Articles de revues sur le sujet « 1888-1979 »

The Magdalenian sites of Andernach and Gönnersdorf are located in the central Rhineland at the northwestern end of the Neuwied Basin (fig. 1). The first investigation of the Andernach-Martinsberg site was carried out in 1883 by H. Schaaffhausen (1888); between 1979 and 1983 a new campaign of excavations took place at the same site (Veil 1982a). The site of Gönnersdorf was investigated between 1968 and 1976 (Bosinski 1979). The two sites are located directly facing each other above the Rhine, which at the time of the occupation was much wider than at the present day; Andernach is sited on a Middle Pleistocene lava flow, while Gönnersdorf is on the Middle Terrace of the Rhine. Both sites are assigned by pollen analysis to the end of the Bølling interstadial; the great similarities in their archaeological material, down to individual details, suggest that the two sites were contemporary.

The species of Rhinusa Stephens, 1829 (Curculionidae, Curculioninae, Mecinini) belonging to the R. tetra and R. bipustulata groups are revised. Four of them from Middle East are new to science. The R. bipustulata group includes five species: R. bipustulata (Rossi, 1792); R. pelletieri sp. nov.; R. scrophulariae Caldara, 2009; R. algirica (Brisout de Barneville, 1862); R. emmrichi (Bajtenov, 1979), whereas the R. tetra group includes nine species: R. tetra (Fabricius, 1792); R. verbasci (Rosenschoeld, 1838); R. ensifer sp. nov.; R. moroderi (Reitter, 1906); R. weilli sp. nov.; R. comosa (Rosenschoeld, 1838); R. acifer sp. nov.; R asellus (Gravenhorst, 1807); R. tenuirostris (Stierlin, 1888). The following new synonym is proposed: Rhinusa bipustulata (Rossi, 1792) (= Gymnetron municipale Voss, 1960 syn. nov.). The neotype of Rhynchaenus asellus Gravenhorst, 1807 was designated. Moreover, the following lectotypes are designated: Cionus spilotus Germar, 1821; Gymnetron bipustulatum var. germari Faust, 1889; Gymnetron bodenheimeri Wagner, 1926; Gymnetron cylindrirostre Gyllenhal, 1838; Gymnetron nasutum Rosenschoeld, 1838; Gymnetron plagiatum Gyllenhal, 1838; Gymnetron polonicum Rosenschoeld, 1838; Gymnetron tenuirostre Stierlin, 1888. A key to the species, diagnoses of species groups, descriptions or redescriptions, notes on type specimens, synonymies, comparative notes, distribution, bionomics when available, photographs of habitus and drawings of rostra, terminalia and other useful characters for taxonomy are provided.

A review is given of all species of water mites reported from Turkey, based on published records and original data from recent research. In total, 236 species and subspecies in 52 genera and 23 families have been found. Two species, Atractides (Atractides) anatolicus Pešić, Erman & Esen sp. nov. and Atractides (Atractides) martini Pešić, Erman & Esen sp. nov. are described as new to science. The following species are reported for the first time for Turkey: Atractides inflatipalpis K.Viets, 1950, A. remotus Szalay, 1953 and A. orghidani Motaş & Tanasachi, 1960. The following synonyms are established: Hydrovolzia persica Bader & Sepasgozarian, 1979 and H. persica anatolica Oezkan, 1982 = H. cancellata Walter, 1906; Arrenurus (Rhinophoracarus) hazarensis Özkan & Erman, 1990 = A. abbreviator Berlese, 1888. The characteristics of the water mite fauna in the treated area are briefly outlined.

We provide an updated list of the 22 species of caridean shrimps occurring in estuaries at Ilhéus, state of Bahia, Brazil, in the following families: Palaemonidae (4 species), Alpheidae (15 species), Hippolytidae (2 species) and Ogyrididae (1 species). The alpheid Automate cf. dolichognatha De Man, 1888 and the ogyridid Ogyrides alphaerostris (Kingsley, 1880) are reported from Bahia for the first time. The alpheids Alpheus brasileiro Anker, 2012, A. buckupi Almeida, Terossi, Araújo- Silva and Mantelatto, 2013, A. chacei Carvacho, 1979, A. nuttingi (Schmitt, 1924), Leptalpheus axianassae Dworschak and Coelho, 1999 and Salmoneus carvachoi Anker, 2007 are recorded from Ilhéus for the first time. Alpheus angulosus McClure, 2002 and A. carlae Anker, 2012 were previously reported from Ilhéus as A. armillatus (H. Milne Edwards, 1837). A key for identification of the carideans from estuaries of Ilhéus is provided.

The REVIZEE (Survey of the live resources from the Economic Exclusive Zone) Program collected 158 benthic samples, in Brazilian continental shelf and slope, in latitudes ranging from 13 o 00´S to 22 o 30´S, and depths ranging from 50 to 500m. In these samples, ten caridean species, distributed in six families were identified: Latreutes fucorum (Fabricius, 1798), Trachycaris restricta (A. Milne Edwards, 1878) (Hippolytidae); Anchistioides antiguensis (Schmitt, 1924) (Anchistioitidae); Brachycarpus biunguiculatus (Lucas, 1849), Leander tenuicornis (Say, 1818) (Palaemonidae, subfamily Palaemoninae); Periclimenaeus bermudensis (Armstrong, 1940), Pontonia manningi Fransen, 2000 (Palaemonidae, subfamily Pontoniinae); Leptochela serratorbita Bate, 1888 (Pasiphaeidae); Processa brasiliensis Christoffersen, 1979 (Processidae) and Pseudocheles chacei Kensley, 1983 (Bresiliidae). Nine of these species are herein redescribed and compared with data from the literature. Of these, Pseudocheles chacei is a new record for the Brazilian coast. Anchistioides antiguensis, P. manningi, L. serratorbita and P. brasiliensis had their latitudinal distribution expanded to the study area.

The complete mitochondrial genomes of three species of Haplotropidini were sequenced, annotated and analyzed. Then, combined with 18 species mitogenomes of Acridoidea and 1 species of Tridactyloidea, the phylogenetic relationships were reconstructed by maximum likelihood (ML) and Bayesian (BI) methods based on PCGs. The phylogenetic relationship tree showing that Sulcotropis Yin et Chou is a valid genus and not a synonym of Haplotropis Saussure, 1888. A new species Sulcotropis xiaowutaiensis sp. nov. is described in this paper from China, it is allied to Sulcotropis cyanipes Yin et Chou, 1979, but differs from latter by median carina of pronotum cut by posterior transverse sulcus slightly, epiphallus with middle part equal both sides in high, cercus of male gradually widened at base, interspace of mesosternum narrowed in the base slightly and subgenital plate of female oblong, hind margin with small acute angle in the middle. Type specimens are deposited in the College of Life Sciences, Hebei University, Baoding, Hebei, China.

T. C. Chao (Zhao Zichen, 1888–1979) was a leading Chinese theologian of the twentieth century. His Yesu Zhuan is a well-known book in China and accepted by many Chinese people as a way to know who Jesus is. Given this, this article will examine Chao's Christology in Yesu Zhuan. It will first introduce the historical context of Yesu Zhuan, including national crisis, cultural crisis and anti-Christian movements. Then, Chao's purpose and the methodology of writing Yesu Zhuan will be elaborated, which will be followed by a theological appraisal of Chao's methodology and Christology in Yesu Zhuan. By so doing, the article will demonstrate that under the influence of Western liberal theology and with the effort to indigenise Christianity in China, Chao actually portrays a ‘Jesus’ who is the most prominent Sage, the Sage of sages. That means he delineates a possible way in which Christian faith may be understood in Chinese culture. However, the ‘Jesus’ in Yesu Zhuan is a mere human being without divine nature. In the end, the Christology in Yesu Zhuan diametrically contradicts Chalcedonian Christology.

Colombia is a mega-biodiverse country and rich in ecosystems as different as the Amazon and the Andes. Much is known of the vertebrate fauna, however there is still an information-gap for many arthropod groups including the arachnids. Here, we compile all the information available for pseudoscorpions (Arachnida: Pseudoscorpiones) recorded from Colombia and include several new records and distribution extensions. For each described species, we present information on taxonomic history, type localities, global and local distributions, repository of Colombian specimens, and collection numbers when available. We document 12 families, 45 genera and 65 species of pseudoscorpions for Colombia and most species belong to the families Chernetidae (27 species) and Olpiidae (8 species). We record Beierolpium venezuelense Heurtault, 1982, Geogarypus amazonicus Mahnert, 1979, Sathrochthonius venezuelanus Muchmore, 1989, and Semeiochernes armiger (Balzan, 1892) for the first time for Colombia. We further extend the known ranges of Parachernes melonopygus Beier, 1959 and Paratemnoides nidificator (Balzan, 1888). The data suggest that the Caribbean region of Colombia has the highest number of records. Total numbers are not complete and many other new pseudoscorpion species are expected.

