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1

Lähteenmäki, Maria. "A Political Profile of Tarja Halonen, the First Finnish Female President." Journal of Finnish Studies 20, no. 2 (2017): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.20.2.03.

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Abstract Neither historiographers nor social scientists have paid much attention to the position of women among the highest political elite, as heads of state and especially as presidents. Such women are rare: there are few female presidents, and their role is often ceremonial. At the end of 2016, there were four female presidents in the nineteen republics belonging to the European Union. Yet female presidency is a very important theme from the perspective of women's roles in politics, the trend toward gender equality, and female empowerment in society. This article takes a look at Finland's first female president, Tarja Halonen, who held office from March 2000 to February 2012. The Finnish president still has real political power, which makes this topic particularly interesting. On the one hand, the article examines the profile that emerged of President Tarja Halonen and the reflection of her gender in her work as president. On the other hand, the article looks to see whether she succeeded in challenging the male institution of the president to change, and whether she was able to fracture the glass ceiling that still exists between women—even in Europe—and the highest echelons of political power.
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2

VIERNES TURNER, CAROLINE SOTELLO. "Pathways to the Presidency: Biographical Sketches of Women of Color Firsts." Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 1 (2007): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.77.1.p831667187v7514w.

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According to recent data, only 3 percent of all college and university presidents are women of color. While the numbers remain disturbingly low, some of these women of color are making history as the "first" of their gender, race, and ethnicity to become president of a public, baccalaureate degree–granting college or university. In this article, Caroline Sotello Viernes Turner presents biographical sketches of three of these women. They are acknowledged to be the first Mexican American, Native American, and Asian Pacific/Asian American women who are presidents of such colleges in the United States. Women from these respective racial and ethnic groups have become university presidents only recently. Using in-depth interviews and cross-case comparisons, the author examines the paths these women presidents have taken and how their narratives contribute important information about women of color in higher education administration. She asserts that from their stories we can learn about the "pathway to the presidency" these women have helped to forge, about the ways universities can help support the leadership development of women of color, and about how to foster leadership in other women of color who aspire to be college presidents. Turner concludes that these women of color "firsts" continue to make important contributions to the field of higher education, and to pave the way for other women.
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3

Green, Anne J., Sarah T. Maddison, Johannes Andersen, et al. "EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE WORKING GROUP WOMEN IN ASTRONOMY." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 3, T26B (2007): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921308024289.

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The second Women in Astronomy Lunchtime Meeting was held on Monday 21 August 2006, with more than 250 participants. The meeting was hosted by the EC Working Group for Women in Astronomy, established at the 2003 IAU General Assembly, and was attended by the current President, the Presidents-Elect for this and the next General Assembly, the General Secretary and Vice-Presidents, many senior astronomers, as well as students and young astronomers. It was a particular pleasure to welcome and congratulate the incoming President, Dr Catherine Cesarsky, the first woman to hold the position.
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4

Woollen, Susan. "The Road Less Traveled: Career Trajectories of Six Women Presidents in Higher Education." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 36 (June 9, 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v36.a15.

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Most research on the career pathways of women presidents has been dedicated to the traditional career path and the paucity of women in positions leading to a four-year college or university presidency. This leaves little research on women who achieved the position by following a nontraditional trajectory. This qualitative study explores the career trajectories of six women presidents who described their journeys to the highest leadership position as "nontraditional" or "unusual." Using Bateson's (1989) concepts of improvisation and adaption to examine their professional and personal experiences, the presidents unveil they were responsive to new opportunities, responsibilities, and challenges leading to their presidencies. Their backgrounds led them to develop an understanding and appreciation of institutional and organizational practices and cultures, community relations, campus relations, and a sensitivity to the importance of relationship building with an array of stakeholders. The study concludes by discussing the necessity of considering broader career frameworks to identify and increase the number of potential women candidates for the presidency. Keywords: women presidents, career trajectories, higher education, women's leadership
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5

Daniels, Ashley. "Madam President." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 2 (2020): 229–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.2.229.

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Throughout the fifty-year history of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS), fourteen women have served as president. In honor of the golden anniversary of NCOBPS and to highlight the experience of Black women as presidents of professional academic organizations, six of the twelve living former Black women presidents reflect on the triumphs and challenges of their tenures as former leaders through the lens of race and gender. Using a Black feminist/womanist life history study approach, this article features the written narratives of these leaders, spanning the period from 1980 to 2019. The semi-structured email interviews were conducted between May 2018 and July 2019. This article enhances our understanding of how race and gender identity can influence the decision-making of Black women presidents and how that impacts the direction of an institution like NCOBPS.
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6

Rudik, Oleksandr. "The new working methods of the European Commission for 2019 – 2024: striving for more at home and in the world." Public administration and local government 45, no. 2 (2020): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/102023.

