Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Workhouse children"

This article is a workhouse population study of the Antrim, Ballymena, and Ballymoney Poor Law Unions in County Antrim, Ireland, in 1850–1851 and 1860–1861. Under the Irish Poor Law, the workhouse was the central institution for the welfare of the destitute poor during the nineteenth century. Beyond national trends and a broad regional framework, however, little is known of how workhouse populations varied at the local level or the place of poor relief within the economies of makeshifts of individuals and families. The article draws upon statistical returns to show that changes in the workhouse populations in this area of Ulster diverged from the national pattern as a consequence of local economic and social conditions. The familial circumstances of children in these workhouses are explored through analysis of the admission and discharge registers. Far from presenting a monolithic group, children were admitted to the workhouses in a wide variety of family forms which used the workhouses of this locality in multiple ways.

“Peter had heard there were in London then, -Still have they being? - workhouse - clearing men Who, undisturbed by feelings just or kind, Would parish-boys to needy tradesmen bind: They in their want a trifling sum would take And toiling slaves of piteous orphans make”(George Crabbe, ‘The Poor of the Borough: Peter Grimes’ Letter 22, The Borough, 1812)Although these well-known lines from George Crabbe's poem The Borough, refer to the practice of workhouses, in essence, selling children (a similar instance, may of course, be found in Oliver Twist by Charles Dickens), it is equally clear that the practice was not confined to the workhouse. Although the workhouse may have been the ultimate Victorian method of dealing with poverty and certain types of dysfunctional family (Henriques, 1979), there can equally be no doubt that the practice was not thereto restricted. It is the purpose of this article to consider, albeit briefly, the more obvious manifestations of children as property in Nineteenth Century social history and to inquire as to how far those attitudes are still pertinent to Anglo-Australian law.

This article investigates the characteristics of the workhouse populations in Lancashire in 1881. The analysis is based on the snapshot view provided by the 1881 census and, despite the limitations of such an approach, this large-scale survey reveals significant variations in the experience of poverty and local relief policies in a largely industrial region that had been at the forefront of the anti-poor law movement. The workhouse populations are shown to be diverse, and contrast markedly with pauper populations previously studied. Lancashire's Poor Law Unions are divided into three types: conurbation, urban industrial and rural. These three groups appear to represent three different patterns of workhouse residency. The workhouse populations in rural Lancashire are broadly similar to those discussed elsewhere, being dominated by elderly males. However, urban industrial workhouse populations contained large numbers of adults of working age and the absence of children from workhouses in the conurbation is particularly striking.

ABSTRACTOver half of all victims of the Great Irish Famine (1845–1852) were children. Many of these deaths took place in the union workhouses: institutions of government poor relief which for many were the last resort in a desperate struggle to survive famine-induced conditions such as starvation and infectious disease. Archaeological excavations of a mass burial ground dating to 1847–1851 at the former workhouse in Kilkenny City have provided the opportunity to undertake a detailed interdisciplinary exploration of non-adult mortality in an Irish workhouse during the height of the Famine.

AbstractThe systematic proselytisation of Catholic children institutionalised under the New Poor Law of 1834 was felt by the Catholic community as a very serious grievance. The legislation was framed so as to make the ministrations of the state church an integral part of the workhouse regime, while providing safeguards for the religious rights of non-Anglicans, both adults and children, through a conscience clause which however was not envisaged as applicable to children perceived as having no meaningful family connections. Loose wording allowed locally elected poor law bodies to frustrate the intentions of Parliament, and nullify all efforts of relatives and others to secure appropriate religious upbringing for Catholic children. The problem was particularly acute in the London area. Earlier lobbying initiatives came to nothing, but a fresh campaign begun in 1859, waged with the participation of Catholics at all levels of society, and persisting in the face of repeated setbacks, succeeded in 1868 in bringing about a change in the law, whereby procedures were established to enable the transfer of all poor law children of proven Catholic background to voluntary institutions under Catholic management, with funding for their maintenance paid from the poor rates.

Under the old poor law mothers and fathers shared responsibility for their illegitimate children: fathers were expected to provide financial maintenance and mothers to care for and rear them. The new poor law sought to shift all responsibility on to mothers. This article focuses upon the impact of the new legislation upon poor women and their children and their interactions with poor law guardians. Using data drawn from applications to guardians and workhouse records for Hertford and Hatfield poor law unions this study analyses the welfare provision offered to unmarried mothers and their infants. The article considers all forms of assistance but with a particular focus on lying-in provision in the workhouse.

The prevailing view of abandoned children in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries comes from Dickens’ Oliver Twist. Twist was born and raised in a workhouse in nineteenth-century London. However, the workhouse was not the only, or even, the main place to which children were abandoned. The London Foundling Hospital opened in 1741 and, although admission rules were often strict, between the years 1756 and 1760, any child presented to the Hospital was admitted. This article examines the ways in which children were abandoned to the Foundling Hospital and how these children were cared for in the period 1741–1834. It charts the children’s journeys through the Hospital, from their initial abandonment and admission to their eventual discharge—either through death, apprenticeship, or marriage—or their continued residence at the institution. This article provides insights into the multiple experiences of childhood abandonment and details the utility of the Hospital’s surviving records. It argues that children admitted to the London Foundling Hospital received life chances they would otherwise not have received. The Hospital provided nursing, clothing, medical care, both an academic and vocational education, and a living space for those unable to survive alone in adulthood.