Space-time changes of thermal regime in the territory of the Republic of Bashkortostan are considered according to the data of ERA-Interim and ERA5 reanalysis for 1979-2018. A trend of warming of the regional climate in the troposphere and cooling in the stratosphere has been identified. Vertical profiles of air temperature, coefficient of inclination of linear trend of temperature from ground level up to 47 km have been built, assessment of correlations between atmosphere layers has been given. The role of atmospheric circulation in seasonal changes in temperature regime has been revealed. In winter, Arctic oscillation has been shown to contribute to warming in the lower layers of the troposphere and cooling in the middle and upper stratosphere. Long-term changes in air temperature in the period 1888-2018 have been calculated from weather surveillance at Ufa station. It has been shown that the warming of the climate in the region near the Earth's surface occurs most intensively during the winter-spring period (the value of the slope factor of the linear trend of air temperature in January 0,18 °C/10 years), and the most active phase of climate warming is in 1970-2018.

AbstractLummaa et al. (2007) presented historical data collected from twins born in Finland between 1734 and 1888 which suggested that females (N= 31) born as part of an opposite sex (OS) twin pair were 25% less likely to reproduce than female twins (N= 35) born as part of a same sex (SS) pair. They hypothesized that this reduction in fitness was due to masculinization of the female fetus via prenatal effects of the hormones of a male fetus. Because such masculinization would presumably take place in modern populations as well, it would seem important to establish to what degree it does so, and if so, whether reproduction is affected. We therefore address the question of reproduction differences in individual female twins from same-sex (N= 1979) and opposite-sex (N= 913) dizygotic pairs in studies carried out in Australia, the Netherlands, and the United States. In all three samples, there were no differences in the number of children or age of first pregnancies in women from same sex pairs compared to those from opposite sex pairs. Similarly, there were no differences in psychological femininity between women from pairs of the same or opposite sex.

The article discusses the actualization of the problem of Islamic statehood after the official abolition of the Caliphate by the Parliament and the Government of Turkey in 1924. From that time on the institution of the Caliphate was no longer a part of the political reality in the Muslim world. However, it has become an arena of the movement for the revival of the traditional Islamic form of government and a platform for debates regarding the ways and prospects of restoring the Caliphate within the framework of new political realities. The search for a more pragmatic understanding of the problems of the Caliphate was followed by the shaping of the idea for debunking of its historical role as the foundation of the Muslim community. The authors of the article examine the concepts, logic and argumentation of the Egyptian theologian Ali Abd al-Raziq (1888—1966), who questioned the legitimacy of the Caliphate as a political phenomenon and criticized it from a theological and legal point of view. The analysis of the source material confirms that calls for the replacement of the Caliphate with other political models of government were not positively received in the post-Ottoman space of the Middle East and North Africa. The article also explores the foundations and practical actions of the Caliphate movement which emerged among Muslims in South Asia. The article focuses on the views and visions of the Caliphate’s future of two Muslim thinkers – Abul Kalam Azad (1888—1958) and Abul Ala Maududi (1903—1979). As advocates of Caliphatism, both intellectuals represented different approaches to the future development of the Muslim community in South Asia: the idea of coexistence of Muslims with other religious communities within the borders of a single secular state and the idea of Islamic fundamentalism based on the construction of a world Caliphate. Attempts to rethink the concept of the Caliphate continue in the modern Muslim world, which, however, is not ready to give an unambiguous answer to the question of the possibility of developing its societies in line with European civilization.

Saber qué ocurre en el sujeto cuando atraviesa significativos procesos sociales es un enigma para las aproximaciones psicológicas y neurocientíficas. Dado que estos procesos son multidimensionales y se manifiestan en el colectivo, los abordajes se tornan retos teóricos de integración disciplinaria. Este trabajo aborda el cruce teórico que surge entre la ética y la estética tomando como referente las manifestaciones de resistencia y pertenencia producidas en torno a 6 obras musicales. Su objetivo es argumentar algunas proposiciones que permitan colaborar en la construcción de un marco reflexivo. El recorrido de las piezas inicia con ‘Va, pensiero’ (Solera y Verdi, 1842), continúa con ‘Do you hear the people sing?’ (Schönberg, 1979), L'Internationale (Pottier, 1871 y Degeyter, 1888), Le déserteur (Vian y Berg, 1954) y Non, je ne regrette rien (Vaucaire, y Dumont, 1956), y finaliza con Here’s to you (Morricone, 1971). Esta reflexión se apoya en una narrativa poética que permite exponer, con un análisis inicial de claves de significación, siete proposiciones para introducir el estudio de la resistencia y la pertenencia a partir de una dialógica teórica ético-estética. La principal motivación de este trabajo surge de repensar el vínculo ético en la condición estética musical y las posibilidades que ello podría representar en la construcción social. La resistencia y la pertenencia son concebidas como metáforas del puente ético-estético y el relieve político reflejados en la expresión artística. Belonging and resistance: intersections of the ethics and aesthetics of noble, collective subjectivityAbstractKnowing what happens in the subject when going through significant social processes is an enigma for psychological and neuroscientific approaches. Since these processes are multidimensional and manifested in the collective, the approaches become theoretical challenges of disciplinary integration. This work approaches the theoretical cross that arises between ethics and aesthetics taking as a reference the manifestations of resistance and pertain produced around six musical works. Its objective is to argue some propositions that allow to collaborate in the construction of a reflective frame. The journey of the pieces begins with “Va, pensiero” (Solera and Verdi, 1842), continues with “Do you hear the people sing?” (Schönberg, 1979), L'Internationale (Pottier, 1871 and Degeyter, 1888), Le déserteur (Vian and Berg, 1954) and Non, je ne regrette rien (Vaucaire, and Dumont, 1956), and ends with Here's to you (Morricone, 1971). This reflection is supported by a poetic narrative that allows us to present, with an initial analysis of keys of signification, seven propositions to introduce the study of resistance and belonging from a theoretical ethical-aesthetic dialog. The main motivation of this work arises from rethinking the ethical link in the musical aesthetic condition and the possibilities that this could represent in the social construction. Resistance and belonging are conceived as metaphors of the ethical-aesthetic bridge and political relief reflected in artistic expression.Keywords: aesthetics, ethics, resistance, belonging, collectivity.

Foi realizado um levantamento dos casos de pitiose equina recebidos no Laboratório Regional de Diagnóstico da Faculdade de Veterinária da Universidade Federal de Pelotas, no período de janeiro de 1979 a julho de 2011, com o objetivo de determinar as condições epidemiológicas em que a doença ocorre na região sul do Rio Grande do Sul. Nesse período foram recebidos 1888 materiais de equinos, dos quais, 435 eram provenientes do sistema tegumentar e 63 (14,5%) corresponderam à pitiose. Os animais afetados eram de ambos os sexos com idades variando entre oito meses e 22 anos. A raça mais frequentemente afetada foi a Crioula. A maioria dos casos de pitiose foi encaminhada ao laboratório entre março e junho. A evolução das lesões de pitiose variou de duas semanas até um ano. Os municípios com maior número de casos de pitiose foram Pelotas (22/63) Santa Vitória do Palmar (15/63) e Rio Grande (8/63). Foi observado que na maioria dos casos, no mês provável de infecção a temperatura máxima foi superior ou próxima a 30°C em pelo menos um dia. A observação de casos em épocas mais frias do ano pode ser devido ao fato da temperatura de águas estagnadas ser mais elevada que a temperatura ambiental o que permite o desenvolvimento das estruturas infectantes de Pythium insidiosum.

Forest Cover Dynamics in the City of Poznań from 1830 to 2004 Forests on the urban areas are of a great importance for the biodiversity of this territory. Moreover, they play numerous functions in the environment and constitute, at present, on important element of the ecological urban system. Nevertheless, the changes of the forest areas in the city of Poznań have never been discussed so far. This article presents the results of research of the changes of forest areas in Poznań within the administrative borders of Poznań in 2004. It was performed for the period 1830-2004 for six selected moments in which topographic maps of this area were prepared i.e. 1830, 1888, 1940, 1960, 1979 and 2004 During this period forest area increased by 2367 ha. The effect of numerous afforestations and deforestations is that forest area which was not subject to these treatments from 1830 to 2004 constitutes only 481 ha (14.6% of forest areas of Poznań). Four periods of dynamics of changes of forest areas were distinguished. During the last one, taking place presently, forest area has decreased slightly. In the case of Poznań, maintaining forests is significant from the point of view of their importance not only for functioning of green wedges but also the whole environment of this city. Therefore, one of the directions of spatial development of the city of Poznań should be maintaining and increasing forest areas as the element of the implementation of sustainable development principles.

