establishing positive relationships with coaches, athletes, and administrations. Conclusions External pressure regarding medical decisions was an anticipated occurrence for our sample. Such pressure was described as a natural part of the position, not negative but rather a product of the culture and environment of the Division I FBS setting. Athletic trainers who frequently face pressure from coaches and administration should use the aforementioned strategies to improve the workplace dynamic and foster an environment that focuses on patient-centered care.

Context: Prior researchers have examined the first-aid knowledge and decision making among high school coaches, but little is known about their perceived knowledge of exertional heat stroke (EHS) or their relationships with an athletic trainer (AT). Objective: To examine secondary school football coaches' perceived knowledge of EHS and their professional relationship with an AT. Design: Qualitative study. Setting: Web-based management system. Patients or Other Participants: Thirty-eight secondary school head football coaches (37 men, 1 woman) participated in this study. Their average age was 47 ± 10 years old, and they had 12 ± 9 years' experience as a head football coach. Data Collection and Analysis: Participants responded to a series of online questions that were focused on their perceived knowledge of EHS and professional relationships with ATs. Data credibility was established through multiple-analyst triangulation and peer review. We analyzed the data by borrowing from the principles of a general inductive approach. Results: Two dominant themes emerged from the data: perceived self-confidence of the secondary school coach and the influence of the AT. The first theme highlighted the perceived confidence, due to basic emergency care training, of the coach regarding management of an emergency situation, despite a lack of knowledge. The second theme illustrated the secondary school coach's positive professional relationships with ATs regarding patient care and emergency procedures. Of the coaches who participated, 89% (34 out of 38) indicated positive interactions with their ATs. Conclusions: These secondary school coaches were unaware of the potential causes of EHS or the symptoms associated with EHS, and they had higher perceived levels of self-confidence in management abilities than indicated by their perceived knowledge level. The secondary school football coaches valued and understood the role of the AT regarding patient and emergency care.

During the preparations for the Football World Cup in Brazil, Florianópolis received, in February 2014, a delegation of coaches of the national teams classified for the tournament, as well as journalists from all over the world. Sectors linked to tourism and the press gave special highlights to the event, hoping to invigorate international tourism and show the welcoming potential of the state of Santa Catarina. On the first day of the event, the newspaper Diário Catarinense distributed a special supplement, a kind of tourist guide to the city, entitled “Welcome to Floripa;” its cover featured an advertisement for a nightclub, the Bokarra Club, bearing images of women in erotic poses, an explicit apologia for sex tourism. I analyze the media impacts of these images, offered as objects of desire; letters exchanged between a public agency and this press medium; the resonance of this publication for male and female readers regarding sex tourism. I observe the uses of female images in the media, from the perspective of gender relations.

ObjectiveTo prospectively investigate the injury profile and the incidence rate per 1000 hours exposure during training and actual league matches in the Nigerian Women’s Premier League (NWPL) and to develop an adequate information pool, using the UEFA injury study model in order to develop appropriate injury prevention strategies.Methods241 women footballers from the eight football clubs that participated in the 2015/2016 Nigerian Women Premier league (NWPL) season were selected for the study and prospectively followed for a period of 6 months. The UEFA injury report forms and Competitive Aggressiveness and Anger Scale were sent to the various clubs, and the forms administered on them as at when due. The forms were analysed using descriptive statistics.ResultsThere was a high incidence rate per 1000 hours of exposure during training sessions (10.98 injuries/1000 hours) and matches (55.56 injuries/1000 hours); the predominant injury type was muscle rupture/strain injuries (35.49%), while moderate severity injuries were the most frequent. The predominant injury mechanism was traumatic injuries caused by contact with other players as a result of a tackle by other players (14.5%). No statistical association was established between the level of aggression and the prevalent types of injury (p=0.63).ConclusionsThe organisers of the league and indeed the referees should ensure that the rules of the game are upheld, and foul or overly aggressive play is penalised. Medical staff and coaches should consider evidence-based injury prevention strategies to reduce the risk of the common injuries sustained in the NWPL.

Background: Injuries to the upper extremity among collegiate athletes are reported to account for approximately 20% of all injuries; however, little is known about the proportion of these injuries that require surgery. Purpose/Hypothesis: The purpose of this study was to examine all shoulder injuries that required a surgical intervention and were recorded in the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Injury Surveillance Program (ISP). We hypothesized that contact would be the mechanism causing injuries most at risk for needing surgery and that dislocations would be the injuries most likely to require an operative intervention. Study Design: Cross-sectional study; Level of evidence, 3. Methods: Injury surveillance data between 2009-2010 and 2013-2014 for operative collegiate shoulder injuries and their associated sport exposures were analyzed. Results: A total of 185 operative shoulder injuries occurred over 3,739,004 athlete-exposures (AEs), for an overall incidence of 0.49 per 10,000 AEs. The sports with the highest incidence of operative injuries were men’s football (1.31/10,000 AEs), men’s wrestling (1.14/10,000 AEs), men’s ice hockey (0.60/10,000 AEs), women’s gymnastics (0.44/10,000 AEs), and men’s swimming (0.41/10,000 AEs). Men were significantly more likely than women to sustain operative injuries for all sports combined. Of the injuries that required surgical treatment, superior labrum from anterior to posterior (SLAP) tears (46.4%), other non-SLAP glenoid labrum tears (46.2%), anterior shoulder dislocations (33.3%), and posterior shoulder dislocations (30.0%) were seen most often. There was no significant difference in injury proportion ratios (IPRs) for injuries requiring surgery when comparing contact versus noncontact mechanisms of injury (IPR, 1.0 [95% CI, 0.6-1.6]). The incidence of operative injuries sustained during competition was significantly higher compared with during practice. Conclusion: The sports with the highest incidence of operative shoulder injuries were men’s football, men’s wrestling, men’s ice hockey, and women’s gymnastics. Operative shoulder injuries were more likely to occur during competition. SLAP tears, other non-SLAP glenoid labrum tears, and anterior shoulder dislocations had the highest incidence of requiring surgery. Athletes sustaining these injuries, along with their coaches and medical providers, may benefit from identifying collegiate sport participants who are at highest risk for sustaining an operative injury. This may assist in planning medical care and setting expectations, which may be critical to a young athlete’s career.

While womens intercollegiate soccer has grown rapidly over the past three decades, men still hold nearly two-thirds of all head coaching positions in NCAA Division I womens soccer programs. This paper explores whether the gender of the head coach affects success in winning games. After considering various reasons why gender might matter, we undertake a multiple regression analysis using data from the 2001-2002 season to answer this question empirically. Controlling for other factors that would be expected to influence a teams success, including the quality of the head coach, the level of institutional support and the tradition of the program, we find that the head coachs gender, and also the head coachs age, have statistically significant effects on team success for schools in Divisions I-AA and I-AAA, but not for the major football schools in Division I-A. We close with possible explanations for these results.

Despite increasing female participation in English football (aka soccer), the sport remains rooted in the values and discursive practices of orthodox masculinity. This is exemplified by the English Football Association (FA), which has been criticized for its ineffective responses to addressing the inclusion and progression of women as players and workers within the organization. Female membership in male-dominated organizations is not readily achieved, given the dominance of masculinist discourses and the risks of overtly challenging these. In this study, we explored the discursive management of gendered and/or footballing identities from interviews with participants in an English regional FA’s women-only football coach education program. All of the participants described the peripheral positioning of women in English football. Analysis identified evidence of both collaboration with and resistance to the dominant masculinist discourses in the accounts of their experiences in football, while also reproducing the most valued footballing identities and knowledge as male. We connect this to the complexities of negotiating and managing gendered identities for women in male-dominated organizations. All of the participants described the value and benefits of women-only coach education and the majority noted they would prefer women-only coach education in future.

The purpose of this study was to assess the nutrition knowledge and the factors determining this knowledge in Iranian college basketball and football athletes. By highlighting gaps in nutrition knowledge of these athletes, sport nutrition professionals may begin to address these gaps by educating athletes with a view toward minimizing injury and enhancing sport performance. Sixty-six basketball and 141 football players (response rate 78.4%) from 4 medical and 8 nonmedical universities in Tehran agreed to participate in this cross-sectional study. A 2-part questionnaire was used; the first part comprised questions identifying demographic information, and the second part comprised a previously well-validated questionnaire on sport nutrition knowledge. The overall knowledge score was 33.2% (± 12.3%). Men scored 28.2% (± 12.7%), and women, 38.7% (± 14.2%). In both genders, the highest score was obtained for the nutrients subcategory, and the supplements subcategory was the most poorly answered. When compared with their peers, a significantly higher score was obtained by women (p < .001), athletes at medical universities (p < .001), and those obtaining nutrition information from reputable sources (p = .03). The coach was cited by 89.4% of athletes as their main source of nutrition information. This study showed that the sport nutrition knowledge of these athletes is inadequate. Considering that this substandard level of knowledge may contribute to poor dietary behaviors, these athletes would benefit from nutrition-related training and education.