There were obvious tensions inherent in the fact that in nineteenth-century Ireland, while the majority of the population was Catholic, the state religion was Protestant. This had numerous effects on Irish political and social history, including the administration of the poor law. This article looks at one of the religious issues involved in the operation of the poor law: the registration of children (of unknown religion) on admission to the workhouse. The Irish attorney-general had ruled that they should be registered as Protestant. However, local boards of guardians often objected strongly to this. This article outlines and analyses the struggles which took place between the different interests involved.

AbstractNew Poor Law scandals have usually been examined either to demonstrate the cruelty of the workhouse regime or to illustrate the failings or brutality of union staff. Recent research has used these and similar moments of crisis to explore the relationship between local and central levels of welfare administration (the Boards of Guardians in unions across England and Wales and the Poor Law Commission in Somerset House in London) and how scandals in particular were pivotal in the development of further policies. This article examines both the inter-local and local-centre tensions and policy consequences of the Droxford Union and Fareham Union scandal (1836–1837), which exposed the severity of workhouse punishments towards three young children. The article illustrates the complexities of union cooperation and, as a result of the escalation of public knowledge into the cruelties and investigations thereafter, how the vested interests of individuals within a system manifested themselves in particular (in)actions and viewpoints. While the Commission was a reactive and flexible welfare authority, producing new policies and procedures in the aftermath of crises, the policies developed after this particular scandal made union staff, rather than the welfare system as a whole, individually responsible for the maltreatment and neglect of the poor.

This study explores the disease experience of children buried within the cemetery of St. Oswald’s Priory, Gloucester from AD1153 to 1857. Evidence for ages-at-death, infant mortality, and the prevalence of stress indicators, trauma, and pathology were compared between the early and postmedieval periods. The skeletal remains of these children provide evidence for child health spanning the economic expansion of Gloucester at St. Oswald’s, from a mostly rural parish to a graveyard catering for families from the poorer northern part of the town and the workhouse. Results showed that the children from the postmedieval period in Gloucester suffered higher rates of dental caries (38%) and congenital conditions (17.3%) than their counterparts from the early and later medieval period. This paper serves to highlight the value of nonadult skeletal material in the interpretation of past human health in transitional societies and illustrates the wide variety of pathological conditions that can be observed in nonadult skeletons.

George Berkeley is unusual among economists for his practical dedication. While a great many pamphleteers write about acting for the “public good” it is rare to find someone involved in such acts on an everyday basis.Our spinning-school is in a thriving way. The children begin to find a pleasure in being paid in hard money; which I understand they will not give to their parents, but keep to buy clothes for themselves. Indeed I found it difficult and tedious to bring them to this; but I believe it will now do. I am building a workhouse for sturdy vagrants, and design to raise about two acres of hemp for employing them. Can you put me in a way of getting hempseed; or does your Society distribute any? It is hoped your flax-seed will come in time (Fraser 1871, p. 248).

Dickens is not known as a political economist. He is the critic of workhouse abuses (made topical by Benthamite Poor Law reform) in Oliver Twist and the caricaturist of the father of Adam Smith and Malthus Gradgrind in Hard Times. Students of Victorian literature familiarly take Hard Times as F. R. Leavis does as a condemnation of “The World of Bentham,” of utilitarianism, philosophic radicalism, political economy. It is what we expect when Dickens, The Critical Heritage gives us John Stuart Mill complaining about Bleak House and that “creature” Dickens for a portrait of Mrs. Jellyby that he finds antifeminist (to Harriet Taylor, March 20, 1854, qtd. in Collins, 297–98). But consider: in Bleak House there is a passage where Mr. Skimpole declares his family to be “all wrong in point of political economy” (454). His “Beauty daughter” marries young, takes a husband who is another child; they are improvident, have two children, bring them home to Skimpole's, as he expects his other daughters to do as well, though they none of them know how they will get on. Skimpole is exposed in the course of the novel as one of its worst characters. For a bribe and to save himself from infection he turns the smallpox-stricken Jo out into the night. He cadges loans from those who can't afford to make them. He encourages Richard in his fatal false hopes of a Chancery settlement for a payback to himself for helping the lawyer Mr. Vholes to a client. Esther Summerson ultimately condemns him, and Mr. Jarndyce breaks with him. If Skimpole is all wrong in point of political economy, can there be something all right with political economy for Dickens?

Early modern tugt workhouses are often seen as chaotic, multi-purposed institutions, mixing hardened criminals with marginal people like beggars and troublesome family members. In this article, I focus on the negotiation of family memory and identity between family and authority in cases when disobedient children were committed to these institutions for education and improvement. I argue that these negotiations provided an opportunity to restore parental authority by adjusting private family memory to the state’s expectations of good Christian households and responsible parents. Thereby, the private parental memory of disobedient children and the actions taken to deal with them also contributed to legitimizing the tugt institution by confirming its stated purpose in society, to provide improvement, and education.

Whilst the colonial practices of child removal outside of Europe are (in-)famous, similar practices within Europe have received less critical attention. This paper examines novels and short stories set in Sweden, Finland, and the border area known as the Torne Valley. It analyses the literary portrayal of the forced removals of children, almost exclusively from the Sámi- and the Finnish/Meänkieli-speaking minorities, into workhouses or boarding schools in the Arctic regions of Sweden and Finland in the twentieth century. These stories are set against the historical background; our focus is on modalities of the trauma experienced. The discussion reveals recurring themes regarding the direct and indirect violence experienced by children, and highlights the inadequacies in the theorisation of coloniser-colonised situations developed in other contexts for describing European Arctic literature.