We studied the cladocerans from 15 different freshwater bodies in south-east of the Korean Peninsula. Twenty species are first records for Korea, viz. 1. Sida ortiva Korovchinsky, 1979; 2. Pseudosida cf. szalayi (Daday, 1898); 3. Scapholeberis kingi Sars, 1888; 4. Simocephalus congener (Koch, 1841); 5. Moinodaphnia macleayi (King, 1853); 6. Ilyocryptus cuneatus Štifter, 1988; 7. Ilyocryptus cf. raridentatus Smirnov, 1989; 8. Ilyocryptus spinifer Herrick, 1882; 9. Macrothrix pennigera Shen, Sung & Chen, 1961; 10. Macrothrix triserialis Brady, 1886; 11. Bosmina (Sinobosmina) fatalis Burckhardt, 1924; 12. Chydorus irinae Smirnov & Sheveleva, 2010; 13. Disparalona ikarus Kotov & Sinev, 2011; 14. Ephemeroporus cf. barroisi (Richard, 1894); 15. Camptocercus uncinatus Smirnov, 1971; 16. Camptocercus vietnamensis Than, 1980; 17. Kurzia (Rostrokurzia) longirostris (Daday, 1898); 18. Leydigia (Neoleydigia) acanthocercoides (Fischer, 1854); 19. Monospilus daedalus Kotov & Sinev, 2011; 20. Nedorchynchotalona chiangi Kotov & Sinev, 2011. Most of them are illustrated and briefly redescribed from newly collected material. We also provide illustrations of four taxa previously recorded from Korea: Sida crystallina (O.F. Müller, 1776); Macrothrix rosea (Jurine, 1820); Bosmina (Bosmina) longirostris (O. F. Müller, 1776) and Disparalona cf. hamata (Birge, 1879). Among the newly recorded taxa, there are six Far East endemics; five tropicopolitan species for which the Amur basin is the northernmost margin of their distribution; four tropicopolitan species for which Korea is presumed to be the northern most area of their distribution; two Palaearctic taxa for which Korea could be the southern most area of their distribution; two cosmopolitan species which need to be revised; and one species widely distributed in Eastern Asia. Despite significantly increasing the number of known species of cladocerans in Korea, we recognize that further research is needed to complete the picture, and the cosmopolitan taxa need further revision.

ABSTRACTAlthough there is a strong movement within Anglicanism to produce a Covenant, this article argues against such an approach. Postponing dealing with today's problems by leaving them for a vaguely worded future document, instead of trying to clarify and resolve them now, and live in peace with one another, is evasive action that solves nothing. Also, some covenant proposals represent a veiled attempt to limit the role of women and homosexuals in the church.The article's core argument is that covenants were specifically rejected by Anglicans at a time when they swept the Continent in the sixteenth century. The Church of England had specifically rejected the powerful hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church and the legalism of the Puritans in favor of what was later to become the Anglican via media, with its emphasis on an informal, prayerful unity of diverse participants at home and abroad. It further argues the Church contains sufficient doctrinal statements in the Creeds, Chicago-Lambeth Quadrilateral of 1886, 1888, and the Baptismal Covenant in the American Church's 1979 Book of Common Prayer.Covenant proponents argue their proposed document follows in the tradition of classic Anglicanism, but Quinn demonstrates this is not the case. He presents Richard Hooker and Jeremy Taylor as major voices articulating a distinctly Anglican perspective on church governance, noting Hooker ‘tried to stake out parameters between positions without digging a ditch others could not cross. Hooker placed prudence ahead of doctrinal argument.’ Taylor cited the triadic scripture, tradition and reason so central to Anglicanism and added how religious reasoning differs from mathematical and philosophical reasoning. The author notes that the cherished Reformation gift of religious reasoning is totally unmentioned in the flurry of documents calling for a new Anglican Covenant.

Kathleen G. Donohue, Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Idea of the Consumer (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003)Jonathan M. Hansen, The Lost Promise of Patriotism: Debating American Identity, 1890–1920 (University of Chicago Press, 2003)Daniel Horowitz, The Anxieties of Affluence: Critiques of American Consumer Culture, 1939–1979 (University of Massachusetts Press, 2004)To recapture the ideal vision that many late nineteenth-century American thinkers held for their society one can do no better than Edward Bellamy's utopian novel, Looking Backward, 1887–2000 (1888). In it Bellamy transports his young protagonist, Julian West, from the Boston of his day to a far more appealing version of the same city imagined as it was about to enter the twenty-first century. Julian finds a consumers' paradise, where each citizen receives a credit card to use in selecting from a virtually limitless variety of goods available for sale at local distribution centers. With everyone receiving a per capita share of the burgeoning national output, the entire society has now become securely middle class. Indeed, there is so much wealth that citizens are actively encouraged to spend rather than save. “The nation is rich,” we are told, “and does not wish the people to deprive themselves of any good thing.” Labor unions, strikes, and class conflict have all become a distant memory. Along with the working class, the unsightly factories that once dominated so much of the urban landscape have essentially vanished. A cornucopia of goods miraculously appears, with the apparatus required for manufacturing them entirely out of sight. Given this happy state of affairs, all citizens exhibit a strong degree of patriotism. Dissent and disloyalty have become unknown, since there is no longer any need for them.

Esta publicación del año 1951 consiste de dos partes: una introducción al tema por el Doctor Luis M. Murillo (p. 409-411) y un texto original del General de la República Francisco Javier Vergara y Velasco, nacido en Popayán en 1860 y fallecido en 1914 en Barranquilla. Este texto (p. 411-431) fue tomado de la Nueva Geografía de Colombia (1888).Los tres mapas de Colombia incluidos en el texto me llamaron la atención porque me hicieron recordar la publicación de Thomas van der Hammen en el Journal of Biogeography en 1974. Thomas publicó también dos mapas de Colombia simulando el Pleniglacial y el Holoceno. Los Andes se ven como islas grandes con mucha conexión entre páramos y bosques (Pleniglacial) y como islas pequeñas destacando el aislamiento entre estas islas (Holoceno). Los mapas de Thomas son clásicos también, pero hoy día ya se presentan más detalles (p.ej. con la evolución de los frailejones estudiado por Mauricio Diaz granados y Jesus Mavarez). Suzette Flantua & Henry Hooghiemstra (2017) muestraron el ‘flickering’ del sistema durante las más de 20 épocas glaciares que han pasado por las cordilleras colombianas. La dinámica de las capas de nieve y los páramos han causado esta enorme fitodiversidad de alta montaña de hoy día. la diferencia en tiempo entre los mapas de Vergara y Velasco y estos de Van der Hammen son 186 años. Curiosamente Vergara y Velasco no han discutido estos mapas en su texto. El trabajo de Murillo & Vergara y Velasco tiene un lazo interesante para la ciencia de hoy día por el concepto de ‘archipiélago biológico’ (Murillo) y los tres mapas (Vergara y Velasco).En el texto de Vergara y Velasco cado uno podría encontrar según su interés datos interesantes. Me llamó la atención como botánico ya la división de la flora en tres grupos: boreal, (neo-)tropical y austral, 91 años antes de mi estudio (Cleef 1979). Antoine Cleef, Ph. D.Miembro Correspondiente

The unique personality and scientific biography of Nikolai Andreevich Chinakal (1888–1979), a scientist in the field of mining, a Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences make it relevant. He was the oldest among the members of the SB RAS and got his education before the October Revolution. He lived through change of epoch, turmoil of revolutions and wars, forced labour in a “sharaga”, scientific advances, technical failures and creative breakthroughs. This feature of his biography actualizes the ways of transiting a specialist from one social reality to another, where the profession determines the model of behavior. This transition required significant efforts since it was sometimes complicated by the historical context. The aim of the research is to study the mentality of the actor in science whose professional activity dominated over other social life imperatives. Importantly, Chinakal’s work was connected with two geographic regions known for their major coal basins: the Donetsk Coal Basin, or Donbass, and Kuznetsk Coal Basin, or Kuzbass. The author highlights the characteristic features of these regions and shows how they affected the engineering and organizational decisions made by the scientist. The methodology and research methods are based on the theory of biography, activity-oriented aspect of the life of the history actor that depended strongly on his occupation, B. Latour’s actor-network theory, systematic approach to studying the natural character of causality and network connections of the “scientist-science-object” structure examined in this work. N. A. Chinakal was actively involved in starting academic science in Siberia. For 28 years, he was a director of the Institute of Mining in the West-Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences, which later became part of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The authority and academic status of the director were of great importance for the institute staff. Equally important was the stability provided by Chinakal’s leadership. In our time, stability is very much in demand, although there is an imbalance of stability and instability, which is felt by the staff of the Institute of Mining. Keywords: science in Siberia, mining, Institute of Mining Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, Nikolai Andreevich Chinakal, personality in science