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The article explores the new working methods of the European Commission for 2019 – 2024, which were presented by the President Ursula von der Leyen in her Communication to Commission on December 1, 2020. It clarifies the importance of the Commission’s new working methods in the context of the internal and external environment of EU-27 functioning, as well as the President’s ambitious goal, who wants «the next five years to be an opportunity for Europe to strive for more at home in order to lead in the world». According to the author of the article, the ambitions of the current Commission are due to three additional factors: the gender composition of the Commission (the President of the Commission is the first woman in this position in the EU history, and about half of the members are women), a fundamentally new internal and external environment which forms under the influence of the Brexit impact, as well as the need to reaffirm the role of the European Commission as a driving force in the European integration process, especially against the background of problems with compliance to the fundamental principles of the EU by a number of Member States, including post-communist ones. It is concluded that the Commission’s new working methods are designed to make this institution strong and fair, capable of working together to implement the provisions of the «Agenda for Europe» proposed by the President of the Commission. To this end, Ursula von der Leyen introduces a number of novelties to the way the Commission works, notably with regards to the role of the Executive Vice-Presidents, the High Representative / Vice-President, Vice-Presidents and Commissioners’ Groups; the creation of the Group for External Coordination; the role of the Secretariat-General in supporting the Executive Vice-Presidents and the Vice-Presidents; the Commission’s follow-up to European Parliament Resolutions based on Article 225 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; the introduction of the digital transformation objective and an open, inclusive and cooperative way of working.
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7

Elfman, Lois. "Student affairs career path leads to college presidency." Student Affairs Today 26, no. 8 (2023): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/say.31311.

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Berenecea Johnson Eanes, Ph.D., President of York College (City University of New York), embraces creating and sustaining supportive networks, noting that succeeding in academic leadership requires like‐ minded people who share your goals. There's a distinct support system among the presidents of CUNY institutions, said Eanes, who's also a member of the Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority. She attended a summit with a group of AKA college presidents. Eanes keeps the flyer with everyone's email addresses and phone numbers close at hand. “As women presidents, we tend to check on and look out for each other,” Eanes says.
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8

Reyes-Housholder, Catherine. "Presidentas Rise: Consequences for Women in Cabinets?" Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 3 (2016): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00316.x.

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AbstractSince 1999, women have democratically won the presidency eight times in Latin America and have named hundreds of ministers. This study argues that under certain conditions,presidentasare more likely than male presidents to improve women's cabinet representation. Two mechanisms,presidentamandates and gendered networks, appear to drive the relationship. Furthermore, because the pool of ministerial candidates is shallower for women than for men,presidentasare most likely to advance women's representation in cabinets at the beginning of their term and for “feminine” ministries. A case study of Michelle Bachelet's 2006 ministerial appointments reveals initial evidence for the argument. Empirical implications are then tested with an original dataset of 1,908 ministers of all democratically elected Latin American presidents since 1999. Model results are consistent with the theory thatpresidentasare most likely to “make a difference” when they are least constrained by the supply of female ministerial candidates.
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9

Tremblay, Manon, and Réjean Pelletier. "More Women Constituency Party Presidents." Party Politics 7, no. 2 (2001): 157–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068801007002002.

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10

Colunga-Pedraza, I. J., G. Serna-Peña, D. Alpizar-Rodriguez, et al. "AB0852 BREAKING THE GLASS CEILING IN MEXICAN RHEUMATOLOGY." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 80, Suppl 1 (2021): 1450.1–1450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2021-eular.3417.

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Background:The term “glass ceiling” has been used since the late eighties, to designate an invisible barrier that prevents highly qualified women from reaching positions of responsibility in the organizations they work. (1) At first, this concept was used to analyze the career of women who, having a professional career and a high level of competition in their workplaces, encountered an interference when trying to advance in their careers. (2). The so-called “glass ceiling” refers to a last barrier based on prejudice towards women that prevents them from advancing to high-level positions.Currently, there is almost the same number of men and women affiliated to the Mexican College of Rheumatology (CMR). The position of president is the highest directorial position, we undertook the task of evaluating the percentage of women who have historically held that leadership position.Objectives:To assess the percentage of woman who have occupied the position of president of the Mexican College of Rheumatology.Methods:Observational, cross-sectional study. We evaluated the number of man and women who have historically held the position of president of the CMR.Results:Currently, the CMR has 630 active members, 308 women (48.9%) and 322 men (51.1%). Among rheumatologists younger than 40 years of age, women represent 58% (n=128). We found that historically the CMR has had 48 presidents, of which only 4 (8.3%) are women.Conclusion:There is a big gender gap between presidents of the CMR. It is important to talk about the gender perspective and recognize the causes that have originated this gap. Incorporating the gender perspective in senior management is a pending issue for our CMR.References:[1]Barberá E, Ramos A, Sarrió M, et al. Laberinto de cristal en el liderazgo de las mujeres. Psicothema 2011;23(2):173-179.[2]Bustos O. Mujeres rompiendo el techo de cristal: el caso de las universidades. OMNIA - Revista de la Coordinación de Estudios de Posgrado 2002(41);1-7.Acknowledgements:We have no acknowledgements to declare.Disclosure of Interests:None declared
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11

Escobar-Lemmon, Maria C., and Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson. "Sex, Survival, and Scandal: A Comparison of How Men and Women Exit Presidential Cabinets." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (2015): 665–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000422.