The ability to educate all children, despite social class was an important responsibility. However, some of these problems included social problems that had been faced by poor children during this Victorian Era. Charles Dickens encountered the ragged schooling, which made a lasting impact upon him and is said to have been a significant element in his writing of A Christmas Carol. It was through Charles Dickens’ legacy was using his novels and other works to reveal a world of poverty and unimaginable struggles. His vivid descriptions of the life of street children in the city, workhouses and Yorkshire boarding schools lead to many reforms. Although “Ragged” Schools began to grow and were seen as a movement. For many who would not have been able to have an education, authors such as Charles Dickens, was able to receive a free education and a betterment of life for the poor, that would and will, even today, inspire others to do something to help those suffering in oppression and poverty.

AbstractThis article investigates the empirical backing for the claim that poor law officials needed legal authority to refuse poor parents’ right to the custody of their children in order to stabilise children's welfare institutions during the nineteenth century. Although workhouses were capable of accommodating children, Victorian lawmakers feared children would model themselves on adult paupers to become permanent burdens on the state. To tackle this problem, a system of children's welfare institutions called ‘district schools’ was introduced to train children to become industrious adult labourers. Children were usually classified as orphans or deserted so they could be sent to district schools without fear of family intervention. However, children with ambiguous parental circumstances were labelled as ‘other’ and considered a problematic class because they were perceived to be at risk of having on-going contact with their birth families. Lawmakers feared parents of ‘other’ children would undermine reformation efforts by asserting their custody rights, and passed the first laws in English history to allow the state to restrict parental rights on this basis. This article explores the claim of unwanted parental involvement, and in doing so, seeks to contextualise the origins of public law interference in the family sphere within a narrative of imposed citizenship rather than protection.

SummaryChildren and adolescents with bone and growth disorders require interdisciplinary care from various specialists including pediatric radiologists with a focus on musculoskeletal disorders. This article covers routine topics, differential diagnoses, and selected research imaging in children with osteogenesis imperfecta (OI), X‑linked hypophosphatemic rickets (XLH), achondroplasia, and other bone and growth disorders from the standpoint of a tertiary referral center.

Thomas Seddon was born in Liverpool a decade before the impact of the great immigration of Irish families, fleeing before the famine blights of 1845 to 1849, had begun to pose insuperable difficulties upon the small remnant of native-born Roman Catholics. In the 1841 census, the Irish were estimated at some 2.2% of the total population of England, Wales and Scotland; ten years later the census recorded the number as having almost doubled. Edward St. John described graphically the condition of the Irish poor, depicting them as being ‘crowded into the wretched slums of our cities’ where they tried to keep body and soul together ‘on the starvation wages of casual labourers, under conditions that are past description’. Workhouses ‘were crowded with orphans and deserted children, who were therein more like animals than human creatures’.

Objective The endoscopic endonasal approach is being increasingly used for the resection and reconstruction of anterior skull base (ASB) lesions. Vascularized nasoseptal flaps (NSF) have become the workhorse for the reconstruction of ASB defects, resulting in a significant decrease in the incidence of cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) leaks. The objective of this study was to investigate the efficacy and safety of NSF in children. Methods This is a retrospective analysis of the medical records of all patients under the age of 18 years who underwent endoscopic repair of ASB lesions with the use of NSF at our tertiary medical center between 1/2011 and 8/2016. Results Twelve children underwent ASB defect repair for both benign and malignant neoplasms using the endoscopic endonasal NSF technique. Four children had previously undergone ASB surgery. The male-to-female ratio was 1:1, the average age was 12.3 years, the average hospitalization time was 8.3 days, and the maximum follow-up period was 24 months, during which craniofacial growth appeared to be unimpaired. A lumbar drain was used postoperatively in six cases. Crust formation and synechia were observed in two cases. There was one case of a major long-term complication (a CSF leak followed by meningitis). Conclusions Endoscopic endonasal NSF was both an effective and a safe technique for ASB defect reconstruction in 12 children for both benign and malignant neoplasms. It had a high success rate and a low complication rate. No apparent negative influence on craniofacial growth was observed in our series.

ABSTRACTThe post-war history of hospital care for older people in Britain in the first phase of its National Health Service (NHS) emphasises a detrimental Poor Law legacy. This article presents a regional study, based on the South West of England, of the processes by which Victorian workhouses became the basis of geriatric hospital provision under the NHS. Its premise is that legislative and medical developments provided opportunities for local actors to discard the ‘legacy’, and their limited success in doing so requires explanation. Theoretical perspectives from the literature are introduced including political economy approaches; historical sociology of the medical profession; and path dependence. Analysis of resource allocation decisions shows a persistent tendency to disadvantage these institutions by comparison with acute care hospitals and services for mothers and children, although new ideas about geriatric medicine had some impact locally. Quantitative and qualitative data are used to examine policies towards organisation, staffing and infrastructural improvements, suggesting early momentum was not maintained. Explanations lie partly with national financial constraints and partly with the regional administrative arrangements following the NHS settlement which perpetuated existing divisions between agencies.