Clemson University head football coach Dabo Swinney was asked to respond to Colin Kaepernick’s protest of police killings of unarmed black men and women by kneeling for the national anthem. Swinney’s response was surprisingly comprehensive and illuminating into his stance on race, religion, and sport. He crystallizes his overall interpretation of societal problems with the statement, “It’s so easy to say we have a race problem, but we got a sin problem.” In this essay, I examine “whiteness” as that which endows whites with a kind of universal authority to establish norms as well as provide a protective cloak of invisibility that effectively hides the identity of those constructing the norms. I argue that Swinney’s unconscious display of his own whiteness coupled with the additional cloak of universal sin, that purportedly knows no color, serves to downplay and dismiss Kaepernick’s call for racial justice.

Abstract Context: Organizational effectiveness and the continuity of patient care can be affected by certain levels of attrition. However, little is known about the retention and attrition of female certified athletic trainers (ATs) in certain settings. Objective: To gain insight and understanding into the factors and circumstances affecting female ATs' decisions to persist in or leave the National Collegiate Athletic Association Division I Football Bowl Subdivision (NCAA D-I FBS) setting. Design: Qualitative study. Setting: The 12 NCAA D-I FBS institutions within the Southeastern Conference. Patients or Other Participants: A total of 23 women who were current full-time ATs (n = 12) or former full-time ATs (n = 11) at Southeastern Conference institutions participated. Data Collection and Analysis: Data were collected via in-depth, semistructured interviews, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed via a grounded theory approach. Peer review and member checking methods were performed to establish trustworthiness. Results: The decision to persist involved 4 main factors: (1) increased autonomy, (2) increased social support, (3) enjoyment of job/fitting the NCAA D-I mold, and (4) kinship responsibility. Two subfactors of persistence, the NCAA D-I atmosphere and positive athlete dynamics, emerged under the main factor of enjoyment of job/fitting the NCAA D-I mold. The decision to leave included 3 main factors: (1) life balance issues, (2) role conflict and role overload, and (3) kinship responsibility. Two subfactors of leaving, supervisory/coach conflict and decreased autonomy, emerged under the main factor of role conflict and role overload. Conclusions: A female AT's decision to persist in or leave the NCAA D-I FBS setting can involve several factors. In order to retain capable ATs long term in the NCAA D-I setting, an individual's attributes and obligations, the setting's cultural issues, and an organization's social support paradigm should be considered.

El objetivo del presente estudio fue identificar los factores más determinantes en el fútbol profesional que hacen posible una mejora en el rendimiento del equipo al finalizar la temporada. Se realizaron entrevistas semi-estructuradas a 28 jugadores/as profesionales de fútbol (15 hombres y 13 mujeres), con edades comprendidas entre 27-41 años (M = 33.07, DT = 3.32). Todos ellos tenían experiencia profesional en la primera y segunda división española. El análisis temático de los datos se completó de manera deductiva e inductiva. Los resultados mostraron la complejidad existente dentro de un club de fútbol, con una notable importancia sobre la cohesión de equipo y sobre la figura del entrenador y cuerpo técnico para la mejora colectiva en ambos géneros. En cuanto al género, las jugadoras le dieron más importancia al staff técnico y los jugadores al tener en el equipo a deportistas con una buena calidad técnico-táctica. La relevancia de estos hallazgos radica en el conocimiento de los factores e interacciones potenciadoras y limitantes del rendimiento percibido por los jugadores/as en el fútbol profesional, así como las diferencias entre géneros. Este conocimiento podría ayudar a mejorar la gestión de grupos deportivos para potenciar el rendimiento de los equipos. Abstract. The aim of this study was identify the most determining factors in professional football that make possible an improvement in team performance at the end of the season. Structured interviews were conducted with 28 professional soccer players (15 men and 13 women), aged 27-41 years (M = 33.07, SD = 3.32). All of them had professional experience in the first and second Spanish leagues. The thematic analysis of the data was completed deductively and inductively. The results showed the existing complexity within a soccer club, with notable importance on team cohesion and the figure of the coach and coaching staff for collective improvement in both genders. Regarding gender, female players provided more importance to the technical staff, whereas male players increased their value for having technical and tactical skilled teammates within the squad. The relevance of these findings lies in the knowledge of factors and interactions that enhance and limit performance perceived by players in professional football and the differences between genders. This knowledge could help improve the management of a sports group and the training planning, to enhance the teams' performance.

In 2020, the whole world faced difficulties related to restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The life of athletes has changed dramatically: the cancellation of competitions, the inability to go to training camps, the inability to train in the usual mode, the lack of contact with the coach and team members, financial difficulties. In the conditions of a pandemic, conscious mental self-regulation is of particular importance for overcoming uncertainty in all spheres of human activity and for the successful self-organization of people's lives. The aim of the study is to study the difficulties of mental self-regulation of Russian athletes in situations of limitations of the COVID-19 pandemic. The study involved 113 athletes of various specializations (sports and artistic gymnastics, cross-country skiing, swimming, boxing, alpine skiing, athletics, volleyball, football), 39 men and 74 women. The average age of participants is 19.5 years. The study included the questionnaire "Style of self-regulation of behavior" (developed by V.I. Morosanova), the methodology of self-management research (created by Yu. Kul and A. Furmanam, adapted for the Russian-speaking sample by O.V. Mitina and E.I. Rasskazova.), and the questionnaire "Difficulties of self-regulation in conditions of self-isolation" (developed by A.E. Lovyagina and I.K. SyrykhThe results of the study showed that the restrictions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic - the cancellation of competitions and training camps, complicated the goal setting, as well as worsened the motivation for sports and worsened the physical conditions of athletes.. To diagnose difficulties during the Covid-19 pandemic, sports psychologists can use the questionnaire "Difficulties of self-regulation in conditions of self-isolation", as it allows to assess in which situations athlete experiences more difficulties and identify those athletes who adapt worse to the conditions of restrictions and need psychological help.

In 2020, the whole world faced difficulties related to restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The life of athletes has changed dramatically: the cancellation of competitions, the inability to go to training camps, the inability to train in the usual mode, the lack of contact with the coach and team members, financial difficulties. In the conditions of a pandemic, conscious mental self-regulation is of particular importance for overcoming uncertainty in all spheres of human activity and for the successful self-organization of people's lives. The aim of the study is to study the difficulties of mental self-regulation of Russian athletes in situations of limitations of the COVID-19 pandemic. The study involved 113 athletes of various specializations (sports and artistic gymnastics, cross-country skiing, swimming, boxing, alpine skiing, athletics, volleyball, football), 39 men and 74 women. The average age of participants is 19.5 years. The study included the questionnaire "Style of self-regulation of behavior" (developed by V.I. Morosanova), the methodology of self-management research (created by Yu. Kul and A. Furmanam, adapted for the Russian-speaking sample by O.V. Mitina and E.I. Rasskazova.), and the questionnaire "Difficulties of self-regulation in conditions of self-isolation" (developed by A.E. Lovyagina and I.K. SyrykhThe results of the study showed that the restrictions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic - the cancellation of competitions and training camps, complicated the goal setting, as well as worsened the motivation for sports and worsened the physical conditions of athletes.. To diagnose difficulties during the Covid-19 pandemic, sports psychologists can use the questionnaire "Difficulties of self-regulation in conditions of self-isolation", as it allows to assess in which situations athlete experiences more difficulties and identify those athletes who adapt worse to the conditions of restrictions and need psychological help.

Gender of coaches relative to their athletes has recently garnered substantial attention in the public, the media, and academia. Relative to sports engulfed in controversy pertaining to men athletes being coached by women, such as professional baseball, basketball, and football, it is more common to see women coach men in competitive weightlifting, though only a small percent of men weightlifters are coached by women. In competitive weightlifting, coaches are responsible for both physically and mentally training athletes, and with the social barriers faced by women in a sport traditionally perceived as masculine, there may be mental training or communication benefits to training with a coach of a certain gender. Examining the gender of competitive weightlifters and their coaches, total weight lifted in the snatch and clean and jerk events are analyzed using OLS regression. Results indicate that men weightlifters perform better with men coaches. Women weightlifters perform better with men coaches until the age of 43, then they perform better with women coaches. The difference in performance may be due to several factors including historical bias against women in the sport.