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The process of selecting cabinet ministers often takes place behind closed doors, including weighing the need to balance or manage factions within the president's party and/or coalition partners; addressing demands for diversity in the cabinet, such as appointment of women or other historically underrepresented groups; sending signals about the administration's policy agenda; and enabling the president to have people he or she trusts close at hand. On the other hand, ministerial exits are usually less private affairs. In some cases they come after weeks of public or congressional scrutiny and criticism of ministers for policy failures or follow extended speculation about who will lose their seat when the president reshuffles the cabinet. Some ministers depart to pursue lucrative private-sector opportunities. Other ministers switch posts but stay in government. How ministers exit can have implications for the administration since a president who is frequently forced to shuffle the cabinet or sack ministers looks ineffective, and comparisons to rats and sinking ships are difficult to avoid in the wake of excessive changes. At the same time, an administration with zero turnover may also not be healthy, as it would suggest that presidents are staidly bound to their initial course of action and unable (or unwilling) to adapt to changing circumstances.
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12

Tamirisa, Kamala P., Priscilla Hsue, Hiroko Beck, et al. "Luminaries: The Women Presidents of HRS." Heart Rhythm 18, no. 7 (2021): 1241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hrthm.2021.03.048.

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13

Marshall, Suzanne. "Her way: women presidents leading companies." Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management: An International Journal 5, no. 3 (2001): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000007297.

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14

Bordelon, Suzanne. "Muted Rhetors and the Mundane: The Case of Ruth Mary Weeks, Rewey Belle Inglis, and W. Wilbur Hatfield." College Composition & Communication 64, no. 2 (2012): 332–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc201222117.

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This essay reveals the importance of investigating mundane internal documents, particularly when considering muted rhetors, who may use such texts strategicallyin an attempt to subvert the status quo. It does so by examining the first and second women presidents of NCTE and their efforts to professionalize the organization andto strengthen the voice of the president.
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15

Clayman, Steven E., John Heritage, and Amelia M. J. Hill. "Gender matters in questioning presidents." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 1 (2020): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19087.cla.

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Abstract This paper traces the increasing prominence of women in the White House press corps over the latter half of the 20th century, and considers how this trend toward greater gender balance has impacted the questioning of presidents. Modest gender differences are documented in the topical content of questions, with women journalists slightly favoring domestic policy and private-sphere topics relative to men. More substantial differences are documented in aggressiveness, with women journalists asking more adversarial questions, and more assertive questions at least in the earlier years of the sampling period. The topical content differences are broadly aligned with traditional conceptions of gender, but the stronger differences in aggressiveness run contrary to such conceptions.
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16

Cook, Sarah Gibbard. "Women Presidents: Now 26.4% but Still Underrepresented." Women in Higher Education 21, no. 5 (2012): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/whe.10322.

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17

Reid, Pamela Trotman, Ellen Cole, and Margaret L. Kern. "Wives of College and University Presidents." Psychology of Women Quarterly 35, no. 4 (2011): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684311417402.

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How does a modern woman react to being defined by the role of wife? In our study, the authors examined the experiences, benefits, and challenges encountered by wives of college and university presidents. In a relationship where the husband has a prestigious and well-defined role, the female partner may still be expected to play a traditional role on a regular basis, bringing both benefits and challenges. Through focus groups, interviews, and a survey, women shared their experiences. Cluster analytic techniques identified six groups of women that were involved in, adjusted to, or conflicted by serving in the presidential spouse role. The authors employ the voices of the women themselves to illuminate their experiences, satisfactions, challenges, and frustrations. Wives indicated that they had to deal with loss of privacy, conflicted personal relationships, and increased ambiguity about their own identity. Interestingly, wives did not allow these challenges to undermine their marriage; instead, for those who had difficulty meeting these demands, the loss was to their own sense of self-worth. The results suggest that the role of presidential wife should be examined through the intersectional lens of gender and class. This intersection can be seen to shape the expectations of the wife herself, as well as the demands made by her spouse and others in her community. Her previous experiences, education, and career preparation provide insights into how she approaches the public role. Recognizing and giving voice to the complex sociocultural issues involved may help wives thrive in their roles as a college or university president’s wife. Additional online materials for this article are available to PWQ subscribers on PWQ’s website at http://pwq.sagepub.com/supplemental
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18

Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.

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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?
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19

Blevins, Vivian B. "WOMEN PRESIDENTS DEFINE THE COLLEGE CULTURE THROUGH STORY." Community College Journal of Research and Practice 25, no. 7 (2001): 503–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10668920152407892.

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20

Madsen, Susan R. "Developing leadership: exploring childhoods of women university presidents." Journal of Educational Administration 45, no. 1 (2007): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09578230710722476.

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21

Gutierrez Keeton, Rebecca, Ding-Jo Currie, and Netasha Pizano. "Women of Color in Community Colleges: Leadership Development." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 40, no. 1 (2021): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v40.a379.