This catalogue includes all valid family-group (six subtribes), genus-group (55 genera, 33 subgenera), and species-group names (1009 species and subspecies) of Sepidiini darkling beetles (Coleoptera: Tenebrionidae: Pimeliinae), and their available synonyms. For each name, the author, year, and page number of the description are provided, with additional information (e.g., type species for genus-group names, author of synonymies for invalid taxa, notes) depending on the taxon rank. Verified distributional records (loci typici and data acquired from revisionary publications) for all the species are gathered. Distribution of the subtribes is illustrated and discussed. Several new nomenclatural acts are included. The generic names Phanerotomea Koch, 1958 [= Ocnodes Fåhraeus, 1870] and Parmularia Koch, 1955 [= Psammodes Kirby, 1819] are new synonyms (valid names in square brackets). The following new combinations are proposed: Ocnodesacuductusacuductus (Ancey, 1883), O. acuductusufipanus (Koch, 1952), O. adamantinus (Koch, 1952), O. argenteofasciatus (Koch, 1953), O. arnoldiarnoldi (Koch, 1952), O. arnoldisabianus (Koch, 1952), O.barbosai (Koch, 1952), O.basilewskyi (Koch, 1952), O.bellmarleyi (Koch, 1952), O. benguelensis (Koch, 1952), O. bertolonii (Guérin-Méneville, 1844), O. blandus (Koch, 1952), O. brevicornis (Haag-Rutenberg, 1875), O. brunnescensbrunnescens (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. brunnescensmolestus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1875), O. buccinator (Koch, 1952), O. bushmanicus (Koch, 1952), O. carbonarius (Gerstaecker, 1854), O. cardiopterus (Fairmaire, 1888), O. cataractus (Koch, 1952), O. cinerarius (Koch, 1952), O. complanatus (Koch, 1952), O. confertus (Koch, 1952), O. congruens (Péringuey, 1899), O. cordiventris (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. crocodilinus (Koch, 1952), O. dimorphus (Koch, 1952), O. distinctus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. dolosus (Péringuey, 1899), O. dorsocostatus (Gebien, 1910), O. dubiosus (Péringuey, 1899), O. ejectus (Koch, 1952), O. epronoticus (Koch, 1952), O. erichsoni (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. ferreiraeferreirae (Koch, 1952), O. ferreiraezulu (Koch, 1952), O. fettingi (Haag-Rutenberg, 1875), O. fistucans (Koch, 1952), O. fraternus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1875), O. freyi (Koch, 1952), O. freudei (Koch, 1952), O. fulgidus (Koch, 1952), O. funestus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. gemmeulus (Koch, 1952), O. gibberosulus (Péringuey, 1908), O. gibbus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1879), O. globosus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. granisterna (Koch, 1952), O. granulosicollis (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O.gridellii (Koch, 1960), O. gueriniguerini (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. guerinilawrencii (Koch, 1954), O. guerinimancus (Koch 1954), O. haemorrhoidalishaemorrhoidalis (Koch, 1952), O. haemorrhoidalissalubris (Koch, 1952), O. heydeni (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. humeralis (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. humerangula (Koch, 1952), O. imbricatus (Koch, 1952), O.imitatorimitator (Péringuey, 1899), O. imitatorinvadens (Koch, 1952), O. inflatus (Koch, 1952), O. janssensi (Koch, 1952), O. javeti (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. junodi (Péringuey, 1899), O. kulzeri (Koch, 1952), O. lacustris (Koch, 1952), O. laevigatus (Olivier, 1795), O. lanceolatus (Koch, 1953), O. licitus (Peringey, 1899), O. luctuosus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. luxurosus (Koch, 1952), O. maputoensis (Koch, 1952), O. marginicollis (Koch, 1952), O. martinsi (Koch, 1952), O. melleus (Koch, 1952), O. mendicusestermanni (Koch, 1952), O. mendicusmendicus (Péringuey, 1899), O. miles (Péringuey, 1908), O. mimeticus (Koch, 1952), O. misolampoides (Fairmaire, 1888), O. mixtus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. monacha (Koch, 1952), O. montanus (Koch, 1952), O. mozambicus (Koch, 1952), O. muliebriscurtus (Koch, 1952), O. muliebrismuliebris (Koch, 1952), O. muliebrissilvestris (Koch, 1952), O. nervosus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O.notatum (Thunberg, 1787), O. notaticollis (Koch, 1952), O. odorans (Koch, 1952), O. opacus (Solier, 1843), O. osbecki (Billberg, 1815), O. overlaeti (Koch, 1952), O. ovulus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. pachysomaornata (Koch, 1952), O. pachysomapachysoma (Péringuey, 1892), O. papillosus (Koch, 1952), O. pedator (Fairmaire, 1888), O. perlucidus (Koch, 1952), O. planus (Koch, 1952), O. pretorianus (Koch, 1952), O. procursus (Péringuey, 1899), O. protectus (Koch, 1952), O. punctatissimus (Koch, 1952), O. puncticollis (Koch, 1952), O. punctipennisplanisculptus (Koch, 1952), O. punctipennispunctipennis (Harold, 1878), O. punctipleura (Koch, 1952), O. rhodesianus (Koch, 1952), O. roriferus (Koch, 1952), O. rufipes (Harold, 1878), O. saltuarius (Koch, 1952), O.scabricollis (Gerstaecker, 1854), O. scopulipes (Koch, 1952), O. scrobicollisgriqua (Koch, 1952), O. scrobicollissimulans (Koch, 1952), O. semirasus (Koch, 1952), O. semiscabrum (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. sericicollis (Koch, 1952), O.similis (Péringuey, 1899), O. sjoestedti (Gebien, 1910), O. spatulipes (Koch, 1952), O. specularis (Péringuey, 1899), O. spinigerus (Koch, 1952), O. stevensoni (Koch, 1952), O. tarsocnoides (Koch, 1952), O. temulentus (Koch, 1952), O. tenebrosusmelanarius (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. tenebrosustenebrosus (Erichson, 1843), O. tibialis (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. torosus (Koch, 1952), O. transversicollis (Haag-Rutenberg, 1879), O. tumidus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1871), O. umvumanus (Koch, 1952), O. vagus (Péringuey, 1899), O. vaticinus (Péringuey, 1899), O. verecundus (Péringuey, 1899), O. vetustus (Koch, 1952), O. vexator (Péringuey, 1899), O. virago (Koch, 1952), O. warmeloi (Koch, 1953), O. zanzibaricus (Haag-Rutenberg, 1875), Psammophanesantinorii (Gridelli, 1939), and P.mirei (Pierre, 1979). The type species [placed in square brackets] of the following genus-group taxa are designated for the first time, Ocnodes Fåhraeus, 1870 [Ocnodesscrobicollis Fåhraeus, 1870], Psammodophysis Péringuey, 1899 [Psammodophysisprobes Péringuey, 1899], and Trachynotidus Péringuey, 1899 [Psammodesthoreyi Haag-Rutenberg, 1871]. A lectotype is designated for Histrionotusomercooperi Koch, 1955 in order to fix its taxonomic status. Ulamus Kamiński is introduced here as a replacement name for Echinotus Marwick, 1935 [Type species.Aviculaechinata Smith, 1817] (Mollusca: Pteriidae) to avoid homonymy with Echinotus Solier, 1843 (Coleoptera: Tenebrionidae).

The article contains the analyses of 40 descriptions of the vignette of Constantinople in Tabula Peutingeriana created between the years 1768 and 2018. The number of these descriptions is not at all complete, however, it seems to give quite a representative survey of how has this vignette been interpreted throughout the last 250 years. Among these descriptions, merely five authors (H. Thiersch – 1909; F. Castagnoli – 1960; A. and M. Levi – 1967 and M. Reddé – 1979) believe that one of the elements of that vignette is a lighthouse. The article explains the origin of this erroneous interpretation on the basis of the edition of Tabula Peutingeriana from the year 1753, prepared by F.C. von Scheyb, and repeated by K. Mannert (1824), E. Desjardins (1869–1874) and K. Miller (1888), as well as of the observations in this field made by H. Gross (1913) and W. Kubitschek (1917). What is today regarded as the most probable interpretation of the element of that vignette, referred to as the lighthouse is the thesis that what is referred to here, is the Constantine’s Column, on whose top there is the statue of the founder of the Second Rome. If we assume the second half of the 4th century as the time when Tabula Peutingeriana was created, then the Constantinople vignette would be the oldest graphic presentation of that column. However, the graphics of the vignette is far from the descriptions of Constantine’s column in the Byzantine sources. That might result from a simple mistake made by the later copiers, or it can also be the effect of their conscious modifications of the most important vignettes on the map. For the Constantinople vignette, compared to the vignettes of Rome and Antioch, seems to contain a certain symbolic code, which allows for dating the copy of map stored today in Vienna. It seems that the original map could have been created, as it seems, in the 2nd half of the 4th century, as it is traditionally assumed. Probably it had been graphically retouched quite substantially (at least as far as the vignettes of Rome and Constantinople are concerned, joined in a strict mutual relationship) in the Carolingian period, and, more exactly, in the 1st half of the 9th century, and then, for the second time, the map underwent modifications aimed at updating its contents in the 13th century.