In Ireland, the majority of coaches at non-elite level are volunteers and within the female-only team sport of women's Gaelic football, most qualified coaches are women. Yet, little is known on the club specific experiences of volunteer women coaches in non-elite sport. To address this gap, 11 women coaches, from three Gaelic Football clubs, were interviewed to explore the influence of the community-based club environment on their support and development in the role. The participants were actively coaching and part of a Community of Practice (CoP) focusing on developing their club's coaching structures. A creative non-fiction approach combined the key themes from the 11 interviews into three coach profiles of a novice coach, experienced coach, and a player-coach. Retention and recruitment, support structures within the club, and club culture and norms were the key themes identified. This study recommends that clubs employ support structures that support and develop volunteer women coaches and address any behavior in the club that negatively impacts on their role.

This best practice paper reflects on a pilot coach education program designed for women coaching Australian Rules football. Focused on enhancing self-regulation, and underpinned by a growth mindset framework, the “Coach like a Woman” program was delivered to a selected group of female coaches either working in or having been identified with the potential to coach at high-performance levels. This manuscript describes the program content and discusses the key insights identified by the delivery team. Creating a community of practice encouraged the transfer of knowledge and experience between the enrolled coaches, which increased competence and self-confidence. Providing an understanding of behavioral tendencies enhanced positive self-talk and aided self-regulation by the coaches. The delivery of the program and challenges experienced are also discussed. This reflection on the program is provided to assist future developments in coach education.

The development of the Women's Super League (WSL) in English football, increased media coverage of the game, and an expansion of grassroots opportunities indicate a bright future for women and girls who want to play. Yet this vision must be tempered against compelling evidence of deep rooted and enduring gender inequalities within the game. This is the case for both players, and women who undertake non-playing roles, which is reflected in the relatively low numbers of women coaches and referees. Whilst The Football Association (The FA) has signalled addressing these inequalities as a key priority, critics argue that such efforts amount to superficial and limited efforts to support meaningful change. This paper departs from a concern with playing the game and responds to calls for more research to explore the experiences of women involved in football in non-playing roles. More specifically, it focuses on women coaches and referees, and addresses the following question: how do women in positions of power in football negotiate their place in what remains a distinctly male-dominated profession? In addressing this question, we take a theoretical position located at the nexus between radical and post-structural feminism, acknowledging the significance of structural power relations and individual agency in shaping daily lived social realities. Data were generated from interviews with 14 women coaches and 10 women referees. These interviews explored the structure and culture of the game and its impact on women's experiences of men's and women's competitive and grassroots football. Through a rigorous process of thematic analysis, three themes were identified: gendered entry into football careers; reinforcement of women's difference on the football field; and coping strategies for remaining in the game. Centralising the women's voices in this research highlights the insidious and persistent nature of gendered microaggressions, the sexism of football culture, and the ways in which these women negotiate this masculine terrain in their pursuit of being coaches and referees.“Andy Gray and Richard Keys hauled off air for sexist comments” (The Guardian, 24 January, 2011)“Crystal Palace Women goalkeeper accuses clubs of ignoring FA protocols after she was subjected to sexist abuse” (The Telegraph, 16 January, 2020)“Football manager demands ban on women referees” (The Guardian, 12 November, 2006)“Richard Scudamore sexism scandal intensifies as conspirator in sexist emails investigated by own law firm” (The Telegraph, 16 May, 2014)“Soccer chief's plan to boost women's game? Hotpants” (The Guardian, 16 January, 2004)“Women in Football survey a damning indictment of sexism in the workplace” (HRreview, 11 March, 2014)“Clattenburg criticised for claim female referees must pick career or children” (The Telegraph, 1 October, 2021)

We investigated coaches’ mindsets of athletic talent as conceptualised by Dweck (athlete talent mindset, A-TM) along with the athlete age at which they believe talent can be identified. We also looked at the age of talent identification in coaches of different A-TM. Using data collected as part of a survey conducted in Norway, the 3,830 participating coaches were men and women between 16 and 83 years of age. Overall, the coaches held a predominantly growth A-TM. However, older coaches, those not born in Norway, and coaches in athletics, gymnastics, and football were found to have a more fixed A-TM. Regarding their views about talent identification age, one fifth of the coaches believe that talent can be seen before 12 years of age, with football, gymnastics, and swimming coaches and those not born in Norway being more prone to detect talent at younger ages. Analyses also showed that the more fixed A-TM coaches believed that they could identify talented athletes at younger ages; however, not all of them reported such talent identification age views. These findings indicate that coaches’ A-TM and views regarding talent identification operate as two separate beliefs, which may be useful for understanding coaches’ early talent identification and development approaches.

Bullying is a global issue that, beyond school, is present in different social contexts, such as sport environments. The main objective of this study was to get to know the experiences of victims of bullying in sport throughout their youth sport training. Semi-structured interviews to four Spanish women and seven Spanish men were carried out, within an age range of 17–27 (Mage = 21 years, SD = 3.69). The following main themes were established by means of a hierarchical content analysis: (a) “bullying characterization,” (b) “dealing with bullying,” and (c) “consequences of bullying.” The results show the presence of physical, verbal and social bullying in the sport context, with the changing room being the space where this type of behavior is most frequently developed. Most victims show an internal attribution (self-blame) for the bullying event, related to their motor skills and their personal physical and psychological characteristics. Double victimization can be observed, at the sport club and at the educational center. Passive strategies are used to deal with the situation, while little support is shown by sport agents (teammates and coaches). The victims, as a consequence of the bullying experience, suffer from short and long-term negative effects on a psychosocial level. The study highlights the necessity to design and implement programs focused on the prevention, detection and intervention of bullying for sport organizations, bearing in mind all the agents that make them up (coaches, management teams, families, and players). Furthermore, the importance of promoting the creation of safe sport environments, free from any kind of violence, is emphasized.

As two Black male teachers, we knew the risks for our Black male students in our culture and the importance of keeping them safe and attending school. Keeping our students involved in our school community took on a new urgency when the pandemic hit and the country struggled with racial issues after the shooting of unarmed Black men and women. We adapted our after-school mentoring and leadership programs (that had been f2f) for young Black males and transformed them to after-school remote platforms. Secondary students participated in a remote football practice and training program. They were able to socialize with friends, receive support from their coaches, and retain academic eligibility. Elementary students enrolled in a leadership group were able to maintain connections with peers and mentors in one-on-one or small-group sessions. Our remote adaptations enabled our Black male students to connect with our school community during national crises that significantly impacted the Black community.

Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)“Beyond reasonable doubt” is the standard of proof for criminal cases in a court of law. However, what happens when doubt, reasonable or otherwise, is embedded in the media reporting of criminal cases, even before charges have been laid? This paper will analyse newspaper reports of recent rape cases involving Australian footballers, and identify narrative figures that are used to locate blame solely with the alleged victims, protecting the footballers from blame. I uncover several stock female “characters” which evoke doubt in the women’s claims: the Predatory Woman, who hunts down footballers for sex and is always sexually available to any and all footballers; the Woman Scorned, who makes a false rape complaint out of revenge; and the Gold Digger, who makes a false complaint for money. I will argue that the news media thus effectively provide footballers with a criminal defence, before the cases can even reach court. Rape and Football in Australia The issue of football and rape first came to mass public attention in February 2004, when six players from National Rugby League (NRL) team the Canterbury Bulldogs allegedly raped a woman while at a New South Wales resort. Two weeks later, two players from the St Kilda Australian Football League (AFL) team allegedly raped a woman following their pre-season cup victory. These two football codes are the nation’s most popular, with rugby league dominating the north-eastern states, with the southern, eastern and western the domain of Australian Rules. In neither case were charges laid, and although at least twenty distinct cases have been reported in the Australian media, involving more than fifty-six footballers and officials, only one–NRL star Brett Stewart–has yet been tried. Stewart was acquitted in September 2010. Former AFL footballer Andrew Lovett has also been ordered to stand trial in July 2011 for allegedly raping a woman on Christmas Eve, 2009. Nevertheless, the majority of cases never reach court. In criminal cases, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) ultimately decides whether to pursue charges through the courts, and, as most cases will be decided by a jury drawn from the general public, the DPP must decide whether the general public would accept the prosecution’s evidence as proof of guilt “beyond reasonable doubt.” This means that if a jury retains any doubt that the accused person is guilty, as long as that doubt is reasonable, they must return a verdict of “not guilty.” Public opinion in high-profile cases is therefore extremely important. If the DPP perceives a high level of public scepticism about a particular case, this indicates that the likelihood of the general public accepting the prosecution’s evidence is low, and they will often decide not to pursue the case. My analysis will show that media reports of the cases, which were published before any decision about laying criminal charges was made, can in fact work to create doubt, taking popular, victim-blaming stories to cast doubt on the complainants’ testimonies. Thus “reasonable doubt,” or a doubt that seems reasonable to many or most readers, is created before the case can even reach court. Predatory Women, Gold Diggers and Women Scorned When debate began in 2004 and explanations were sought for the high numbers of cases, stories abounded in which women have consensual sex with footballers, and then make a false rape complaint. I identify the principal characters of these stories as the Predatory Woman, Gold Digger and Woman Scorned. These stories were particularly prevalent amongst football representatives, blog contributors and talkback radio callers. Some media commentators provided alternative explanations (Magnay, for example), and others were explicitly critical of such stories (Pinkney, Wilson, for example); however, other journalists in fact evoked these same stereotypes. All of these characters have “common currency” (Smart 39), and have been used by defence lawyers in criminal trials for centuries, which means they are likely to be believed. These commentators therefore (indirectly) portray the complainants as liars, and reinforce the pervasive victim-blaming discourses in the wider public. The Predatory Woman The Predatory Woman character can be traced back at least as far as the early nineteenth century, when so-called “fallen” women were frequently “scorned as predatory creatures who lured young men into sin” (Clark 59). In her study of newspaper articles on football and sexual assault, gender theorist Kim Toffoletti identified the “predatory female” as a recurrent figure who is used to portray footballers as victims of “deviant” female sexuality (432-3). Toffoletti argues that the assumption underlying the use of the predatory female is that “incidents of sexual assault can occur when women deviate from the ‘conventions’ of heterosexual relations that expect them to be passive and sexually available, and men to exude sexual virility” (433). However, I argue that commentators’ usage often carries this further, and rather than using the story to claim that a victim of rape “deserved” it, the Predatory Woman actually serves as a replacement for the Raped Woman, therefore implicitly claiming that the complainant was lying. The Predatory Woman is the aggressor in all sexual encounters with footballers, a “sexual predator” (McCabe 31) who is said to “target” players and “hunt in packs” (Lyon 1). In a 2004 interview, one footballer described the phenomenon as “frightening” (McCabe 31), and another in 2009 claimed that footballers are “given temptations,” and “some of them [women] are downright predators” (Cunningham 30). The hunting animal metaphor clearly represents women as sexual aggressors, virtually suggesting that they are committing violent acts–moving in on unsuspecting footballers for the “kill” (sex). Thus portraying a complainant as one who seeks out sex with footballers implies that she victimised the players. As a woman cannot be both sexual aggressor and rape victim, the character of the Predatory Woman replaces that of the Raped Woman, therefore invalidating a complainant’s testimony and creating doubt. The Woman Scorned The Woman Scorned, another popular character in footballer sexual assault narratives, has also been evoked by the defence in criminal rape trials for centuries (Sanday; Benedict 2, 39-40, 83; Larcombe 100, 104-106, 111; Lees 78). The prevalence of footballers’ beliefs in the Woman Scorned story when NRL player Simon Williams commented about the prevalence of group sex/rape incidents involving NRL players on the 2009 Four Corners “Code of Silence” episode: It’s not during the act, it’s the way you treat them after it. Most of them could have been avoided, if they [players] had put them [women] in a cab and said thanks or that sort of thing not just kicked her out and called her a dirty whatever. It’s how you treat them afterwards that can cover a lot of that stuff up. Williams’ implicit claim here is that no woman would make a rape complaint as long as footballers always “said thanks” after sex. He thus implies that “most” of the complaints have been about revenge from women who felt mistreated after consensual sex: Women Scorned. The Gold Digger The Gold Digger is also an established character in both football rape stories and criminal rape trials; Peggy Sanday identifies her in cases dating from the eighteenth century. In rape cases, the Gold Digger can be evoked when a prominent and/or wealthy man–such as a noble in the eighteenth century, or a footballer in the present context–is accused of rape, whether or not the alleged victim seeks or receives a financial settlement. Many football fans evoked the Gold Digger on Internet blog sites, even when there were no observable characteristics corresponding to the Gold Digger in any of the media narratives. One declared: “My mum said she was probably being a slut, then after they ‘did’ her, she decided 2 say summin coz she thought she could get money or summin out of it [sic]” (in Baird 41). The Gold Digger stereotype invalidates a rape complaint, as a woman who alleges rape for financial gain must be lying, and was therefore not raped. Her claims are to be doubted. Narrative Immunity From 2009 onward, although traces of these characters remained, the focus of the debate shifted, from the possibility of sexual assault to players’ alcohol intake and the prevalence of “group sex.” Nina Philadelphoff-Puren identifies implicit claims that the complainants were lying in the statements of football representatives (37, 41-43), which imply that they must be Predatory Women, Women Scorned or Gold Diggers. In order to show clearly how journalists mobilised these characters more directly to evoke doubt, I conducted a search of the “Newsbank” newspaper database, for opinion pieces that sought to explain why the allegations were made, using varying combinations of the search terms “AFL,” “NRL,” “football,” “sexual assault,” “rape,” “rugby,” “sexual violence,” “sex” and “women.” Articles were sought in broadsheet newspapers The Age (Melbourne) and The Sydney Morning Herald, and tabloids The Herald Sun (Melbourne) and Daily Telegraph (Sydney), the most widely read newspapers in the cities where the alleged incidents occurred. The time-frame selected was 27 February 2004 to 1 May 2004, which covered the period from when the Canterbury Bulldogs case was first reported, until debate died down after the announcement that no charges would be laid against St Kilda footballers Steven Milne and Leigh Montagna. Twenty articles were collected for analysis: two from the Daily Telegraph, eight from the Herald Sun, seven from the Age, and three from the Sydney Morning Herald. Of these, half (ten) overtly blamed the alleged victims, with seven of those explicitly evoking Predatory Woman, Woman Scorned and/or Gold Digger stereotypes, and one strongly implying them. Although it might be expected that tabloid newspapers would be much more likely to (re-)produce popular stereotypes than broadsheets, the same numbers were found in each type of newspaper. The “common currency” (Smart 39) these stories have means that they are more likely to be considered credible than other stories. Their use by respected media commentators–particularly broadsheet journalists, whose publications lay claim to an educated readership and more progressive attitudes–is of even greater significance. In this paper, I will analyse three broadsheet articles in detail, in order to illustrate the various strategies used to evoke the stereotyped characters for an educated readership. The articles selected are by writers from very different backgrounds–a former footballer, a feminist and a “life-skills” coach to AFL footballers–and although it might seem that they would provide markedly different perspectives on the issue, I will show that all three evoke stereotypes that cast doubt on the complainants’ claims. The Story of the “Insider” Former AFL footballer Tim Watson’s “AFL Players and the Trouble Zone” was published shortly after the allegations against the St Kilda AFL players were made public in 2004. The article features a number of Predatory Women, who make “victims” of footballers; however, while Watson does not provide direct narrative accounts of the alleged rapes, he instead recounts narratives of other interactions between footballers and women. Predatory Women therefore come to replace Raped Women as characters and invalidate the alleged victims’ claims; as Watson represents these women as the sole agents, full responsibility for these incidents is attributed to women. The bulk of Watson’s article relates two stories unconnected with any (known) sexual assault cases, about AFL teams travelling to the country for training and being harassed by women. Placing the narratives immediately after warnings about “trouble zones,” when the article is clearly responding to the sexual assault allegations, suggests that his narratives explain what “potential trouble” and “trouble zones” are. He therefore implies that his narratives illustrate what “really” happened with the St Kilda (and Canterbury) players. The only instances where players are given grammatical agency in this narrative is when they “mingled with the locals” and “left the function as a group”; all the narrative action is attributed to women. Mingling has no sexual connotation, and “the locals” is a gender neutral term, implying that the players’ only action