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This quantitative study assessed the impact of the Kaleidoscope Leadership Institute (KLI) model of professional development on KLI on 140 participants’ personal and professional lives. The model was designed for community college women of color and led by female presidents/chancellors. Participants report gains in career and educational advancements, new networks, and mentorships across races/ethnicities and higher education positions. Researchers conclude that cross-cultural networking, mentoring, and identity development are beneficial and recommend that professional associations and institutions expand the KLI model to increase institutional leadership diversity. Keywords: Community college, leadership development, women of color, identity-based leadership development, female college presidents, female leaders, mentoring, networking, identity development, institutional racism
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22

Shaddox, L., and A. Letra. "Then and Now—A Look Inside the Lives of 11 Women Presidents of the IADR." Advances in Dental Research 30, no. 3 (2019): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022034519877394.

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Extraordinary women scientists—past, current, and elected presidents of the International Association for Dental Research (IADR)—showcase pathways for success and leadership. In this series of autobiographical essays, these women of various cultural backgrounds with diverse areas of research describe their journeys in the passionate pursuit of excellence, despite the frequent obstacles and challenges. Through interviews and in their own words, we recap highlights of their dental research journeys and inspirations, their career trajectories toward the IADR presidency, and the benefits and challenges that they faced in their careers and personal lives. The purpose of this special issue is to honor these women, their life journeys, and how they have contributed to oral health research.
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23

Polson, Alicia Keating, Audrey J. Jaeger, and Greyson A. B. Norcross. ""I Didn't Realize I Could Be President": The Gendered Experiences of Women Student Body Presidents." Journal of College Student Development 63, no. 5 (2022): 508–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csd.2022.0044.

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24

Niewiadomska-Cudak, Małgorzata. "Aktywność kobiet w wyborach na urząd prezydenta miasta Rzeszowa w latach 2002–2018." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 2 (2020): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.2.9.

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The article deals with the activity of women in the elections to the enforcement authority in Rzeszów over the period of 16 years, i.e. from the moment the act on the direct election of a commune head, town mayor and president came into force. An attempt was made to analyze the women's electoral participation in the candidacy for the position of mayor or president from the political science perspective. The choice of the place of this city is not without significance, as the feminization rate (the women’s involvement in local government authorities in cities with poviat status), indicates that Rzeszów came 62 out of 66 cities (Swianiewicz, Łukomska, 2020, s. 9). Examining the representation of female voters in five elections not only gauges the phenomenon of female gender participation, but also helps to understand the problem of under-representation of women among presidents at the city level with poviat rights. The article complements the discussions on the participation of women in local government authorities, but also fills a significant cognitive gap in research on the representation of women in local politics.
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25

Funk, Kendall D., Laura Morales, and Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson. "The Impact of Committee Composition and Agendas on Women's Participation: Evidence from a Legislature with Near Numerical Equality." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (2016): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000465.

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Previous studies of women's participation in legislative debates could not disentangle the possible effect of institutionalized gender discrimination from the effect of gendered patterns because of women lacking seniority and leadership posts. Costa Rica's Legislative Assembly offers an opportunity to control for seniority and leadership. The prohibition on immediate reelection means that no legislators have seniority. The country's successful gender quota, presence of an equal number of men and women committee presidents, and election of the first woman president in 2010 all point to women having relatively equal access to formal positions of power. In this context, unequal debate participation between men and women legislators would indicate that it is very difficult to change the gendered nature of an institution. We use multilevel modeling to analyze repeated observations of individual-level participation in three of six standing committees during the 2010–14 term (Agriculture, Economics, and Social Issues) to explore differences in patterns of participation under various conditions (sex ratios, discussion topics, sex of committee leaders). Findings indicate that women are active participants in committees with both stereotypically feminine and masculine policy jurisdictions, but also that women are more active when the gender composition of the committee is less skewed.
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26

Madrid, Raúl L., and Matthew Rhodes-Purdy. "Descriptive Representation and Regime Support in Latin America." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (2016): 890–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321715617772.

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Does descriptive representation matter? We analyze the impact of descriptive representation on regime support among women and the self-identified indigenous population in Latin America. We find that having a female president does not have a consistent impact on regime support among Latin American women, but that the election of an indigenous president has significantly boosted regime support among indigenous people in Bolivia. We suggest that ethnic representation has had a greater impact than gender representation on regime support in the region for a couple of reasons. First, in Latin America, ethnicity is much more highly correlated than gender with other variables that are known to shape political attitudes, such as class, education, region, and area of residence. Second, ethnicity has been a more salient factor in elections and governing than has gender in those countries that have elected indigenous or female presidents.
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27

Cross, William P., and Scott Pruysers. "The Local Determinants of Representation: Party Constituency Associations, Candidate Nomination and Gender." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (2019): 557–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000064.

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AbstractIt is well established that political parties play a key role as gatekeepers to elected office. This article explores the local determinants of a diverse candidate pool. In particular, we seek to uncover the district- or riding-specific party factors that are related to women's participation in the parties’ candidate nomination stages. That is, why do some nomination races in a party have no women contestants, while others have many? Using data from an original survey of party constituency association presidents, as well as extensive nomination data from Elections Canada, we demonstrate that a number of local factors are related to the presence of women contesting a party's nomination. Local party associations with a woman serving as president, as well as associations that hold earlier and longer nominations, are significantly more likely to see a woman enter the contest. The results are important since they call attention to what parties do at the grassroots level, as well as highlight practical solutions for parties seeking to have more diversity in their candidate pool.
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28

Wills, Jeanie, and Krystl Raven. "The founding five: transformational leadership in the New York League of Advertising Women’s club, 1912–1926." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 12, no. 3 (2020): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-04-2019-0015.