Specimens of Peronopora Nicholson, 1881, are abundant in Upper Ordovician rocks of the North American Midcontinent. Based on the positions of units in the Composite Conodont Standard Section, we have sampled 211 specimens over a stratigraphic interval of 9.1 million years. The average duration of sample spacing is 61,664 years but is commonly as small as 32,800 yr.Thirty-four morphometric characters were measured in each specimen and were converted into multistate characters; character-state breaks were established based upon each character's ability to discriminate between phenetic groupings. Each character was subsequently weighted based on the number of derived states, degree of independence from other attributes, and estimated heritability.Cladistic analysis of these data indicate that there are eight species in Peronopora each consisting of an optimally defined crown group and a basal stem group (or paraclade). Character states shared by stem and crown groups define species but, within species, stem and crown groups also differ in some character states. The species are, in ascending order from the base of the tree, Peronopora decipiens (Rominger, 1886), P. compressa (Ulrich, 1979), P. pauca Utgaard and Perry, 1964, P. milleri Nickles, 1905, P. horowitzi new species, P. vera Ulrich, 1888, P. sparsa Brown and Daly, 1985, and finally P. dubia (Cumings and Galloway, 1913). Diagnostic keys permit the unique assignment of each specimen to a species and the separation of members of stem groups from those of crown groups. Thirty-one characters are required to discriminate between all 211 specimens. This contrasts with previous studies of Peronopora where eight or fewer characteristics were used. Of the ten characters most useful in discrimination, only three had been used in the conventional species literature. This accounts, largely, for only 29.8 percent (51 of 171) of previously identified specimens being classified as members of the same species in this analysis. Discriminant function analysis of original measurements, using species identity as the grouping criterion, produces statistically significant separation of species.It appears that stratigraphic position had an explicit and undue effect on previous concepts of species many of which could not be recognized independently of stratigraphic position. All species of Peronopora appear, or are inferred to have appeared, within the Lexington Limestone between the base of the Grier Member and the top of the Millersburg Member. The cladogram indicates that species evolved in a sequential order, but their first appearance datums have been stratigraphically punctuated. Three species have ranges terminating in the Early to Middle Maysvillian, one in the Middle Richmondian, and four in the Late Richmondian. The latter four (or five) of these species died out in the extinction associated with the unconformity at the top of the Richmondian.

Studies of decision making on the modern Supreme Court have drawn on readily available empirical data to explore the details of how the Court conducts its business (Segal and Spaeth 1993; Spaeth 1995). Sadly, however, such empirical studies have not been plentiful for periods of the Court’s history before the appointment of Chief Justice Earl Warren. Some discussion has occurred dating from the chief justiceship of William Howard Taft beginning in 1910, but these studies have limited scope (Bowen and Scheb 1993; Leavitt 1970; Pritchett 1948; Renstrom 1972; Slotnick 1979; Tate and Handberg 1991). The result is a plethora of studies concerning the modern Court and a dearth of systematic information on earlier Courts (Aliotta 1988; Brenner and Spaeth 1995; Epstein and Kobylka 1992; George and Epstein 1992; Handberg 1976; Schubert 1965, 1974; Segal 1984; Tate 1981; Ulmer 1970). The picture we do have concerning earlier Courts is largely drawn from biographical or doctrinal studies. While both of these enterprises are immensely useful, they lack the systematic quality of an empirical analysis that considers all cases (not just the important ones) and all justices (not just the intellectual or social leaders). We seek to create an empirical context out of which those outstanding justices and decisions arose. Our study allows confirmation of findings of previous studies of individuals and doctrine and provides a more complete picture of the Court during a tumultuous time in its history.

В статье представлены некоторые предварительные результаты историографических исследований по такому важному направлению отечественной археологической науки, как организация и проведение полевых изысканий. На примере российских археологов конца XIX в. – как ведущих, так и только еще становящихся профессионалами – раскрыты различные понимания, различные концепции полевых исследований. Эти концепции систематизированы автором, в результате чего вскрыты несколько направлений полевой археологии, сложившихся в тогдашней отечественной науке. Выявлены также, как теоретические воззрения на ход полевых изысканий выдерживали (или не выдерживали) проверку на практике в реалиях тогдашней русской жизни. Раскрыто, как понимание того, что представляет собой основной археологический источник, определяло вѝдение тем или иным исследователем характера и направленности полевых изысканий. Статья не претендует на исчерпывающий характер материала и представляет собой, скорее, введение в проблематику. Библиографические ссылки Антонова Е.В. Признаки высокого социального статуса в Месопотамии V–IV тыс. до н.э. // ВДИ. 1998. № 3. С. 3–16. Бобринской, гр. А.А. Раскопки в Северо-Западном крае // Отчет ИАК за 1889 год. СПб., 1892. С. 38–53. Веселовский Н.И. Отзыв о сочинении А.А. Спицына: Приуральский край. Археологические розыскания о древнейших обитателях Вятской губернии (Материалы по археологии Восточных губерний России. Москва, 1893) // ЗРАО. 1896. Т. VIII, вып. 1–2. Нов. серия. Проток. СПб. С. 49–51. Городцов В.А. Отчет об археологических исследованиях в долине р. Оки 1897 года // ДТМАО. 1900. Т. XVII. С. 1–37. Городцов В.А. Дневник археологических исследований в долине р. Оки, произведенных в 1898 году // ДТМАО. 1901. Т. XVIII. С. 1–28. Даль В.И. Толковый словарь живого великорусского языка. Т. I–IV. М.: ГИС, 1955. (Репринт 2-го изд. 1880–1882). Жук А.В. Василий Алексеевич Городцев в рязанский период его жизни, службы и научной деятельности. Омск: ОмГУ, 2005. 535 с. Кельсиев А.И. 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Windflower (Pulsatilla spp.) is a perennial medicinal plant in the Ranunculaceae with high economic value as well as medicinal value in China. It is a commonly used Chinese herbal medicine. In 2007, two species, Pulsatilla koreana Nakai and P. chinensis Regel, were observed with severe rust symptoms at three locations (Shenyang City, Benxi City, and Fushun County) in Liaoning, China. The diseased area was estimated to be more than 500 ha and the yield was reduced by 30% on average with up to 65% yield losses in some fields. Since its first record in 2007, the disease has been recorded every year in parts of China. A survey of all cultivated fields in August 2011 revealed that 90% of the Pulsatilla plants were heavily infected with rust. Early symptoms on the adaxial leaf surfaces were small, circular, yellow spots that later enlarged, coalesced, and developed necrotic centers. On the abaxial side, numerous yellow rust uredinia were visible. Urediniospores are globose or ellipsoidal, sometimes angular in shape, with a yellowish content, and measured 22.6 to 39.4 × 15.2 to 23.9 μm. Spore walls were coarsely verrucose when examined by light and scanning electron microscopy. Telia and teliospores were observed in mid-August. Hypophyllous telia often formed around uredinial clusters. Telia were 0.3 to 1.1 mm wide and erumpent with numerous teliospores in a compact layer. Teliospores were clavate, oblong to ellipsoidal, 60.2 to 120.8 × 12.1 to 24.4 μm, gelatinous, and one celled. Teliospores were four celled with the division of the protoplast into an internal four-celled basidium. Pathogenicity tests included inoculation of young P. koreana plants by spraying a urediniospore suspension (30,000 spores/ml of deionized water). Inoculated plants were incubated at 25°C for 48 h, and typical rust symptoms and uredinia developed in 10 to 15 days. On the basis of symptomatology, the host, and morphology of uredinial and telia, the fungus was identified as Coleosporium pulsatillae (Str.) Lév (2). The internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region was amplified using ITS1-F and ITS4-B primers (3), and an amplified product of 817 bp, specific for the species C. pulsatillae, was obtained. The sequence was deposited in GenBank (Accession No. JQ029765). Although this pathogen has been mentioned as part of a fungal species survey from China, it was not fully described (4). This pathogen has been reported on Anemone chinensis in Austria, Sibiria (2), and Korea (1). It has not been reported from anywhere else in China. To our knowledge, this is the first fully described record and most severe outbreak of C. pulsatillae on windflower. References: (1) W. D. Cho and H. D. Shin. List of Plant Diseases in Korea. Korean Society of Plant Pathology, Seoul, Korea, 2004. (2) J. B. De-Toni. Sylloge Fungorum 7:754, 1888. (3) M. Gardes et al. Mol. Ecol. 2:113, 1993. (4) F. L. Tai. Sylloge Fungorum Sinicorum. Science Press, Beijing, 1979.