at the function was to interact with men and women in a non-sexual way. The characters of “a couple of girls” are introduced, and according to Watson these “girls” made it clear to everyone that they were keen to attract the attention of a couple of the players. One girl was so convinced of her intentions that she sidled up to the coach to explain to him what she planned to do later in the night to one of his players. The team left the function as a group and went back to the hotel without the adoring fans. In order to portray the women more clearly as the sole sexual aggressors–Predatory Women–Watson leaves out any events where players actively participate, events which are highly likely to have occurred. For example, in Watson’s narrative there is no two-way flirtation, and the players do not seek out, encourage or even respond in any (positive) way to the female attention they receive, although anecdotal evidence suggests this is extremely unlikely to have happened (Mewett and Toffoletti 170, 172-73). The women are only grammatical agents with intentions–their agency relates to what they plan to do–however, emphasising the fact that the team left as a group suggests that it was only this defensive action which prevented the women from carrying out their intentions and instigating sexual activity. Using “sidled” rather than “went” or “approached” characterises the woman as sly and manipulative, casting her in a negative light and adding to the sense that she was solely responsible. The second story is described as “almost identical” to the first, but Watson takes even greater pains to emphasise the players’ passivity, again portraying them as victims of Predatory Women. Watson attaches only the passive voice to the players: he says that they were “woken in their hotel rooms” and “subject to determined, but unwanted, advances.” The women are entirely absent from these statements. They appear only as shadows presumed responsible for waking the players and making the unwanted advances. This erasure of the female agent only emphasises the players’ passivity in the face of female seduction and general resistance to overwhelming female sexual aggression. As in the first story, the only action attributed to a footballer is defensive: a senior player convincing the women to leave. This reinforces the idea that male footballers are the victims when it comes to casual sexual relations, and casts doubt on any claims of rape. The Story of the “Insider-Outsider” The second article, “When an Elite Footballer Has Sex with a Girl…,” is by “life skills” coach to AFL players Damien Foster, who calls himself “a classic insider-outsider” to football (SBS). As a partial outsider, Foster would therefore presumably have less vested interest in protecting footballers than Watson; however, his narrative also denies the complaints’ credibility, clearly evoking a victim-blaming character: the Woman Scorned. Foster obliquely claims that the St Kilda and Canterbury cases arose simply because women and men view sex differently and therefore “a footballer may land himself in trouble because it just doesn’t occur to him to develop tactful, diplomatic methods of saying goodbye”. He continues, “When the girl [sic] realises the total indifference with which she is being treated after intimacy, bitterness sets in and it lingers. There are many girls in Australia now in this situation.” While Foster does not directly say that the “girls” who made rape complaints against the Bulldogs and St Kilda are Women Scorned, the fact that this story is used to explain why the allegations were made says it for him. According to Foster’s logic, if footballers learnt to say “thanks, love, that was great” after sex, then no rape complaints would ever be made. A “Feminist” Story? Controversial feminist Germaine Greer would seem even more likely to avoid victim-blame than men involved with football clubs, and she does not follow Watson’s portrayal of utterly passive, squeaky-clean footballers, or Foster’s narrative of undiplomatic players. In “Ugly Sex Has Just Got a Lot Louder,” she does acknowledge that some harm may have been done; however, Greer nevertheless portrays the complainants as Predatory Women, Women Scorned and Gold Diggers. Greer elects to tell a “history” of male footballer-female interactions, establishing male athletes’ disrespect for and mistreatment of women as a given. However, she goes on to evoke the Predatory Woman, portraying her as utterly desperate and willing to go to any lengths to have contact with players. Greer laments, good family men have been known to succumb to the groupies’ onslaught, believing that as long as they don’t kiss these desperate creatures, as long as they make no move that could be interpreted as a sign of affection, they haven’t been genuinely unfaithful to their wives and sweethearts. Indeed, the more brutal the treatment of the women they have casual sex with, the less they have to reproach themselves for. Pack rape in such circumstances can come to seem guiltless, a condign punishment for being a stupid slag, even. This explanation of footballers’ behaviour contains several grammatical patterns which represent the players as passive and not responsible for anything that takes place. In the first sentence, the only things these footballers actually do are succumbing and believing, both passive verbs; the rest of the sentence is devoted to what they do not do: “as long as they don’t kiss… as long as they make no move.” Thus it would seem that the players do not actively participate in the sexual activity instigated by these women, that they simply lie back and allow the women to do as they will. That the women are labelled “desperate creatures” who launch an “onslaught” to which footballers “succumb” confirms their sexual aggression. Although the second and third sentences depict violence and rape, these actions are not directly attributed to the players. The brutal treatment of the women the players have casual sex with has no grammatical agent–“the more brutal the treatment of the women they have casual sex with”–dissociating them from the brutality and subtly implying that “someone else” is responsible for it. Similarly, “pack rape” has no agent: no player commits or is involved in it, and it appears to happen independently of them. As Susan Ehrlich demonstrates, this denial of agency is a common tactic for accused rapists to use, in order to deny that they were responsible for their actions (36-61). Thus Greer uses the same grammatical patterns which deflect blame away from footballers, even when the behaviour involved is violent rape. This continual emphasis on the players’ passivity reinforces the portrayal of the women as sexually aggressive Predatory Women. Greer also introduces the figures of the Woman Scorned and Gold Digger. She claims that the only difference between the “old days” and the present scenarios is that now women are “not embarrassed to say that they agreed to sex with one man they’d only just met, or even with two, but they hadn’t agreed to being brutalised, insulted or humiliated, and they want redress.” This paragraph appears almost directly after the one where Greer mentions pack rape and violence, and it may seem therefore that the redress these women seek is for rape. However, since Greer claims that at least some of the women who “want redress” want it because they have been “insulted or humiliated,” rather than raped, this evokes the Woman Scorned. Greer continues by introducing the Gold Digger as a further (and complementary) explanation for these insulted and humiliated women to seek “redress.” Greer writes that women now “also seem quite interested in another factor in sex with footballers – namely, indecent amounts of money.” With this statement, she implies that some women have sex with footballers just so that they can make a rape complaint afterwards and obtain a large payment. She concedes that the women who make allegations against footballers may have been “abused,” but she trivialises them by claiming that they “scream and holler,” portraying them as hysterical. She thus discredits them and casts doubt on their claims. Greer ignores the fact that only one woman has either sought or obtained a financial settlement from footballers for a case of rape, and this woman only applied for it after charges against the players responsible were dropped. Whilst this argument is clearly unfounded, the strength of the Gold Digger story, along with the Woman Scorned and Predatory Woman, is likely to give the impression that the rape complaints made against the footballers were unfounded. Conclusion: The Benefit of the Doubt The fact that a significant number of media commentators employed tactics similar to those defence lawyers use in rape trials suggests that a de facto “trial” took place; one in which stories that discredit the complainants were prominent. These stories were enough to evoke “(un)reasonable doubt” in the women’s claims, and the accused footballers were therefore “acquitted.” That doubt can be evoked so easily in such high-profile cases is particularly problematic as rape cases in general are those least likely to be believed (Jordan 64-83). Further, many victims state that the fear of disbelief is one of the most important factors in deciding not to pursue criminal charges (Warshaw 50). Even if one leaves aside the likelihood that the prevalence of doubt in the media and the “blogosphere” contributed to the DPP’s decision not to pursue charges, the media “acquittal” is likely to have two further effects: it may deter future complainants from coming forward, if they assume that their claims will similarly be doubted; and it contributes to more generalised beliefs that women habitually lie about rape, particularly those who accuse footballers. While of course any accused person must be held innocent until proven guilty, it is equally important to give an alleged victim the benefit of the doubt, and not presume that all rape complainants are liars unless proven otherwise. References “Code of Silence.” Four Corners. ABC, 11 May. 2009. Television. Baird, Julia. “All Together, Boys, for a Weekend Roast.” Sydney Morning Herald 28 February. 2004: 41. Benedict, Jeff. Athletes and Acquaintance Rape. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, 1998. Clark, Anna. Women’s Silence, Men’s Violence: Sexual Assault in England 1770-1845. New York: Pandora Press, 1987. Cunningham, Ryan. “A Footballer’s Life: Confusion, Temptation and Guilt by Association.” Sydney Morning Herald 19 Jun. 2009: 30. Ehrlich, Susan. Representing Rape: Language and Sexual Consent. London: Routledge, 2001. Foster, Damien. “When an Elite Footballer Has Sex with a Girl...” Age 23 Mar. 2004: 13. “Foul Play.” Insight. SBS, 16 Apr. 2004. Television. Greer, Germaine. “Ugly Sex Has Just Got a Lot Louder.” Age 23 Mar. 2004: 1, 17. Jordan, Jan. The Word of a Woman?: Police, Rape and Belief. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Larcombe, Wendy. Compelling Engagements: Feminism, Rape Law and Romance Fiction. Sydney: Federation Press, 2005. Lees, Sue. Ruling Passions. Buckingham: Open UP, 1997. Lyon, Karen. “They Love Their Footy, But Can They Keep the Faith?” Age 20 Mar. 2004: 1. Magnay, Jacquelin. “What Dogs Do.” Sydney Morning Herald 28 Feb. 2004: 31 McCabe, Helen. “Perilous Games of Sport and Sex.” Daily Telegraph 1 May. 2004: 31. Mewett, Peter, and Kim Toffoletti. “Rogue Men and Predatory Women: Female Fans’ Perceptions of Australian Footballers’ Sexual Conduct.” International Review for the Sociology of Sport 43.2 (2008): 165-80. Pinkney, Matthew. “Don’t Make Their Excuses.” Herald Sun 22 March. 2004: 18. Philadelphoff-Puren, Nina. “Dereliction: Women, Rape and Football.” Australian Feminist Law Journal 17. (2004): 35-51. Sanday, Peggy Reeves. A Woman Scorned: Acquaintance Rape on Trial. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. Smart, Carol. Feminism and the Power of Law. London: Routledge, 1989. Toffoletti, Kim. “How Is Gender-Based Violence Covered in the Sporting News? An Account of the Australian Football League Sex Scandal.” Women’s Studies International Forum 30 (2007): 427-38. Warshaw, Robin. I Never Called It Rape: The Ms. Report on Recognizing, Fighting, and Surviving Date and Acquaintance Rape. New York: HarperPerennial, 1994. Watson, Tim. “AFL Players and the Trouble Zone.” Age 18 Mar. 2004: 16. Wilson, Caroline. “All the Dirty Linen Must — and Will — Be Aired.” Age, 21 Mar. 2004: 4.