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Purpose This paper uses archival documents to begin to recover a history of women’s leadership in the advertising industry. In particular, this paper aims to identify the leadership styles of the first five presidents of the New York League of Advertising Women’s (NYLAW) club. Their leadership from 1912 to 1926 set the course for and influenced the culture of the New York League. These five women laid the foundations of a social club that would also contribute to the professionalization of women in advertising, building industry networks for women, forging leadership and mentorship links among women, providing advertising education exclusively for women and, finally, bolstering women’s status in all avenues of advertising. The first five presidents were, of course, different characters, but each exhibited the traits associated with “transformational leaders,” leaders who prepare the “demos” for their own leadership roles. The women’s styles converged with their situational context to give birth to a women’s advertising club that, like most clubs, did charity work and hosted social events, but which was developed by the first five presidents to give women the same kinds of professional opportunities as the advertising men’s clubs provided their membership. The first five presidents of the Advertising League had strong prior professional credibility because of the careers they had constructed for themselves among the men who dominated the advertising field in the first decade of the 20th century. As presidents of the NYLAW, they advocated for better jobs, equal rights at work and better pay for women working in the advertising industry. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on women’s advertising archival material from the Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe and Wisconsin Historical Society to argue that the five founding mothers of the NYLAW provided what can best be described as transformational feminist leadership, which resulted in building an effective club for their members and setting it on a trajectory of advocacy and education that would benefit women in the advertising industry for the next several decades. These women did not refer to themselves as “leaders,” they probably would not have considered their work in organizing the New York club an exercise in leadership, nor might they have called themselves feminists or seen their club as a haven for feminist work. However, by using modern leadership theories, the study can gain insight into how these women instantiated feminist ideals through a transformational leadership paradigm. Thus, the historical documents provide insight into the leadership roles and styles of some of the first women working in American advertising in the early parts of the 20th century. Findings Archival documents from the women’s advertising clubs can help us to understand women’s leadership practices and to reconstruct a history of women’s leadership in the advertising industry. Eight years before women in America could vote, the first five presidents shared with the club their wealth of collective experience – over two decades worth – as advertising managers, copywriters and space buyers. The first league presidents oversaw the growth of an organization would benefit both women and the advertising industry when they proclaimed that the women’s clubs would “improve the level of taste, ethics and knowledge throughout the communications industry by example, education and dissemination of information” (Dignam, 1952, p. 9). In addition, the club structure gave ad-women a collective voice which emerged through its members’ participation in building the club and through the rallying efforts of transformational leaders. Social implications Historically, the advertising industry in the USA has been “pioneered” by male industry leaders such as Claude Hopkins, Albert Lasker and David Ogilvy. However, when the authors look to archival documents, it was found that women have played leadership roles in the industry too. Drawing on historical methodology, this study reconstructs a history of women’s leadership in the advertising and marketing industries. Originality/value This paper helps to understand how women participated in leadership roles in the advertising industry, which, in turn, enabled other women to build careers in the industry.
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29

Gillett-Karam, Rosemary. "INTRODUCTION: COMMUNITY COLLEGE LEADERSHIP: PERSPECTIVES OF WOMEN AS PRESIDENTS." Community College Journal of Research and Practice 25, no. 3 (2001): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/106689201750068371.

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30

Seenivasan, Dr A. "Women Empowerment at Grassrootlevel: A Study on Women Panchayat Presidents in Tamil Nadu." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 7, no. 2 (2013): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0721214.

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31

Bondok, Mostafa, Rishika Selvakumar, Muhammad Khan, et al. "Gender Representation on North American Ophthalmology Societies' Governance Boards." Journal of Academic Ophthalmology 15, no. 02 (2023): e287-e294. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0043-1777430.

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Abstract Purpose We examined the gender distribution and academic productivity of North American ophthalmology societies' board members. Methods Cross-sectional and retrospective study of board members on American and Canadian ophthalmology societies. In December 2022, data was gathered from society webpages, online archives, and the Scopus database for publication information. Results Of the identified 73 board presidents and 876 other board members, 49 (67.1%) board presidents were men and 24 (32.9%) were women, while 554 (63.2%) other board members were men and 322 (36.8%) were women (p = 0.53). Overall, board members who were men had significantly higher median h-indexes (men vs. women: 10 [interquartile range [IQR] = 22] vs. 7 [IQR = 12], p = 0.03) and median publication numbers (men vs. women: 23 [IQR = 84] vs. 14 [IQR = 52.3], p = 0.01). However, m-quotients (h-index divided by length of academic career) were not significantly different (men vs. women: 0.46 [IQR = 0.74] vs. 0.50 [IQR = 0.55], p = 0.67). Overall, a significant increase in the proportion of women board presidents comparing periods 1942 to 1961 and 2002 to 2021 was observed for all societies combined (3.1% [2/65] to 23.6% [210/888], p < 0.001). Conclusion The fraction of women on the academic boards in North American ophthalmology societies has increased sevenfold over the past 83 years. The gender composition of ophthalmology society boards is consistent with the gender composition of practicing ophthalmologists in the United States. Women in board or society positions have comparable academic output to men. Existing and new efforts to sustain progress in promoting women's representation and leadership opportunities must continue.
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32

Reyes-Housholder, Catherine. "A Theory of Gender’s Role on Presidential Approval Ratings in Corrupt Times." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 3 (2019): 540–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919838626.