Since the late 1960s, the study of school attendance in the nineteenth century has been one of the most vigorous research interests of social historians in the field of educational history. One line of research has investigated the growth of the institution of schools, the “rise of mass schooling,” using enrollment rates as a key indicator (Field, 1976, 1979, 1980; Fishlow, 1966; Kaestle and Vinovskis, 1974). Another line has been more interested in the social distribution of schooling, exploring how rates of attendance differed across time and across such social divisions as age, gender, race, class, religion, and ethnicity (Denton and George, 1974; Kaestle and Vinovskis, 1980; Katz, 1972, 1975; Katz and Davey, 1978; Soltow and Stevens, 1981; Thernstrom, 1964; Troen, 1973; Vinyard, 1972).

The paper is the first of a series, which aims to present a consistent interpretation of the suprageneric taxa of fossil beetles in the current century and their generic and species composition. Order Coleoptera is considered in composition of the superorder Coleopteroidea Handlirsch, 1903 (= Coleopterida sensu Boudreaux, 1979, nec Pearse, 1936) together with orders Skleroptera and Strepsiptera, and also with the family Umenocoleidae of unclear position. This paper includes the archostematan superfamilies Coleopseoidea and Cupedoidea of the infraorder Cupediformia, i.e., Coleopseidae (one genus and one species), Tshekardocoleidae (12 genera, 15 species), Labradorocoleidae (one genus, one species), Permocupedidae (together with Taldycupedinae, stat. nov., 24 genera and 54 species) and Cupedidae (three subfamilies, 49 genera, 253 species). The preliminary information on structure of the larva of Tshekardocoleidae from Tshekarda is done. There are also described the new taxa: genus Afrotaldycupes Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: genus Taldycupes africanus Ponomarenko in Ponomarenko & Mostovski, 2005 [Afrotaldycupes africanus comb. nov.] and Afrotaldycupes lidgettoniensis (Ponomarenko in Ponomarenko & Mostovski, 2005), comb. nov. [Taldycupes]; genus Allophalerus Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Tetraphalerus aphaleratus Ponomarenko, 1969 [Allophalerus aphaleratus comb. nov.], and also with Allophalerus antiquus (Ponomarenko, 1964), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus bontsaganensis (Ponomarenko, 1997), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus incertus (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus latus (Tan, Ren et Shih, 2007), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus maximus (Ponomarenko, 1968), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus okhotensis (Ponomarenko, 1993), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus tenuipes (Ponomarenko, 1964), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Allophalerus verrucosus (Ponomarenko, 1966), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus]; genus Bukhkalius Kirejtshuk et Jarzembowski, gen. nov. with the type species: Tetraphalerus lindae Jarzembowski, Wang et Zheng, 2017 [Bukhkalius lindae comb. nov.]; genus Burmocoleus Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Burmocoleus prisnyi sp. nov. and Burmocoleus zhiyuani (Liu, Tan, Ślipiński, Jarzembowski, Wang, Ren et Pang, 2017), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus]; genus Cionocups Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Cionocups manukyani sp. nov.; genus Echinocups Kirejtshuk et Jarzembowski, gen. nov. with the type species: Notocupes neli Tihelka, Huang et Cai, 2020 [Echinocups neli comb. nov.], and also Echinocups ohmkuhnlei (Jarzembowski, Wang et Zheng, 2020), comb. nov. [Notocupes] and Echinocups denticollis (Jiang, Li, Song, Shi, Liu, Chen et Kong, 2020), comb. nov. [Notocupes]; genus Jarzembowskops Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Brochocoleus caseyi Jarzembowski, Wang et Zheng, 2016 [Jarzembowskops caseyi comb. nov.]; genus Lobanovia Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Simmondsia permiana Ponomarenko, 2013 [Lobanovia permiana comb. nov.]; genus Pintolla Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Kaltanicupes ponomarenkoi Pinto, 1987 [Pintolla ponomarenkoi comb. nov.]; genus Polyakius Kirejtshuk, gen. nov. with the type species: Polyakius alberti Kirejtshuk, sp. nov. and Polyakius pubescens Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Clessidromma zengi Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Cupes golovatchi Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Cupes legalovi Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Cupes lutzi Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Cupes nabozhenkoi Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Cupes wedmannae Kirejtshuk, sp. nov.; Mallecupes prokini Kirejtshuk, sp. nov. and Omma janetae Kirejtshuk, sp. nov. The new synonymy is established for the generic names Clessidromma Jarzembowski, Wang et Zheng, 2017 and Lepidomma Jarzembowski, Wang et Zheng, 2019, syn. nov. The rank of Cainomerga A. Kirejtshuk, Nel et P. Kirejtshuk, 2016 is elevated from subgeneric to generic. Also other new combinations are proposed: Cainomerga brevicornis (A. Kirejtshuk, Nel et P. Kirejtshuk, 2016), comb. nov. [Mesocupes], Cainomerga fraterna (A. Kirejtshuk, Nel et P. Kirejtshuk, 2016), comb. nov. [Mesocupes], Cainomerga immaculata (Piton, 1940: 194), comb. nov. [Zonabris, Mesocupes], Cainomerga palaeocenica (A. Kirejtshuk, Nel et P. Kirejtshuk, 2016), comb. nov. [Mesocupes], and Cainomerga ponti (A. Kirejtshuk, Nel et P. Kirejtshuk, 2016), comb. nov. [Mesocupes], Clessidromma tianae (Jarzembowski, Wang et Zheng, 2019), comb. nov. [Lepidomma], Diluticupes applanatus (Tan et Ren, 2009), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Diluticupes crowsonae (Jarzembowski, Yan, Wang et Zhang. 2013), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Diluticupes magnus (Tan et Ren, 2009), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Diluticupes minor (Ponomarenko, 2000), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Diluticupes validus (Tan et Ren, 2009), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Diluticupes yangshuwanziensis (Jarzembowski, Yan, Wang et Zhang. 2013), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Monticupes curtinervis (Tan, Ren et Shih, 2007), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Monticupes decorosus (Tan, Wang, Ren et Yang, 2012), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Odontomma sulcatum (Tan, Ren et Shih, 2007), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Omma ancistrodontum (Tan, Wang, Ren et Yang, 2012), comb. nov. [Pareuryomma], Omma grande (Ponomarenko, 1964), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Omma longicolle (Ponomarenko, 1997), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Pareuryomma angustum (Tan, Ren et Shich, 2007), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Pareuryomma magnum (Tan et Ren, 2009), comb. nov. [Brochocoleus], Zygadenia aliena (Tan et Ren, 2006), comb. nov. [Ovatocupes], Zygadenia baojiatunensis (Hong 1992), comb. nov. [Chengdecupes], Zygadenia brachycephala (Ponomarenko, 1994), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia caduca (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia caudata (Ponomarenko, 1966), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia cellulosa (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia crassa (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov., [Notocupes], Zygadenia cyclodontus (Tan, Ren, Shih et Ge, 2006), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia dischdes (Zhang, 1986), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Notocupes dundulaensis (Ponomarenko, 1994), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia elegans (Ponomarenko, 1994), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia epicharis (Tan, Ren et Liu, 2005), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia eumeura (Tan, Ren et Liu, 2005), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia excellens (Ponomarenko, 1966), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia exigua (Ponomarenko, 1994), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia foersteri (Ponomarenko, 1971), comb. nov. [Procarabus, Notocupes], Zygadenia homora (Lin, 1986), comb. nov. [Conexicoxa, Notocupes], Zygadenia issykkulensis (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia jurassica (Hong 1983), comb. nov. [Chengdecupes], Zygadenia kezuoensis (Hong 1987), comb. nov. [Chengdecupes], Zygadenia khasurtuiensis (Strelnikova, 2019), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia khetanensis (Ponomarenko, 1993), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia kirghizica (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia laeta (Lin, 1976), [Tetraphalerus], Zygadenia laiyangensis (Hong et Wang, 1990), comb. nov. [Forticupes, Notocupes], Zygadenia lapidaria (Ponomarenko, 1968), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia laticella (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia lata (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia lenta (Ren, Lu, Guo et Ji, 1995), comb. nov. [Tetraphalerus], Zygadenia lini (Ponomarenko, Yan, Wang et Zhang, 2012), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia longicollis (Ponomarenko, 1994), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia ludongensis (Wang et Liu, 1996), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia minuscula (Tan, Ren, Shih et Ge, 2006), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia mongolica (Ponomarenko, 1994), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia nigrimonticola (Ponomarenko, 1968), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia oxypyga (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia patula (Ponomarenko, 1985), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia pingi (Ponomarenko et Ren, 2010), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia porrecta (Tan, Ren, Shih et Ge, 2006), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia protensa (Tan, Ren, Shih et Ge, 2006), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygodenia psilata (Tan, Ren et Liu, 2005), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], , Zygadenia pulchra Ponomarenko, 1968, comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia reticulata (Oppenheim, 1888), comb. nov. [Procarabus, Notocupes], Notocupes rostrata (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia rudis (Tan, Ren et Liu, 2005), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia shiluoensis (Hong 1984), comb. nov. [Chengdecupes], Zygadenia sogutensis (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov., Zygadenia stabilis (Tan, Ren et Liu, 2005), comb. nov. [Amblomma, Notocupes], Zygadenia tenuis (Ponomarenko, 1969), comb. nov. [Notocupes], Zygadenia tripartita (Oppenheim, 1888), comb. nov. [Procarabus, Notocupes], Zygadenia tuanwangensis (Hong et Wang, 1990), comb. nov. [Picticupes, Notocupes], Zygadenia valida (Lin, 1976), comb. nov. [Sinocupes, Notocupes], Zygadenia vitimensis (Ponomarenko, 1966), comb. nov. [Notocupes].