Introduction Pediatric skull base and craniofacial reconstruction presents a unique challenge since the potential benefits of therapy must be balanced against the cumulative impact of multimodality treatment on craniofacial growth, donor-site morbidity, and the potential for serious psychosocial issues. Objectives To suggest an algorithm for skull base reconstruction in children and adolescents after tumor resection. Materials and Methods Comprehensive literature review and summary of our experience. Results We advocate soft-tissue reconstruction as the primary technique, reserving bony flaps for definitive procedures in survivors who have reached skeletal maturity. Free soft-tissue transfer in microvascular technique is the mainstay for reconstruction of large, three-dimensional defects, involving more than one anatomic region of the skull base, as well as defects involving an irradiated field. However, to reduce total operative time, intraoperative blood loss, postoperative hospital stay, and donor-site morbidity, locoregional flaps are better be considered the flap of first choice for skull base reconstruction in children and adolescents, as long as the flap is large enough to cover the defect. Our “workhorse” for dural reconstruction is the double-layer fascia lata. Advances in endoscopic surgery, image guidance, alloplastic grafts, and biomaterials have increased the armamentarium for reconstruction of small and mid-sized defects. Conclusions Skull base reconstruction using locoregional flaps or free flaps may be safely performed in pediatrics. Although the general principles of skull base reconstruction are applicable to nearly all patients, the unique demands of skull base surgery in pediatrics merit special attention. Multidisciplinary care in experienced centers is of utmost importance.

In the last third of the 19th century, the number of Hungary’s urban population mounted dramatically by the natural demographic procedures and the additional impact of industrialisation. All towns overcrowded the in-country migration since rural people flooded the urban areas following the demand of the labour market. Males moved first to the construction industry and new factories and females followed them subsequently. In the emerging urban environment, novel social relationships were created, which stigmatised and criminalised the former tolerated extramarital newborns as outlaws of the society. Charity services of religious organisations turned out to be insufficient, thus caring for these babies was taken over by the Welfare State institutions in the new established foundling hospitals. There were brutal abuses in these facilities: cruel punishments, sexual harassment and “accidental” death cases. Mortality rates in these facilities were extremely high (15-45%) nationwide, nevertheless paediatric diseases and disabilities contributed substantially to the passing away of many children. State care ended by the age of 15 years. Girls were pushed directly to prostitution, which was a strong disciplined “industry” with its specialities and obligations. Any ill behaviour paved the way to the workhouses. Those who wanted to leave the prostitution had to change to the so-called Madeleine Home where they were burdened with hard physical work. These correction facilities were unavoidable for all young girls without traditional family background.

Background/Aim. Lower-leg septocutaneous system of perforating blood vessels represents the vascular basis of fasciocutaneous flaps. Additionally, it is of a particular importance when designing distally based fasciocutaneous flaps which represent the ?workhorse? in the reconstruction of the distal third of the lower leg and foot. The aim of this study was to analyse the vascular anatomy of posterior tibial artery and its septocutaneous (fasciocutaneous) perforating arterial vessels. Methods. The dissection was conducted on 20 fetuses of both sexes and of gestational age from 20 to 28 weeks. Cluster analysis was applied to the data on vascular anatomy of posterior tibial artery and its septocutaneous performating arterial vessels. Results. A total of 212 perforating arterial vessels was identified. The average number of perforating arterial vessels was 5.32 (ranging from 4 to 7). It was identified that septocutaneous perforating blood vessels are more likely to be found at certain levels (?safe levels of finding perforators?). These are: second, third, fifth and sixth tenth (measured as a distance from intermalleolar line to popliteal crease). Conclusion. The presence of septocutaneous system of perforating blood vessels and reliability of their localization even in the fetal period allows application of these findings in the lower leg reconstructions in children of early age. It also contributes to the greater level of understanding of anatomy of the lower-leg vascular system. Finally, it provides a basis for understanding the development of this system as it is now possible to compare results obtained on fetuses with those obtained on adults.

Background: To find out the reliability and dimensions of the pedicled paraumbilical perforator flaps to cover the compound defects of the forearm and hand.Methods: Twelve (12) patients with defects of hand, wrist, forearm and elbow are included in this study. The study period extends from August 2012 to February 2015. Patients were aged between 12-45 years. The detailed systemic examination of the patient and the local examination of the wound was carried out in all the patients. For the patients with burns, hemodynamic stabilization was done with appropriate fluid management and blood transfusions. The routine laboratory investigations were done.Results: It was a prospective study of twelve (12) cases was carried out in this study. Six men (50%) aged between 25-45 years were the commonly affected group, followed by three women (25%) aged between 35 - 40 years and three children (25%), two males and one female aged between 12-17 years. Most common cause of the defect was electrical burns in seven cases (58.33%) due to accidental contact with high tension live electrical wire while at work in adults. In children it was due to accidental contact with live electric wire while they were playing. Most common site of injury was found on forearm in seven cases (58.33%), out of which left forearm was injured in five cases (41.66%) and right forearm in two cases (16.66%), followed by wrist in 2 cases (16.66%), dorsum of hand in one case (8.33%) and elbow in two cases (16.66%). All the defects were compound in nature with exposure of the tendons and bones and they were devoid of paratenon and periosteum.Conclusions: This study conclude that the paraumbilical flap is useful flap for coverage of the upper limb defects involving the hand, wrist, forearm and elbow. A fairly large flap with dimensions as large as 18 x 13 cm can be harvested. The flap is reliable with flap survival rate of 91.66%, (11 cases). There is no need to isolate the vascular pedicle, and the dissection is quick and easy. The flap and the limb remain in an elevated position and there is minimal edema and congestion postoperatively. Although the donor site scar is not concealed, as in groin flap, majority of the patients accepted the donor scar as it got concealed under the traditional dress. Thus, this flap can become workhorse for the defects of hand, wrist, proximal forearm and defects around the elbow.