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The rise of female chief executives appears to signal gender progress, but this may not be unequivocally so. This article advances a contextual theory for the role of gender on leaders’ approval ratings, a key measure of “success” and source of executive power. I argue that because of gendered expectations and discourse, female presidents will receive lower approval ratings in contexts of corruption. The study focuses on Latin America, known for its powerful, masculinist presidential regimes and its democratically elected female leaders. I first trace the gendered construction of President Michelle Bachelet’s image as an honest mother. Upon a presidential scandal, higher standards and gendered discourse resulted in deeply disappointed citizens, significantly undermining her popularity. Models of eighteen Latin American countries next reveal a negative impact of being a female—rather than a male—president on approval ratings. Marginal effects plots show that female presidents score worse than their male counterparts in contexts of at least one presidential scandal and higher executive corruption. This article contributes to the growing literature on gender and corruption. It also challenges some conventional wisdom on the pro-women consequences of female leadership in providing a more nuanced account of the role of gender in the executive branch.
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33

Fleck, Katherine. "Who Framed the Women? Measuring the Public Relations Impact on the Media's Framing of the U.S Supreme Court Nominees." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 33 (June 12, 2017): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v33.a112.

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This study seeks to determine if Presidents frame female nominees to the highest court differently than their male counterparts in ways consistent with other female leaders. Entmen (1993) defines framing as process whereby certain aspects of a perceived reality are selected and made more salient in communication. This work further examines how U.S. Presidents select and highlight certain aspects of their U.S. Supreme Court nominees' background, experience and personal attributes in public relations materials. By analyzing frames in public relations materials and comparing them to those found in testimony by third parties and in newspaper coverage, the study will determine the effectiveness of the Presidents to influence others to utilize his frames.
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34

Reyes-Housholder, Catherine. "Women Mobilizing Women: Candidates’ Strategies for Winning the Presidency." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 1 (2018): 69–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000103.

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Latin America has elected more female presidents than any other region in the world, yet dominant theories on campaigning tend to ignore gender. In addressing this lacuna, this article argues that the widespread belief that women are better at mobilizing women means that female candidates tend to invest more significant effort into cultivating a core constituency of women on the basis of gender identity. In contrast, male candidates tend to delegate women-mobilization tasks to female surrogates. An analysis of approximately 1,000 newspaper articles reveals that the “most different” female candidates in Chile and Brazil consistently met with female voters early in their campaigns, evoked gender identities and promised pro-women change. The “most different” male candidates enlisted their wives and female politicians to target women, defend their pro-women promises, and deflect accusations of sexism. The theory illuminates multiple ways in which viable female candidates’ entry into the political arena can improve women's representation.
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35

Workman, Jamie, Karla Hull, Taralynn Hartsell, and Teresa Weimann. "A chilly climate: Experiences of women student government association presidents." Journal of Campus Activities Practice and Scholarship 2, no. 2 (2020): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52499/2020011.

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The lack of women in elected leadership roles trickles down to student governance at colleges and universities (American Student Government Association, 2016). The researcher sought to understand how women student leaders made meaning of their experiences as a leader and how their understanding influences their actions and motivations. Through the use of narrative inquiry, the researcher explored how participants defined and made meaning of their experiences as women student government association presidents. The data collected through a series of three interviews were then formed into individual narratives focusing on context and meaning-making for each participant. Our work resulted in rich data that was categorized into themes. The prevalent theme of a “chilly climate” was salient for each participant, which is discussed in this article. The article concludes with implications for student government advisors, as well as for future research on women student government association leaders.
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36

Alexander-Snow, Mia. "Women at the Top: What Women University and College Presidents Say about Effective Leadership." Journal of Higher Education 81, no. 6 (2010): 779–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhe.2010.0015.

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37

Alexander-Snow, Mia. "Women at the Top: What Women University and College Presidents Say about Effective Leadership." Journal of Higher Education 81, no. 6 (2010): 709–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2010.11779078.

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38

Kirschmann, Stephanie L. "Women at the top: What women university and college presidents say about effective leadership." International Journal of Educational Advancement 9, no. 3 (2009): 188–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ijea.2009.35.

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39

Reis, Tania C., and Marilyn L. Grady. "Women University Presidents: Leadership Within Bourdieu's Model of Cultural Capital." Journal of Leadership Studies 12, no. 4 (2019): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jls.21619.

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40

Nalborczyk, Agata S. "Polish Tatar Women as Official Leaders of Muslim Religious Communities and the Sources of their Authority." Comparative Islamic Studies 12, no. 1-2 (2019): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.34854.