RESUMENLos balnearios-sauna castreños del noroeste peninsular son monumentos con horno con una arquitectura muy original, posiblemente asociada a los diversos modelos termales. Se conocen cerca de tres decenas, distribuidos por el noroeste peninsular. La arquitectura compleja de estos monumentos se organiza estructuralmente hacia posibilitar baños de sauna y baños de agua fría. Las dos áreas son divididas por una estela, monolítica, normalmente ornamentada – la pedra formosa. El papel simbólico que tendrían en el seno de la sociedad castreña de la Edad del Hierro del noroeste peninsular permanece por aclarar y envuelto en gran misticismo, fruto de una posible sacralidad. Este entorno, referido por diversos autores a lo largo de los tiempos, está posiblemente asociado al culto de los dioses de las aguas y a la sacralidad del baño purificador, medicinal, que se refleja en las decoraciones frontales de las pedras formosas, cuya maestría de los escultores que las insculpieran, tipología decorativa, interpretación simbólica y semiótica estudiamos, como objetivos primordiales, a lo largo de este trabajo de investigación.PALABRAS CLAVE: Protohistoria, monumentos con horno, decoración pétrea, interpretación simbólica / semiótica.ABSTRACTThe Iron Age sauna-baths of the northwest peninsular are monuments with an oven with very original architecture, possibly associated with the diverse thermal models. There are about three dozen known sauna-baths spread over the northwest peninsular. The complex architecture of thesemonuments is structurally organized to allow for cold water baths and sauna baths. The two areas are divided by a tectiforme stele, monolithic, usually ornamented, known as pedra formosa (beautiful stone). The symbolic role that they would have had in the heart of the Iron Age “castreña” society in the northwest peninsular remains unclear and shrouded in mysticism, the fruit of a possible sacredness. This environment, referred to by various authors throughout the ages, is possibly associated with the worship of the water gods and the sacredness of the medicinal and purifying bath, which is reflected in the frontal decorations of the pedras formosas, whose masterful sculpting, decorative typology, symbolic interpretation and semiotics we studied as primary objectives of this research work.KEYWORDS: Protohistory, monuments with oven, stone decoration, symbolic / semiotic interpretation. BIBLIOGRAFIAAlmagro-Gorbea, M. e Álvarez Sanchís, J. R. 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O aumento das evidências científicas sobre os benefícios para a saúde das dietas vegetarianas apresentadas na literatura e o interesse científico pelo assunto se reflete no número de artigos publicados. Esta revisão avalia a produção científica sobre o vegetarianismo entre 1888 e 2019. Para analisar as tendências de publicação sobre o tema, foi utilizado a palavra-chave “vegetariano” na base de dados bibliográfica do National Institutes of Health Medline. A taxa de publicação sobre vegetarianismo tem aumentado ao longo dos anos, e sua evolução histórica pode ser visto dividido em 3 períodos. O primeiro denominado “baixa produção”, de 1888-1949, com estudos voltados para questões higiênico-sanitárias, o segundo período conhecido como “média produção”, entre 1950-1979, com publicações sobre fatores de risco cardiovascular, e o terceiro titulado de “alta produção”, entre 1980-2019, com temáticas voltadas para o padrão alimentar vegetariano e sua influência no meio ambiente. Observou-se forte correlação (r=0,9339) entre a publicação de artigos sobre hábitos alimentares vegetarianos em relação ao total de artigos indexados no Medline. Acentuou-se o aumento da produção de artigos sobre vegetarianismo ao longo dos anos em termos absolutos, significando um crescente interesse, com suas características voltadas para seus períodos históricos e eventos específicos.

Neste artigo utilizo “As ideias fora do lugar”, de Roberto Schwarz, para estudar a sobrevivência da feudalidade e o favor, herdados do colonialismo ibérico, na “Belle Époque” chilena. No período, as desigualdades sociais adquiriram proporções hipertróficas pelo capital que as elites locais receberam da sua incursão na mineração do carvão e na exploração do salitre – a última como resultado da Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1883). Examino as discrepâncias da modernidade periférica chilena do fim do século XIX e começo do XX em três obras “bellepoquistas”: o conto “El rey burgués” (1888), de Rubén Darío, o filme Julio comienza en Julio (1979), com roteiro de Silvio Caiozzi e Gustavo Frías, e a coleção de contos Sub terra (1904), de Baldomero Lillo.