I spend a lot of time studying women and men at the pinnacle of their fields. The interest they take in their work is so intense as to border on obsession. As legendary football coach Bill Walsh described it, “you’re up at 3 a.m. every night talking into a tape recorder and writing notes on scraps of paper…” A lot of ambitious young adults I meet have no fear of a life like that. In fact, what they fear is the opposite: a kind of aimless wandering from one interest to another, always searching but never finding a home. Likewise, many parents ask me for advice on how to get their kids to stick to one thing for years and years like the paragons of grit I study.

I spend a lot of time studying women and men at the pinnacle of their fields. The interest they take in their work is so intense as to border on obsession. As legendary football coach Bill Walsh described it, “you're up at 3 a.m. every night talking into a tape recorder and writing notes on scraps of paper…” A lot of ambitious young adults I meet have no fear of a life like that. In fact, what they fear is the opposite: a kind of aimless wandering from one interest to another, always searching but never finding a home. Likewise, many parents ask me for advice on how to get their kids to stick to one thing for years and years like the paragons of grit I study. I can empathize. In the decade of adult life it took me to commit to becoming a psychologist, I was desperate for direction to match my determination.

ObjectivesThis study assessed knowledge, beliefs and practices of elite female footballers regarding injury prevention.MethodsA survey was sent to players participating in the FIFA Women’s World Cup France 2019. Questions covered three injury prevention domains: (1) knowledge; (2) attitudes and beliefs; (3) prevention practices in domestic clubs. Additionally, ACL injury history was assessed.ResultsOut of 552 players, 196 women responded (35.5%). More than 80% of these considered injury risk to be moderate or high. Players listed knee, ankle, thigh, head and groin as the most important injuries in women’s football. The most important risk factors identified were low muscle strength, followed by poor pitch quality, playing on artificial turf, too much training, reduced recovery and hard tackles. In these elite players, 15% did not have any permanent medical staff in their domestic clubs, yet more than 75% had received injury prevention advice and more than 80% performed injury prevention exercises in their clubs. Players identified the two most important implementation barriers as player motivation and coach attitude. Two-thirds of players used the FIFA 11+ programme in their clubs.ConclusionsThis diverse group of elite players demonstrated good knowledge of risk level and injury types in women’s football. Of the risk factors emphasised by players, there was only one intrinsic risk factor (strength), but several factors out of their control (pitch quality and type, training volume and hard tackles). Still players had positive attitudes and beliefs regarding injury prevention exercises and indicated a high level of implementation, despite a lack of medical support.

There is a consensus in the literature that women continue to be under-represented in leadership positions, and that a patriarchal language and gender stereotypes and desired professional profile still persist in our society, which pose practical and emotional challenges to women seeking positions of leadership in sport (Evans & Pfister, 2020). The research aimed to obtain an overview of the leadership positions held by women in technical committees and in the management of Brazilian Sports Confederations of Olympic collective modalities. The research has a mixed approach, using the document analysis method. Publications of calls for technical commissions and election minutes available online on the websites of the sports Confederations of collective Olympic modalities were analyzed, in addition to consulting the website of the Olympic Committee of Brazil. The data collected regarding the occupation of positions were organized in an Excel spreadsheet, descriptive statistical analysis was performed, in order to describe and summarize the set of data obtained, and content analysis (enumeration technique), for data related to the type of position held by women. 110 positions were identified in the technical committees of all sports analyzed (female and male teams), of which 23 are occupied by women (20%). The modalities of Basketball, Football, Handball, Water Polo, Rugby, Volleyball and Beach Volleyball add up to 43 positions on the technical committees in the women's teams, 13 of which are occupied by women (30%). The same modalities, in their men's teams add up to 47 positions, and of these 4 are occupied by women (8.5%), indicating that while men have space in the technical committees of women's teams, the opposite does not occur. Of all the modalities analyzed, it was possible to verify that few women occupy positions of greater leadership, such as coach/technician, in general, a panorama similar to that found by Ferreira et al. (2013), with the position of physiotherapist being the most occupied by women professionals. When analyzing the distribution of management positions, the panorama confirms the “glass ceiling” concept, which assumes that women rise to leadership positions to some extent. As for operational positions, 121 positions were identified, 40 of which are occupied by women (33%). As for statutory positions, of the 76 positions identified, only 7 of them are occupied by women (9.2%). It was possible to draw an overview of female participation in leadership in sport administration entities and Olympic collective sports modalities, highlighting the under-representation in leadership positions.

Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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Background. The aim of the present study was to give voice to elite athletes exploring their perceptions of cheating in sport.Methods. Utilizing a purposeful sampling technique, 11 athletes were interviewed – one woman and 10 men from football (F, n = 6), rugby league (R, n = 2), and three from athletics (A). Athletes’ perceptions related to cheating in sport were explored by individual semi-structured interviews. Interpretive thematic data analysis was conducted in several stages, beginning with the exploration of the recorded materials. Credibility of the results was established by member checking. For data transferability and repeatability, we described the process of data collection, processing and analysis in detail.Results. Analysis of interview data allows to distinguish the following broad themes: the perceived forms of cheating in sport, causes of cheating, initiators of cheating, and ath-letes’ views on the evaluation of cheating, and as a separate theme – athletes’ insights on cheating in children’s sport.Conclusions. The findings offer insights of adult athletes on cheating in sport. Athletes are aware of the prevalence of cheating in all sports, emphasizing that it is an illegal phenomenon and associate it with the potential financial benefits, corruption, match fixing, and the use of doing. The study highlights financial insecurity of athletes as a reason for cheating. When evaluating cheating, athletes are not categorical or tend to cheat themselves, but they would justify it more if it helped a team. As to cheating in children’s sport, adult athletes noted the role of a coach and especially the parents in cheating in order to gain an advantage for their child. Also, the focus on the protective factor of children against cheating was emphasized. Keywords: cheating, athletes’ perceptions, adult sport, children sport.