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The history of the Islamic presence in Poland goes back over 300 years. In the past, Muslim Tatar women played an important role in their communities by preserving and passing on the faith. In the twentieth century their role expanded, with a substantial number of women present at the highest levels of Muslim leadership. The article presents a case study of seven Polish Tatar women who have held the post of official elected presidents of local Muslim communities. These examples are presented in order to research the source of authority on which female leadership is based. The article uses three kinds of authority distinguished by Max Weber: legalrational, charismatic and traditional authority. The article is based on interviews with these female presidents and other members of their communities in order to reconstruct their authority as social and religious leaders and their impact on their respective communities.
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41

Szeląg, Paulina. "The political engagement of women in post-conflict Kosovo." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (2021): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.7.

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The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito’s presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.
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42

Maulana, Arman, and Ulummudin Ulummudin. "Controversy of Women's Leadership in Islam: Muhammadiyah's Perspective." Contemporary Society and Politics Journal 2, no. 2 (2023): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32939/cspj.v2i2.3279.

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Abstract This article examines the leadership of women in Islam from the perspective of Muhammadiyah. The theme has always generated both support and opposition among the Muslim community. The central point of debate regarding women's leadership in Islam revolves around a hadith narrated by Abu Bakrah, stating that a community will not prosper if led by a woman. The result of this research is that Muhammadiyah has decided that women are allowed to become leaders, starting from school principals, directors, or even presidents. They believe there is no explicit text that clearly prohibits women from being leaders. Regarding the hadith, Muhammadiyah interprets it contextually based on historical analysis. At that time, women held a very weak position in society, casting doubts on their ability to lead a community institution. Additionally, they did not receive adequate education, resulting in limited experience and knowledge. Therefore, in the present era, if a woman has the capacity to be a leader, it is considered permissible. Keywords: Women’s Leadership, Muhammadiyah, Fatwa
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43

Commodore, Felecia. "Losing Herself to Save Herself: Perspectives on Conservatism and Concepts of Self for Black Women Aspiring to the HBCU Presidency." Hypatia 34, no. 3 (2019): 441–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12480.

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Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) often come under criticism for being havens of conservatism (Harper and Gasman 2008). This conservatism can be found intertwined in some HBCUs’ presidential hiring processes. Focusing on the lack of gender parity in the HBCU presidency, through a Black Feminist Theory lens, I argue that HBCUs using these practices for the selection of Black women presidents create a conflict of self for aspirants who do not authentically subscribe to or perform conservatism. The philosophical ideas of authenticity, self‐esteem, and self‐respect are explored to explain how these expectations create barriers to aspirants achieving their goals and their authentic selves. Subjecting Black women leaders to these practices oppresses aspirants’ need for authenticity and leads to the replication of these conservative ideologies. I conclude that these barriers, in turn, narrow the HBCU presidential pipeline and perpetuate a lack of gender parity in HBCU leadership.
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44

Davies, Sharyn Graham, and Nurul Ilmi Idrus. "Participating in Parliamentary Politics: Experiences of Indonesian Women 1995�2010." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (2018): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v3i1.47.

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This article concerns itself with womens participation in politics and, more specifcally, the representation of women in elected legislatures, in Indonesia between 1995 and 2010. The article gives readers a brief overview of the various ways that Indonesian women participate in politics. Examples are given of women being traditional rulers, having political authority, exercising power, becoming presidents and cabinet ministers, participating in protest movements, and being elected to parliament. The article then moves to focus more specifcally on the election of women to the Indonesian parliament. The article analyses positive developments that have occurred in the past decade to facilitate womens entry to parliamentary politics. Although numerous positive developments have indeed taken place, the article argues that women are still hindered in their attempts to get elected to parliament. Drawing on indepth interviews, literature reviews, statistical analysis, and long-term ethnographic research, the authors identify some of the factors limiting womens election, including the restrictive limited model of womanhood advocated in Indonesia, declining cronyism, the ineffectiveness of the thirty per cent quota, the reputation politics has of being dirty, the in?uence of religion, and the large sums of money candidates need to support their election campaigns.
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45

Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah, and Alissandra T. Stoyan. "Gendered Opportunities and Constraints: How Executive Sex and Approval Influence Executive Decree Issuance." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2018): 586–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917750279.

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Do female executives exercise the authority of their office distinctly from their male counterparts? Anecdotal evidence suggests women legislators are likely to govern in a more consensual manner than men. Yet there has been little systematic research extending such claims to women in executive office. Using an original data set, we evaluate one aspect of policy agenda setting—rates of executive decree issuance—among four male–female pairs of Latin American presidents between 2000 and 2014. Female presidents are generally less prone to rule by decree, but this relationship is conditioned by presidential popularity. Female executives with high presidential approval ratings are less likely to rule via unilateral action than similarly popular male executives, but the gendered differences in decree issuance disappear when executives possess low approval ratings. Our findings have implications for understanding the potential benefits of feminine leadership styles for executive–legislative relations and good governance.
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46

Fernández, Andrea Camila, Ingrid Paola Villalta, Luis Rodrigo Corea, and Luisa Cook Alvarado. "Political feminization in Latin America: analysis of the discourses of Castro, Fernández and Rousseff." Innovare: Revista de ciencia y tecnología 11, no. 2 (2022): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/innovare.v11i2.14781.