Abstract Although they linger in historical memory as “Pauper Bastilles,” in the long eighteenth century, English workhouses functioned in many ways as institutions of care, as well as places of discipline. This article uses an unusual set of source materials—including a Master’s Query Book—to examine the nature of workhouse discipline in the Leeds township workhouse in the mid-eighteenth century. A close analysis of this remarkable source allows us a clear view of both the structures of authority and the agency of poor inmates in this institution. Poor Law officials monitored material conditions in the workhouse—the provision of food, clothing, and medical care—with great attentiveness, ensuring inmates were kept in good health, while leaving records that reveal intensive surveillance of the material objects inside the house. The workhouse committee also, however, kept an eagle eye on the workhouse master, allowing inmates a direct line of complaint. Workhouse inmates responded to these conditions by vigorously resisting rules that restricted their freedom of movement inside and outside the institution. Masters in such institutions were intermediaries between parish governors and the poor, rather than “technicians of discipline.” At the same time, workhouse records show that children were far more vulnerable, subjected to discipline at the discretion of master and mistress; we must disaggregate their experiences from the general population of inmates. These findings conform well to a widening strand in the historiography that reveals Old Poor Law workhouses as complex, hybrid institutions.

Abstract The death of a husband had adverse economic effects for the majority of Victorian women, but for working-class mothers the threat of destitution was an almost inevitable feature of widowhood. Widows, with some restrictions, were entitled to outdoor relief under the Poor Law Amendment Act (1834), and they comprised the largest group of adult paupers outside of the workhouse well into the early twentieth century, outnumbered only and always by their children. Able-bodied widows therefore presented crucial opportunities for poor-law officials in the quest to minimize outdoor relief and make significant reductions in welfare spending. Focusing particularly on the 1830s, 1840s, and 1870s, this article examines the competing discourses of deservingness and deception that dominated the representations and treatment of able-bodied widows in poor law legislation, orders, reports, and parliamentary debates. An uneasy combination of sympathy and suspicion shaped officials’ treatment of these women, rendering them ambiguous figures in the dominant dichotomy of the deserving and undeserving poor, potential drains on the economic prosperity of the state, threats to the nuclear family, and, by extension, a danger to the nation’s moral core. These discourses, I suggest, reflect a wider ideological unease with, and attempts to mitigate and police, the widow’s exceptional social status in Victorian Britain as a woman with sexual experience, potential economic independence, and yet no male guardian.

<p><em>The aim of this research is to know about unit productive economic enterpise at hafara</em><em>’</em><em>s workhouse, Yogyakarta. This descriptive qualitatif research, to explain various conditions, and to describe various social reality in the society, and the to unit productive economic enterpise at hafara</em><em>’</em><em>s workhouse, Yogyakarta be known. This research using source triangulation as data validity that done by observation and interview to manager foster care house in Hafara, Yogyakarta. The result of this research is to show the support from various parties that has postivie meaning, which is, to increase the spirit of the childern to building entreprenur character. When the obvervation done, researcher show that not only the outside appearance from the foster care house in Hafara that is simple but in the theme that they use is natural and simple in their life. Coexist with nature and always friendly to the stranger is the main character</em><em>.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> </em><strong><em>Workhouse, Foster Care’child, Entrepreneur</em></strong><strong><em>.</em></strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui unit usaha ekonomi produktif di panti sosial hafara Yogyakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang bertujuan untuk menjelaskan berbagai kondisi, berbagai situasi, serta mendeskripsikan berbagai realita sosial yang ada dalam masyarakat, lalu kemudian mengangkat ke permukaan tentang Unit Usaha Ekonomi Produktif di Panti Sosial Hafara Yogyakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan triangulasi sumber sebagai validitas data yang diperoleh melalui observasi dan wawancara terhadap pengelola, anak asuh di panti sosial hafara Yogyakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dukungan dari berbagai pihak memiliki arti positif yaitu menambah semangat anak untuk belajar karakter wirausaha. Pada saat observasi peneliti menemukan bahwa bukan saja penampilan luar dari Panti Sosial Hafara yang sederhana saja tetapi juga mereka mengusung tema alami dan kesederhanaan dalam kehidupan mereka. Berdampingan dengan alam dan selalu bersikap ramah terhadap orang asing merupakan ciri khas mereka.</p><strong>Kata Kunci: Panti Sosial, Anak Asuh, Kewirausahaan</strong>.

Abstract Objective This study aimed to describe complex tracheostoma reconstructions utilizing a pectoralis major myocutaneous flap. Results We present the case of two children who required extensive tracheostoma reconstructions. Both patients had chronic tracheostomies. The first child, aged 4, had underlying neuromuscular disorder. Her neck anatomy resulted in the formation of a keyhole stoma with erosion of the underlying cricoid cartilage. She underwent tracheostoma reconstruction using costal cartilage graft and use of a pectoralis major myocutaneous flap to recreate the superior aspect of the stoma. The second child, aged 5, had long-standing trach and underwent laryngotracheal reconstruction. In the postoperative setting, the patient developed a wound infection that resulted in breakdown of the overlying wound. A pectoralis major myocutaneous flap was required in the defect to recreate the wound bed. Both patients had successful wound bed creation and required no further procedures. Conclusion Chronic tracheostomies can result in superficial skin or tracheal breakdown, resulting in tracheostomy complications. Tracheostoma reconstruction is classically managed with debridement and local tissue flaps with use of either overlying skin or surrounding musculature. In patients with chronic wound breakdown, local tissue reconstruction can be challenging due to the fragility of the surrounding tissue. Use of virgin tissue outside the wound bed provides the best chance of recovery. The pectoralis major myocutaneous flap has the ability to be the ideal tissue source for extensive tracheostoma reconstruction. The flap is the workhorse of many head and neck oncologic procedures. The flap can provide adequate bulk from muscle and fat, overlying skin, and is within the surgical field to provide a robust blood supply. We advocate for the role of this flap in use with patients with chronic wound issues, poor wound healing, and failed prior stoma reconstructions.