One of the greatest joys in watching Foxtel is to see all the crazy people who run talk shows. Judgement, ridicule and generalisations slip from their tongues like overcooked lamb off a bone. From Oprah to Rikki, from Jerry to Mother Love, the posterior of pop culture claims a world-wide audience. Recently, a new talk diva was added to the pay television stable. Dr Laura Schlessinger, the Mother of Morals, prowls the soundstage. attacking 'selfish acts' such as divorce, de facto relationships and voting Democrat. On April 11, 2001, a show aired in Australia that added a new demon to the decadence of the age. Dr Laura had been told that a disgusting video clip, called 'Rock DJ', had been televised at 2:30pm on MTV. Children could have been watching. The footage that so troubled our doyenne of daytime featured the British performer Robbie Williams not only stripping in front of disinterested women, but then removing skin, muscle and tissue in a desperate attempt to claim their gaze. This was too much for Dr Laura. She was horrified: her strident tone became piercing. She screeched, "this is si-ee-ck." . My paper is drawn to this sick masculinity, not to judge - but to laugh and theorise. Robbie Williams, the deity of levity, holds a pivotal role in theorising the contemporary 'crisis' of manhood. To paraphrase Austin Powers, Williams returned the ger to singer. But Williams also triumphed in a captivatingly original way. He is one of the few members of a boy band who created a successful solo career without regurgitating the middle of the road mantras of boys, girls, love, loss and whining about it. Williams' journey through post-war popular music, encompassing influences from both Sinatra and Sonique, forms a functional collage, rather than patchwork, of masculinity. He has been prepared to not only age in public, but to discuss the crevices and cracks in the facade. He strips, smokes, plays football, wears interesting underwear and drinks too much. My short paper trails behind this combustible masculinity, focussing on his sorties with both masculine modalities and the rock discourse. My words attack the gap between text and readership, beat and ear, music and men. The aim is to reveal how this 'sick masculinity' problematises the conservative rendering of men's crisis. Come follow me I'm an honorary Sean Connery, born '74 There's only one of me … Press be asking do I care for sodomy I don't know, yeah, probably I've been looking for serial monogamy Not some bird that looks like Billy Connolly But for now I'm down for ornithology Grab your binoculars, come follow me. 'Kids,' Robbie Williams Robbie Williams is a man for our age. Between dating supermodels and Geri 'Lost Spice' Halliwell [1], he has time to "love … his mum and a pint," (Ansen 85) but also subvert the Oasis cock(rock)tail by frocking up for a television appearance. Williams is important to theories of masculine representation. As a masculinity to think with, he creates popular culture with a history. In an era where Madonna practices yoga and wears cowboy boots, it is no surprise that by June 2000, Robbie Williams was voted the world's sexist man [2]. A few months later, in the October edition of Vogue, he posed in a British flag bikini. It is reassuring in an era where a 12 year old boy states that "You aren't a man until you shoot at something," (Issac in Mendel 19) that positive male role models exist who are prepared to both wear a frock and strip on national television. Reading Robbie Williams is like dipping into the most convincing but draining of intellectual texts. He is masculinity in motion, conveying foreignness, transgression and corruption, bartering in the polymorphous economies of sex, colonialism, race, gender and nation. His career has spanned the boy bands, try-hard rock, video star and hybrid pop performer. There are obvious resonances between the changes to Williams and alterations in masculinity. In 1988, Suzanne Moore described (the artist still known as) Prince as "the pimp of postmodernism." (165-166) Over a decade later, the simulacra has a new tour guide. Williams revels in the potency of representation. He rarely sings about love or romance, as was his sonic fodder in Take That. Instead, his performance is fixated on becoming a better man, glancing an analytical eye over other modes of masculinity. Notions of masculine crisis and sickness have punctuated this era. Men's studies is a boom area of cultural studies, dislodging the assumed structures of popular culture [3]. William Pollack's Real Boys has created a culture of changing expectations for men. The greater question arising from his concerns is why these problems, traumas and difficulties are emerging in our present. Pollack's argument is that boys and young men invest energy and time "disguising their deepest and most vulnerable feelings." (15) This masking is difficult to discern within dance and popular music. Through lyrics and dancing, videos and choreography, masculinity is revealed as convoluted, complex and fragmented. While rock music is legitimised by dominant ideologies, marginalised groups frequently use disempowered genres - like country, dance and rap genres - to present oppositional messages. These competing representations expose seamless interpretations of competent masculinity. Particular skills are necessary to rip the metaphoric pacifier out of the masculine mouth of popular culture. Patriarchal pop revels in the paradoxes of everyday life. Frequently these are nostalgic visions, which Kimmel described as a "retreat to a bygone era." (87) It is the recognition of a shared, simpler past that provides reinforcement to heteronormativity. Williams, as a gaffer tape masculinity, pulls apart the gaps and crevices in representation. Theorists must open the interpretative space encircling popular culture, disrupting normalising criteria. Multiple nodes of assessment allow a ranking of competent masculinity. From sport to business, drinking to sex, masculinity is transformed into a wired site of ranking, judgement and determination. Popular music swims in the spectacle of maleness. From David Lee Roth's skied splits to Eminem's beanie, young men are interpellated as subjects in patriarchy. Robbie Williams is a history lesson in post war masculinity. This nostalgia is conservative in nature. The ironic pastiche within his music videos features motor racing, heavy metal and Bond films. 'Rock DJ', the 'sick text' that vexed Doctor Laura, is Williams' most elaborate video. Set in a rollerdrome with female skaters encircling a central podium, the object of fascination and fetish is a male stripper. This strip is different though, as it disrupts the power held by men in phallocentralism. After being confronted by Williams' naked body, the observing women are both bored and disappointed at the lack-lustre deployment of masculine genitalia. After this display, Williams appears embarrassed, confused and humiliated. As Buchbinder realised, "No actual penis could every really measure up to the imagined sexual potency and social or magical power of the phallus." (49) To render this banal experience of male nudity ridiculous, Williams then proceeds to remove skin and muscle. He finally becomes an object of attraction for the female DJ only in skeletal form. By 'going all the way,' the strip confirms the predictability of masculinity and the ordinariness of the male body. For literate listeners though, a higher level of connotation is revealed. The song itself is based on Barry White's melody for 'It's ecstasy (when you lay down next to me).' Such intertextuality accesses the meta-racist excesses of a licentious black male sexuality. A white boy dancer must deliver an impotent, but ironic, rendering of White's (love unlimited) orchestration of potent sexuality. Williams' iconography and soundtrack is refreshing, emerging from an era of "men who cling … tightly to their illusions." (Faludi 14) When the ideological drapery is cut away, the male body is a major disappointment. Masculinity is an anxious performance. Fascinatingly, this deconstructive video has been demeaned through its labelling as pornography [4]. Oddly, a man who is prepared to - literally - shave the skin of masculinity is rendered offensive. Men's studies, like feminism, has been defrocking masculinity for some time. Robinson for example, expressed little sympathy for "whiny men jumping on the victimisation bandwagon or playing cowboys and Indians at warrior weekends and beating drums in sweat lodges." (6) By grating men's identity back to the body, the link between surface and depth - or identity and self - is forged. 'Rock DJ' attacks the new subjectivities of the male body by not only generating self-surveillance, but humour through the removal of clothes, skin and muscle. He continues this play with the symbols of masculine performance throughout the album Sing when you're winning. Featuring soccer photographs of players, coaches and fans, closer inspection of the images reveal that Robbie Williams is actually every character, in every role. His live show also enfolds diverse performances. Singing a version of 'My Way,' with cigarette in tow, he remixes Frank Sinatra into a replaying and recutting of masculine fabric. He follows one dominating masculinity with another: the Bond-inspired 'Millennium.' Some say that we are players Some say that we are pawns But we've been making money Since the day we were born Robbie Williams is comfortably located in a long history of post-Sinatra popular music. He mocks the rock ethos by combining guitars and drums with a gleaming brass section, hailing the lounge act of Dean Martin, while also using rap and dance samples. Although carrying fifty year's of crooner baggage, the spicy scent of homosexuality has also danced around Robbie Williams' career. Much of this ideology can be traced back to the Take That years. As Gary Barlow and Jason Orange commented at the time, Jason: So the rumour is we're all gay now are we? Gary: Am I gay? I am? Why? Oh good. Just as long as we know. Howard: Does anyone think I'm gay? Jason: No, you're the only one people think is straight. Howard: Why aren't I gay? What's wrong with me? Jason: It's because you're such a fine figure of macho manhood.