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Introduction. The development of women in politics allows us to visualize how feminization influences the Latin American socio-political landscape. The study´s aim was to analyze the political discourses of a current president and two former presidents: Xiomara Castro from Honduras, Cristina Fernández from Argentina, and Dilma Rousseff from Brazil. Methods. A qualitative analysis was used by describing and interpreting political discourses and conducting interviews to experts. Results. Various similarities were evident between the discourses of Xiomara Castro, Cristina Fernández, and Dilma Rousseff such as the strategies employed in their discourses and the feminization in them, their most recurrent themes, their position regarding their opposition, among other aspects. Conclusion. Feminization in Latin American politics still has a long way to go because we live in societies with immutable gender roles, where masculinity bases persist.
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47

Anestaki, Aikaterini, Meghna Sabharwal, Kenneth Connelly, and N. Joseph Cayer. "Race and Gender Representation in Presidential Appointments, SES, and GS Levels, During Clinton, Bush, and Obama Administrations." Administration & Society 51, no. 2 (2016): 197–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399716655376.

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Achieving a representative bureaucracy that reflects the attitudes, values, and policy choices of women and racial minorities is imperative, as the gap in the representation of those groups in the federal workforce is growing. We examine to what extent female and minority representation in political appointments, Senior Executive Service (SES), and General Schedule (GS) 1-15 levels reflect presidents’ commitment to diversity. We use data from the U.S. Office of Personnel Management to compare the tenures of presidents William J. Clinton (1993 to 2000), George W. Bush (2001-2008), and Barack H. Obama (2009-2013), and examine the employment trends from 1993 to 2013.
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48

Aljaras, Razan, Ahmad Karkash, Vidya Sree Dandu, and Ahmad Abdelfattah Alhader. "Trends of female representation in ASCO leadership and abstracts authorship: A detailed review." Journal of Clinical Oncology 41, no. 16_suppl (2023): e23010-e23010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2023.41.16_suppl.e23010.

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e23010 Background: Gender inequalities in medicine are ongoing challenges facing health care providers in different fields. Gender bias in medicine is gaining more attention, raising the awareness of this important topic. Per ASCO 2022 snapshot, females represent 35.8% of total oncologists in the United States. This study aims to spot the light on female representation in ASCO abstracts authors and presidents, adding to the continuous efforts aiming to achieve gender equity in the oncology practice. Methods: Data from the ASCO database and conference materials was gathered for analysis in the different categories. These categories included presidents of ASCO since it was founded in 1964 through 2022, and first authors in abstracts accepted over the past 5 years (2018-2022). Statistical analyses on first authors data were conducted, and a P-value of < 0.001 was deemed to be statistically significant. Results: In the 58-year period (1964-2022), ASCO had 49 men (85%) and 9 women (15%) serve as presidents. 7 out of 9 total female presidents were elected in the last 20 years. In the 5 year period (2018-2022), there was a significant increase in the percentage of abstracts accepted for a female author. 37.1% of the presenters in 2018 were females, compared to 41.4% in 2022, with statistically significant results (P value < 0.001), detailed percentages are shown in tables. Conclusions: Gender gap in the field of oncology goes beyond pay differences to include leadership positions and research authorship. But as shown by our analysis, there has been an increase in representation of females in ASCO abstracts authorship and leadership over the past years. Nonetheless, further work is needed to identify factors contributing to lower representation of women in oncology, and suggested solutions. [Table: see text][Table: see text]
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49

Oikelome, Gloria. "Pathway to the President:The Perceived Impact of Identity Structures on the Journey Experiences of Women College Presidents." International Journal of Multicultural Education 19, no. 3 (2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18251/ijme.v19i3.1377.

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This phenomenological study utilizes the framework of Intersectionality to explore the perceived impact of race, gender, and other identity structures on the journey experiences of seven White and six African American women college presidents. Findings suggest that while gender is becoming more peripheral, the interlocking tensions of race and gender often shape the journey experiences of African American women, with race appearing to be a salient factor. Despite challenges resulting from these social constructs, the women employed various strategies for navigating the presidential pipeline including mentorship, leadership development programs, and firm assurance of institutional fit.
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50

Piscopo, Jennifer M. "Women Leaders and Pandemic Performance: A Spurious Correlation." Politics & Gender 16, no. 4 (2020): 951–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x20000525.

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AbstractThe connection between women leaders and superior pandemic performance is likely spurious. This narrative overlooks that women currently govern precisely the kinds of countries that should mount effective pandemic responses: wealthy democracies with high state capacity. This article maps where women currently serve as presidents and prime ministers. The article then uses data from the Varieties of Democracy Project and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development to show that many women-led countries score high on state capacity and that high-capacity states have low coronavirus mortality regardless of whether they are led by women or by men. Arguments emphasizing women chief executives’ superior pandemic performance, while offered in good faith, are misleading.
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