ObjectiveTo analyse population coverage of syndromic surveillance(SS)based on emergency care data by studying i)the attractiveness ofrespectively SOS Médecins (Emergency care general practitioners)and Hospital emergency departments in the Centre-Val de Loireregion and ii) the contribution of ecological deprivation factors inemergency access to healthcare.IntroductionSOS Médecins France (SOS Med) is the first private and permanentnetwork of general practitioners providing emergency care in France.Besides Hospital emergency departments (HED), SOS Med istherefore a major source of data for detecting and measuring near-real-time health phenomena. The emergency services provided by theSOS Med have been subject to important changes in the recent years.Their services are enriched by a medical consultation center togetherwith extended working hours. Besides, the south of the region ismarkedly affected by a declining number of medical practitionersThis study was conducted to analyze the regional population coverageof emergency healthcare data provided by HED and SOS Med tothe French syndromic surveillance system (SurSaUD®) takinginto account distance, health care offer, demographic factors andecological deprivation factors.MethodsAn analysis of the activities and geographic attraction was carriedout based on the data respectively provided by the three regional SOSMed and three HED (Bourges, Orléans and Tours). Quasi-Poissonregression modelling was used to identify the factors influencing theattractiveness of each organization. Next, the findings were refinedthrough spatial analysis of the attractiveness of HED and SOS Medand analysis of the contribution of deprivation based on socio-economical and healthcare facilities ecological indexes.ResultsIn terms of age group, children under 2 years required the largestservice consultations as well as seniors over 75 who sought moreemergency visits at home. The SOS Med were almost always active inurban areas and at least once in two due to continuity of care. So theyare an efficient source of general medical care given present workhours. Distance as an influential factor may explain the differencesin attraction to the support type. The extent of the attraction appearsin 36% SOS Med Bourges and 14% for SOS Med Orleans. Addthe extent of attraction for SOS, remote consultation for SOS Medassociations are a good use of care in general practice in present workhours scheme.In terms of monitoring of epidemics, we note that the SOSMédecins associations are most active in winter, particularly duringthe seasonal epidemics of influenza. This can be explained by the factof patient referrals during calls. The most serious cases are redirectedto the ED and cases of general medicine to the SOS Médecins.It is also important to note that the attraction of ED ofCHR Orléanscovers more or less important a large part of the regional territory,which is not visible to the ED ofCH Bourges. It should neverthelessbe noted that theCHR Orleansa larger bed capacity than theCH Bourges.ConclusionsThis research has analysed the changes taking place in the SOSmédecins associations in the Centre-Val de Loire region. Findingsshows that these associations help ensure access to general medicalcare in a context of strongly reduced medical demography althoughwith an uneven, primarily urban, geographical coverage. Withbetter knowledge of the geographic span and sources and types ofemergency care provision, further research can be undertaken tofurther refine and interpret the data.