(Kadis 17) For those not literate in the Take That discourse, it should come as no surprise that Howard was the TT equivalent of The Beatle's Ringo Starr or Duran Duran's Andy Taylor. Every boy band requires the ugly, shy member to make the others appear taller and more attractive. The inference of this dialogue is that the other members of the group are simply too handsome to be heterosexual. This ambiguous sexuality has followed Williams into his solo career, becoming fodder for those lads too unappealing to be homosexual: Oasis. Born to be mild I seem to spend my life Just waiting for the chorus 'Cause the verse is never nearly Good enough Robbie Williams "Singing for the lonely." Robbie Williams accesses a bigger, brighter and bolder future than Britpop. While the Gallagher brothers emulate and worship the icons of 1960s British music - from the Beatles' haircuts to the Stones' psychedelia - Williams' songs, videos and persona are chattering in a broader cultural field. From Noel Cowardesque allusions to the ordinariness of pub culture, Williams is much more than a pretty-boy singer. He has become an icon of English masculinity, enclosing all the complexity that these two terms convey. Williams' solo success from 1999-2001 occurred at the time of much parochial concern that British acts were not performing well in the American charts. It is bemusing to read Billboard over this period. The obvious quality of Britney Spears is seen to dwarf the mediocrity of British performers. The calibre of Fatboy Slim, carrying a smiley backpack stuffed with reflexive dance culture, is neither admitted nor discussed. It is becoming increasing strange to monitor the excessive fame of Williams in Britain, Europe, Asia and the Pacific when compared to his patchy career in the United States. Even some American magazines are trying to grasp the disparity. The swaggering king of Britpop sold a relatively measly 600,000 copies of his U.S. debut album, The ego has landed … Maybe Americans didn't appreciate his songs about being famous. (Ask Dr. Hip 72) In the first few years of the 2000s, it has been difficult to discuss a unified Anglo-American musical formation. Divergent discursive frameworks have emerged through this British evasion. There is no longer an agreed centre to the musical model. Throughout 1990s Britain, blackness jutted out of dance floor mixes, from reggae to dub, jazz and jungle. Plied with the coldness of techno was an almost too hot hip hop. Yet both were alternate trajectories to Cool Britannia. London once more became swinging, or as Vanity Fair declared, "the nerve centre of pop's most cohesive scene since the Pacific Northwest grunge explosion of 1991." (Kamp 102) Through Britpop, the clock turned back to the 1960s, a simpler time before race became 'a problem' for the nation. An affiliation was made between a New Labour, formed by the 1997 British election, and the rebirth of a Swinging London [5]. This style-driven empire supposedly - again - made London the centre of the world. Britpop was itself a misnaming. It was a strong sense of Englishness that permeated the lyrics, iconography and accent. Englishness requires a Britishness to invoke a sense of bigness and greatness. The contradictions and excesses of Blur, Oasis and Pulp resonate in the gap between centre and periphery, imperial core and colonised other. Slicing through the arrogance and anger of the Gallaghers is a yearning for colonial simplicity, when the pink portions of the map were the stable subjects of geography lessons, rather than the volatile embodiment of postcolonial theory. Simon Gikandi argues that "the central moments of English cultural identity were driven by doubts and disputes about the perimeters of the values that defined Englishness." (x) The reason that Britpop could not 'make it big' in the United States is because it was recycling an exhausted colonial dreaming. Two old Englands were duelling for ascendancy: the Oasis-inflected Manchester working class fought Blur-inspired London art school chic. This insular understanding of difference had serious social and cultural consequences. The only possible representation of white, British youth was a tabloidisation of Oasis's behaviour through swearing, drug excess and violence. Simon Reynolds realised that by returning to the three minute pop tune that the milkman can whistle, reinvoking parochial England with no black people, Britpop has turned its back defiantly on the future. (members.aol.com/blissout/Britpop.html) Fortunately, another future had already happened. The beats per minute were pulsating with an urgent affirmation of change, hybridity and difference. Hip hop and techno mapped a careful cartography of race. While rock was colonialisation by other means, hip hop enacted a decolonial imperative. Electronic dance music provided a unique rendering of identity throughout the 1990s. It was a mode of musical communication that moved across national and linguistic boundaries, far beyond Britpop or Stateside rock music. While the Anglo American military alliance was matched and shadowed by postwar popular culture, Brit-pop signalled the end of this hegemonic formation. From this point, English pop and American rock would not sail as smoothly over the Atlantic. While 1995 was the year of Wonderwall, by 1996 the Britpop bubble corroded the faces of the Gallagher brothers. Oasis was unable to complete the American tour. Yet other cultural forces were already active. 1996 was also the year of Trainspotting, with "Born Slippy" being the soundtrack for a blissful journey under the radar. This was a cultural force that no longer required America as a reference point [6]. Robbie Williams was able to integrate the histories of Britpop and dance culture, instigating a complex dialogue between the two. Still, concern peppered music and entertainment journals that British performers were not accessing 'America.' As Sharon Swart stated Britpop acts, on the other hand, are finding it less easy to crack the U.S. market. The Spice Girls may have made some early headway, but fellow purveyors of pop, such as Robbie Williams, can't seem to get satisfaction from American fans. (35 British performers had numerous cultural forces working against them. Flat global sales, the strength of the sterling and the slow response to the new technological opportunities of DVD, all caused problems. While Britpop "cleaned house," (Boehm 89) it was uncertain which cultural formation would replace this colonising force. Because of the complex dialogues between the rock discourse and dance culture, time and space were unable to align into a unified market. American critics simply could not grasp Robbie Williams' history, motives or iconography. It's Robbie's world, we just buy tickets for it. Unless, of course you're American and you don't know jack about soccer. That's the first mistake Williams makes - if indeed one of his goals is to break big in the U.S. (and I can't believe someone so ambitious would settle for less.) … Americans, it seems, are most fascinated by British pop when it presents a mirror image of American pop. (Woods 98 There is little sense that an entirely different musical economy now circulates, where making it big in the United States is not the singular marker of credibility. Williams' demonstrates commitment to the international market, focussing on MTV Asia, MTV online, New Zealand and Australian audiences [7]. The Gallagher brothers spent much of the 1990s trying to be John Lennon. While Noel, at times, knocked at the door of rock legends through "Wonderwall," he snubbed Williams' penchant for pop glory, describing him as a "fat dancer." (Gallagher in Orecklin 101) Dancing should not be decried so summarily. It conveys subtle nodes of bodily knowledge about men, women, sex and desire. While men are validated for bodily movement through sport, women's dancing remains a performance of voyeuristic attention. Such a divide is highly repressive of men who dance, with gayness infiltrating the metaphoric masculine dancefloor [8]. Too often the binary of male and female is enmeshed into the divide of rock and dance. Actually, these categories slide elegantly over each other. The male pop singers are located in a significant semiotic space. Robbie Williams carries these contradictions and controversy. NO! Robbie didn't go on NME's cover in a 'desperate' attempt to seduce nine-year old knickerwetters … YES! He used to be teenybopper fodder. SO WHAT?! So did the Beatles the Stones, the Who, the Kinks, etc blah blah pseudohistoricalrockbollocks. NO! Making music that gurlz like is NOT a crime! (Wells 62) There remains an uncertainty in his performance of masculinity and at times, a deliberate ambivalence. He grafts subversiveness into a specific lineage of English pop music. The aim for critics of popular music is to find a way to create a rhythm of resistance, rather than melody of credible meanings. In summoning an archaeology of the archive, we begin to write a popular music history. Suzanne Moore asked why men should "be interested in a sexual politics based on the frightfully old-fashioned ideas of truth, identity and history?" (175) The reason is now obvious. Femininity is no longer alone on the simulacra. It is impossible to separate real men from the representations of masculinity that dress the corporeal form. Popular music is pivotal, not for collapsing the representation into the real, but for making the space between these states livable, and pleasurable. Like all semiotic sicknesses, the damaged, beaten and bandaged masculinity of contemporary music swaddles a healing pedagogic formation. Robbie Williams enables the writing of a critical history of post Anglo-American music [9]. Popular music captures such stories of place and identity. Significantly though, it also opens out spaces of knowing. There is an investment in rhythm that transgresses national histories of music. While Williams has produced albums, singles, video and endless newspaper copy, his most important revelations are volatile and ephemeral in their impact. He increases the popular cultural vocabulary of masculinity. [1] The fame of both Williams and Halliwell was at such a level that it was reported in the generally conservative, pages of Marketing. The piece was titled "Will Geri's fling lose its fizz?" Marketing, August 2000: 17. [2] For poll results, please refer to "Winners and Losers," Time International, Vol. 155, Issue 23, June 12, 2000, 9 [3] For a discussion of this growth in academic discourse on masculinity, please refer to Paul Smith's "Introduction," in P. Smith (ed.), Boys: Masculinity in contemporary culture. Colorado: Westview Press, 1996. [4] Steve Futterman described Rock DJ as the "least alluring porn video on MTV," in "The best and worst: honour roll," Entertainment Weekly 574-575 (December 22-December 29 2000): 146. [5] Michael Bracewell stated that "pop provides an unofficial cartography of its host culture, charting the national mood, marking the crossroads between the major social trends and the tunnels of the zeitgeist," in "Britpop's coming home, it's coming home." New Statesman .(February 21 1997): 36. [6] It is important to make my point clear. The 'America' that I am summoning here is a popular cultural formation, which possesses little connection with the territory, institution or defence initiatives of the United States. Simon Frith made this distinction clear, when he stated that "the question becomes whether 'America' can continue to be the mythical locale of popular culture as it has been through most of this century. As I've suggested, there are reasons now to suppose that 'America' itself, as a pop cultural myth, no longer bears much resemblance to the USA as a real place even in the myth." This statement was made in "Anglo-America and its discontents," Cultural Studies 5 1991: 268. [7] To observe the scale of attention paid to the Asian and Pacific markets, please refer to http://robbiewilliams.com/july13scroll.html, http://robbiewilliams.com/july19scroll.html and http://robbiewilliams.com/july24scroll.html, accessed on March 3, 2001 [8] At its most naïve, J. Michael Bailey and Michael Oberschneider asked, "Why are gay men so motivated to dance? One hypothesis is that gay men dance in order to be feminine. In other words, gay men dance because women do. An alternative hypothesis is that gay men and women share a common factor in their emotional make-up that makes dancing especially enjoyable," from "Sexual orientation in professional dance," Archives of Sexual Behaviour. 26.4 (August 1997). Such an interpretation is particularly ludicrous when considering the pre-rock and roll masculine dancing rituals in the jive, Charleston and jitterbug. Once more, the history of rock music is obscuring the history of dance both before the mid 1950s and after acid house. [9] Women, gay men and black communities through much of the twentieth century have used these popular spaces. For example, Lynne Segal, in Slow Motion. London: Virago, 1990, stated that "through dancing, athletic and erotic performance, but most powerfully through music, Black men could express something about the body and its physicality, about emotions and their cosmic reach, rarely found in white culture - least of all in white male culture,": 191 References Ansen, D., Giles, J., Kroll, J., Gates, D. and Schoemer, K. "What's a handsome lad to do?" Newsweek 133.19 (May 10, 1999): 85. "Ask Dr. Hip." U.S. News and World Report 129.16 (October 23, 2000): 72. Bailey, J. Michael., and Oberschneider, Michael. 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