IntroductionIn Britain, hunger is often hidden in the privacy of the home. Yet otherwise private hunger is currently being rendered public and visible in the growing queues at charity-run food banks, where emergency food parcels are distributed directly to those who cannot afford to feed themselves or their families adequately (Downing et al.; Caplan). Food banks, in providing emergency relief to those in need, are responses to crisis moments, actualised through an embodied feeling of hunger that cannot be alleviated. The growing queues at food banks not only render hidden hunger visible, but also serve as reminders of the corporeal vulnerability of the human body to political and socio-economic shifts.A consideration of corporeality allows us to view the world through the lived experiences of the body. Human beings are “creatures of the flesh” who understand and reason, act and interact with their environments through the body (Johnson 81). The growing academic interest in corporeality signifies what Judith Butler calls a “new bodily ontology” (2). However, as Butler highlights, the body is also vulnerable to injury and suffering. An application of this ontology to hunger draws attention to eating as essential to life, so the denial of food poses an existential threat to health and ultimately to survival. The body’s response to threat is the physiological experience of hunger as a craving or longing that is the “most bodily experience of need […] a visceral desire locatable in a void” in which an empty stomach “initiates” a series of sounds and pangs that “call for action” in the form of eating (Anderson 27). Food bank queues serve as visible public reminders of this precariousness and of how social conditions can limit the ability of individuals to feed themselves, and so respond to an existential threat.Corporeal vulnerability made visible elicits responses that support societal interventions to feed the hungry, or that stigmatise hungry people by withdrawing or disparaging what limited support is available. Responses to vulnerability therefore evoke nurture and care or violence and abuse, and so in this sense are ambiguous (Butler; Cavarero). The responses are also normative, shaped by social and cultural understandings of what hunger is, what its causes are, and whether it is seen as originating in personal or societal failings. The stigmatising of individuals by blaming them for their hunger is closely allied to the feelings of shame that lie at the “irreducible absolutist core” of the idea of poverty (Sen 159). Shame is where the “internally felt inadequacies” of the impoverished individual and the “externally inflicted judgments” of society about the hungry body come together in a “co-construction of shame” (Walker et al. 5) that is a key part of the lived experience of hunger. The experience of shame, while common, is far from inevitable and is open to resistance (see Pickett; Foucault); shame can be subverted, turned from the hungry body and onto the society that allows hunger to happen. Who and what are deemed responsible are shaped by shifting ideas and contested understandings of hunger at a particular moment in time (Vernon).This exploration of corporeal vulnerability through food banks as a historically located response to hunger offers an alternative to studies which privilege representations, objectifying the body and “treating it as a discursive, textual, iconographic and metaphorical reality” while neglecting understandings derived from lived experiences and the responses that visible vulnerabilities elicit (Hamilakis 99). The argument made in this paper calls for a critical reconsideration of classic political economy approaches that view hunger in terms of a class struggle against the material conditions that give rise to it, and responses that ultimately led to the construction of the welfare state (Vernon). These political economy approaches, in focusing on the structures that lead to hunger and that respond to it, are more closed than Butler’s notion of ambiguous and constantly changing social responses to corporeal vulnerability. This paper also challenges the dominant tradition of nutrition science, which medicalises hunger. While nutrition science usefully draws attention to the physiological experiences and existential threat posed by acute hunger, the scientific focus on the “anatomical functioning” of the body and the optimising of survival problematically separates eating from the social contexts in which hunger is experienced (Lupton 11, 12; Abbots and Lavis). The focus in this article on the corporeal vulnerability of hunger interweaves contested representations of, and ideas about, hunger with the physiological experience of it, the material conditions that shape it, and the lived experiences of deprivation. Food banks offer a lens onto these experiences and their complexities.Food Banks: Deprivation Made VisibleSince the 1980s, food banks have become the fastest growing charitable organisations in the wealthiest countries of North America, Europe, and Australasia (Riches), but in Britain they are a recent phenomenon. The first opened in 2000, and by 2014, the largest operator, the Trussell Trust, had over 420 franchised food banks, and more recently was opening more than one per week (Lambie-Mumford et al.; Lambie-Mumford and Dowler). British food banks hand out emergency food relief directly to those who cannot afford to feed themselves or their families adequately, and have become new sites where deprivation is materialised through a congregation of hungry people and the distribution of food parcels. The food relief parcels are intended as short-term immediate responses to crisis moments felt within the body when the individual cannot alleviate hunger through their own resources; they are for “emergency use only” to ameliorate individual crisis and acute vulnerability, and are not intended as long-term solutions to sustained, chronic poverty (Perry et al.). The need for food banks has emerged with the continued shrinkage of the welfare state, which for the past half century sought to mediate the impact of changing individual and social circumstances on those deemed to be most vulnerable to the vicissitudes of life. The proliferation of food banks since the 2009 financial crisis and the increased public discourse about them has normalised their presence and naturalised their role in alleviating acute food poverty (Perry et al.).Media images of food bank queues and stacks of tins waiting to be handed out (Glaze; Gore) evoke collective memories from the early twentieth century of hunger marches in protest at government inaction over poverty, long queues at soup kitchens, and the faces of gaunt, unemployed war veterans (Vernon). After the Second World War, the spectre of communism and the expansionist agenda of the Soviet Union meant such images of hunger could become tools in a propaganda war constructed around the failure of the British state to care for its citizens (Field; Clarke et al; Vernon). The 1945 Labour government, elected on a social democratic agenda of reform in an era of food rationing, responded with a “war on want” based on the normative premise that no one should be without food, medical care, shelter, warmth or work. Labour’s response was the construction of the modern welfare state.The welfare state signified a major shift in ideational understandings of hunger. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, ideas about hunger had been rooted in a moralistic account of divine punishment for individual failure (Vernon). Bodily experiences of hunger were seen as instruments for disciplining the indigent into a work ethic appropriate for a modern industrialised economy. The infamous workhouses, finally abolished in 1948, were key sites of deprivation where restrictions on how much food was distributed served to punish or discipline the hungry body into compliance with the dominant work ethic (Vernon; Foucault). However, these ideas shifted in the second half of the nineteenth century as the hungry citizen in Britain (if not in its colonies) was increasingly viewed as a victim of wider forces beyond the control of the individual, and the notion of disciplining the hungry body in workhouses was seen as reprehensible. A humanitarian treatment of hunger replaced a disciplinarian one as a more appropriate response to acute need (Shaw; Vernon). Charitable and reformist organisations proliferated with an agenda to feed, clothe, house, and campaign on behalf of those most deprived, and civil society largely assumed responsibility for those unable to feed themselves. By the early 1900s, ideas about hunger had begun to shift again, and after the Second World War ideational changes were formalised in the welfare state, premised on a view of hunger as due to structural rather than individual failure, hence the need for state intervention encapsulated in the “cradle to grave” mantra of the welfare state, i.e. of consistent care at the point of need for all citizens for their lifetime (see Clarke and Newman; Field; Powell). In this context, the suggestion that Britons could go to bed hungry because they could not afford to feed themselves would be seen as the failure of the “war on want” and of an advanced modern democracy to fulfil its responsibilities for the welfare of its citizens.Since the 1980s, there has been a retreat from these ideas. Successive governments have sought to rein in, reinvent or shrink what they have perceived as a “bloated” welfare state. In their view this has incentivised “dependency” by providing benefits so generous that the supposedly work-shy or “skivers” have no need to seek employment and can fund a diet of takeaways and luxury televisions (Howarth). These stigmatising ideas have, since the 2009 financial crisis and the 2010 election, become more entrenched as the Conservative-led government has sought to renew a neo-liberal agenda to shrink the welfare state, and legitimise a new mantra of austerity. This mantra is premised on the idea that the state can no longer afford the bloated welfare budget, that responsible government needs to “wean” people off benefits, and that sanctions imposed for not seeking work or for incorrectly filling in benefit claim forms serve to “encourage” people into work. Critics counter-argue that the punitive nature of sanctions has exacerbated deprivation and contributed to the growing use of food banks, a view the government disputes (Howarth; Caplan).Food Banks as Sites of Vulnerable CorporealityIn these shifting contexts, food banks have proliferated not only as sites of deprivation but also as sites of vulnerable corporeality, where people unable to draw on individual resources to respond to hunger congregate in search of social and material support. As growing numbers of people in Britain find themselves in this situation, the vulnerable corporeality of the hungry body becomes more pervasive and more visible. Hunger as a lived experience is laid bare in ever-longer food bank queues and also through the physiological, emotional and social consequences graphically described in personal blogs and in the testimonies of food bank users.Blogger Jack Monroe, for example, has recounted giving what little food she had to her child and going to bed hungry with a pot of ginger tea to “ease the stomach pains”; saying to her curious child “I’m not hungry,” while “the rumblings of my stomach call me a liar” (Monroe, Hunger Hurts). She has also written that her recourse to food banks started with the “terrifying and humiliating” admission that “you cannot afford to feed your child” and has expressed her reluctance to solicit the help of the food bank because “it feels like begging” (Monroe, Austerity Works?). Such blog accounts are corroborated in reports by food bank operators and a parliamentary enquiry which told stories of mothers not eating for days after being sanctioned under the benefit system; of children going to school hungry; of people leaving hospital after a major operation unable to feed themselves since their benefits have been cut; of the elderly having to make “hard choices” between “heat or eat” each winter; and of mixed feelings of relief and shame at receiving food bank parcels (All-Party Parliamentary Inquiry; Beattie; Cooper and Dumpleton; Caplan; Perry et al.). That is, two different visibilities have emerged: the shame of standing or being seen to stand in the food bank queue, and blogs that describe these feelings and the lived experience of hunger – both are vulnerable and visible, but in different ways and in different spaces: the physical or material, and the virtual.The response of doctors to the growing evidence of crisis was to warn that there were “all the signs of a public health emergency that could go unrecognised until it is too late to take preventative action,” that progress made against food poverty since the 1960s was being eroded (Ashton et al. 1631), and that the “robust last line of defence against hunger” provided by the welfare state was failing (Loopstra et al. n.p). Medical professionals thus sought to conscript the rhetorical resources of their professional credibility to highlight that this is a politically created public health crisis.This is not to suggest that acute hunger was absent for 50 years of the welfare state, but that with the closure of the last workhouses, the end of hunger marches, and the shutting of the soup kitchens by the 1950s, it became less visible. Over the past decade, hunger has become more visible in images of growing queues at food banks and stacked tins ready to be handed out by volunteers (Glaze; Gore) on production of a voucher provided on referral by professionals. Doctors, social workers or teachers are therefore tasked with discerning cases of need, deciding whose need is “genuine” and so worthy of food relief (see Downing et al.). The voucher system is regulated by professionals so that food banks are open only to those with a public identity constructed around bodily crisis. The sense of something as intimate as hunger being defined by others contrasts to making visible one’s own hunger through blogging. It suggests again how bodies become caught up in wider political struggles where not only is shame a co-construction of internal inadequacies and external judgements, but so too is hunger, albeit in different yet interweaving ways. New boundaries are being established between those who are deprived and those who are not, and also between those whose bodies are in short-term acute crisis, and those whose bodies are in long-term and chronic crisis, which is not deemed to be an emergency. It is in this context that food banks have also become sites of demarcation, shame, and contestation.Public debates about growing food bank queues highlight the ambiguous nature of societal responses to the vulnerability of hunger made visible. Government ministers have intensified internal shame in attributing growing food bank queues to individual inadequacies, failure to manage household budgets (Gove), and profligate spending on luxury (Johnston; Shipton). Civil society organisations have contested this account of hunger, turning shame away from the individual and onto the government. Austerity reforms have, they argue, “torn apart” the “basic safety net” of social responses to corporeal vulnerability put in place after the Second World War and intended to ensure that no-one was left hungry or destitute (Bingham), their vulnerability unattended to. Furthermore, the benefit sanctions impose punitive measures that leave families with “nothing” to live on for weeks. Hungry citizens, confronted with their own corporeal vulnerability and little choice but to seek relief from food banks, echo the Dickensian era of the workhouse (Cooper and Dumpleton) and indict the UK government response to poverty. Church leaders have called on the government to exercise “moral duty” and recognise the “acute moral imperative to act” to alleviate the suffering of the hungry body (Beattie; see also Bingham), and respond ethically to corporeal vulnerability with social policies that address unmet need for food. However, future cuts to welfare benefits mean the need for relief is likely to intensify.ConclusionThe aim of this paper was to explore the vulnerable corporeality of hunger through the lens of food banks, the twenty-first-century manifestations of charitable responses to acute need. Food banks have emerged in a gap between the renewal of a neo-liberal agenda of prudent government spending and the retreat of the welfare state, between struggles over resurgent ideas about individual responsibility and deep disquiet about wider social responsibilities. 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