In early 1888, Miss Margaret Pearson arrived in Melbourne under engagement to the Working Men’s College there to give cookery lessons to young women. The College committee had applied to the National School of Cookery in London—an establishment effusively praised in the colonial press—for a suitable culinary educator, and Pearson, a graduate of that institute, was dispatched. After six months or so spent educating her antipodean pupils she published a cookbook, Cookery Recipes For The People, which she described in the preface as a handbook of “plain wholesome cookery” (Pearson 3). The book ran to three editions and sold more than 13,000 copies. A decade later, Hanna Maclurcan, co-proprietor of the popular Queen’s Hotel in Townsville, published Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book: A Collection of Practical Recipes, Specially Suitable for Australia. A review of this work in the Brisbane Courier described it, positively, as a book of “good plain cooking”. Maclurcan had gained some renown as a cook after the Governor of Queensland, Lord Lamington, publicly praised the meals he had eaten at the Queen’s as “exceptionally good and above the average of Australian hotels” (Morning Bulletin 5). The first print run of Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book sold out in weeks, and a second edition was swiftly produced. By 1903 there were 26,000 copies of Maclurcan’s book in print—one of which was deposited in the library of Queen Victoria. While the existence of any particular cookbook does not constitute evidence that any person ever reproduced a recipe from it, the not immodest sales enjoyed by Pearson and Maclurcan can, at the least, be taken to indicate a popular interest in the style of cookery, that is “plain cookery”, delineated in their respective works. If those who bought these books never actually turned them into working copies—that is, cooked from them—they likely aspired to do so. Practical classes in plain cookery were also popular in Australia in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The adjectival coupling of the word “plain” to “cookery” in colonial Australia can be seen then to have formed an appealing duet at that time If a modern author or reviewer described the body of recipes encapsulated in a cookbook as “plain cookery”, it would not serve to recommend it to the contemporary market—indeed it would likely condemn such a publication to pulping, rather than sales of many thousands—as the term would be understood by most modern cooks, and eaters, to describe food that was dull and lacking in flavour and cosmopolitan appeal. We now prefer cookery books that offer instruction on the preparation of dishes that are described as “exotic”, “global”, “ethnic”, “seasonal”, “local”, and “full of flavour”, and that lend those that prepare and consume the dishes they contain the “glamour of culinary ethnicity” (Appadurai 10). It would seem to be stating the obvious then to say that “plain cookery” meant something entirely different to colonial Australians, except that modern Australians commonly believe that their nineteenth century brethren ate an “abominable”, “monotonous”, “low standard” diet (Santich, The High and The Low 37), and therefore if they preferred their meals to be plain cooked, that these would have been exactly as our present-day interpretation would have them. Yet Pearson describes plain cookery as an “art” (3), arguably a rhetorical epithet, but she was a zealous educator and would not have used such a term to describe a style of cookery that she expected to turn out low quality dishes that were vile and dull. What Pearson and Maclurcan actually present in their respective books is English cookery: which was also known as plain cookery. The Anglo-Celtic population of Australia in the nineteenth century held varied opinions—ranging from obsequious to hateful—about England, depending on their background. The majority, however, considered it their natural home—including many who were colonial born—and the cultural model they reproduced, with local modifications, was that of the “mother country” (Abbott 10) some 10,000 long miles away. English political, legal, economic, and social systems were the foundation of white Australian society. In keeping with this, colonial cooks “perpetuated an English style of cookery, English food values, [and] an English meal structure” (Santich, Looking for Flavour 6) and English cookbooks were the models that colonial cooks and cookery writers drew upon. When Polly, the heroine of Henry Handel Richardson’s novel The Fortunes of Richard Mahoney, teaches herself to make pastry from a cookbook in her rudimentary kitchen on the Victorian goldfields circa 1853, historical accuracy requires her to have employed an imported publication to guide her. It was another decade before the first Australian cookbook, Edward Abbott’s The English And Australian Cookery Book, was published in 1864. Prior to the appearance of Abbott’s work, colonial cooks wanting the guidance of a culinary manual were reliant on the imported English titles stocked by Australian booksellers, such as Eliza Acton’s Modern Cookery for Private Families, Beeton’s Book of Household Management and William Kitchiner’s The Cook’s Oracle. These three particular cookbooks were amongst the most successful and influential works in the nineteenth century Anglo-sphere and were commonly considered as manuals of plain cookery: Acton’s particular work is also the source of the most commonly quoted definition of “plain cookery” as “the principles of roasting, boiling, stewing and baking” (Acton 167) and I am going let it stand as the model of such in this piece. If a curt literary catalogue, such as that used by Acton to delineate plain cookery, were used to describe any cuisine it would serve to make it seem austere, and the reputation of English food and cookery has likely suffered from a face value acceptance of it (and by association so has its Australian culinary doppelganger). A considered inspection of Acton’s work shows that her instructions for the plain methods of roasting, boiling, and stewing of food, cover 13 pages, followed by more than 100 pages of recipes for 19 different varieties of meat, poultry, and game that are further divided into numerous variant cuts. Three pages were dedicated to instruction for boiling potatoes properly. When preparing any of these dishes she enjoins her readers to follow the “slow methods of cooking recommended” (167) to ensure a superior end product. The principles of baking were elucidated across several chapters, taking under this classification the preparation of various types of pastry and a multitude of baked puddings, cakes and biscuits: all prepared from base ingredients—not a packet harmed in their production. We now venerate the taste of so-called “slow cooked” food, so to discover that this was the method prescribed for producing plain cooked dishes suggests that plain cookery potentially had more flavour than we imagine. Acton’s work also challenges the charge that the product of plain cookery was monotonous. We have developed a view that we must have a multitudinous array of different types of food available, all year round, for it to be satisfactory to us. Acton demonstrates that variety in cookery can be achieved in other ways such as in types and cuts of meat, and that “plain” was not necessarily synonymous with sameness. The celebrated twentieth century English food writer Elizabeth David says that Modern Cookery was the “most admired and copied English cookery book of the nineteenth century” (305). As the aspiration of most colonial cooks was the reproduction of English cookery it is not unreasonable to expect that Acton’s work might have had some influence on those that wrote cookery manuals for them. We know that Edward Abbott borrowed from her as he writes in his introduction that he has combined “the advantages of Acton’s work” (5) into this own. Neither Pearson or Maclurcan acknowledge any influence at all upon their works but their respective manuals are not particularly original in content—with the exception of some unique regional recipes in Maclurcan—and they must have drawn upon other cookery manuals of the same style to develop their repertoire. By the time they were writing, “large portions [of Acton’s] volume [had] been appropriated [by] contemporary [cookbook] authors [such as Abbott] without the slightest acknowledgment” (Acton 4): the famous Mrs. Beeton is generally considered to have borrowed heavily from Acton for the cookery section of her successful tome Household Management. If Pearson and Maclurcan did not draw directly on Acton—and they well might have—then they likely used culinary sources that had subsumed her influence as their inspiration. What was considered to constitute plain cookery was not as straightforward as Acton’s definition; it was also “generally understood” to be free of any French influence (David 35). It was a commonly held suspicion amongst nineteenth century English men and women that Gallic cooks employed sauces and strong flavourings such as garlic and other “low and treacherous devices” (Saunders 4), to disguise the fact that they had such poor quality ingredients to work with. On the other hand, the English “had such faith” in the superior quality of their native produce that they considered it only required treatment with plain cookery techniques to be rendered toothsome: this culinary Francophobia persisted in the colonies. In the novel, The Three Miss Kings, set in Melbourne in 1880, the trio of the title take lodgings with a landlady, who informs them from the outset that she is “only a plain cook, and can’t make them French things which spile [sic] the stomach” (Cambridge 36). While a good plain cook might have defined herself by the absence of any Gallic, or indeed any other “foreign”, influence in the meals she created, there had been a significant absorption of elements of both of these in the plain cookery she practised, but these had become so far embedded in English cookery that she was unaware of it. A telling example of this is the unremarked inclusion of curry in the plain cookery cannon. While the name and homogenised form of this dish is of British invention, it retained the varied spices, including pungent chillies, of the Indian cuisine it simulated. Pearson and Maclurcan, and Abbott, all included recipes for curries and curried dishes in their respective cookery books. Over time, plain cookery seems to have become conflated with “plain food”, but the latter was not necessarily the result of the former. There was little of Pearson’s “art” involved in creating plain food, except perhaps an ability to keep this style of food so flavourless and dull that it offered neither pleasure nor temptation to eat any more than that required to sustain life. This very real plainness was actively sought by some as “plain food was synonymous with moral rectitude […] and the plainer the food the more virtuous the eater” (Santich, Looking 28). A common societal appreciation of moral virtue is barely perceptible in modern Australian society but it was an attribute that was greatly valued in the nineteenth century Anglo-world and the consumption of plain food a necessary practice in the achievement of good character. (Our modern habit of labelling of foods “good” or “bad” shows that we continue to imbue food with moral overtones.) The list of “gustatory temptations” “proscribed by the plain food lobby” included “salt, spices, sauces and any flavourings that might have cheered the senses” (Santich, Looking 28). If this were the case then both Pearson and Maclurcan’s cookbooks would have dramatically failed to qualify as manuals of plain food. The recipes contained in their respective works feature a much greater use of components associated with flavour enhancement than we imagine to have been employed in plain cookery, particularly if we erroneously believe it to be analogous to plain food. Spices are used extensively in sweet and savoury dishes, as are various fresh green herbs and lemon juice and rind; homemade condiments such as mushroom ketchup (a type of essence pressed from a seasonal abundance of fungi), and a liberal employment of sherry, port, Madeira, and brandy that a “virtuous” plain food advocate would have considered most intemperate. Pearson and Maclurcan both give instructions for preparing rich stocks and gravies drawn from meat, bones and aromatic vegetables, and prescribe the end product of this process as the foundation for a variety of soups, sauces, and stews. Recipes are given for a greater diversity of vegetables than the stereotyped cabbage and potatoes of colonial culinary legend. Maclurcan displays a distinct tropical regionalism in her book providing recipes that use green bananas and pawpaw as vegetables, alongside other exotic species—for that time—such as eggplant, choko, mango, granadilla, passionfruit, rosella, prickly pear, and guava. Her distinct location, the coastal city of Townsville, is also reflected in the extensive selection of recipes for local species of fish and seafood such as beche-de-mer, prawns, and barramundi, which won Maclurcan a reputation as an expert on seafood. Ultimately, to gain a respectably informed understanding as to the taste, aroma, and texture of the plain cookery presented in the respective works of Pearson and Maclurcan one needs to prepare their recipes: I have done so, reproducing a wide selection of dishes from both books. Admittedly, I am a professionally trained cook with the skills to execute recipes to a high standard, but my practice is to scrupulously maintain the original listing of ingredients in the reproduction and follow the method as best I can. Through this practice I have made some delicious discoveries, which have helped inform my opinion that some colonial Australians, and perhaps significant numbers of them, must have been eating meals that were a long way from dull, flavourless and monotonous. It has been said that we employ our tongues for the “twin offices of rhetoric and taste” (Jaine 61). Words can exercise a significant influence on how we value the taste of—or actually taste—any particular food or indeed a cuisine. In the case of the popularly held opinion about the unappetizing state of colonial meals, it might be that the absence of rhetoric has contributed to this. Colonial food writers such as Pearson and Maclurcan did not “mince words” (Bannerman 166) and chose to use “plain titling” (David 306) and language that lacked the excessive adjectives and laudatory hyperbole typically employed by modern food writers. Perhaps if Pearson or Maclurcan had indulged in anointing their own works with enthusiastic recommendation and reference to international influences in their recipes, this might have contributed to a more positive impression of the food of our Anglo-Celtic ancestors. As an experiment with this idea I have taken a recipe from Cookery Recipes For The People and reframed its title and description in a modern food writing style. The recipe in question is titled “White Sauce” and Pearson writes that “this sauce will answer well for boiled fowl” (48): hardly language to make the dish sound appealing to the modern cook, and likely to confirm an expectation of plain cookery as tasteless and boring. But what if the recipe remained the same but the words used to describe it were changed, for example: the title to “Salsa Blanca” and the introductory remark to “this luxurious silky sauce infused with eschalot, mace, lemon, and sherry wine is perfect for perking up poached free-range chicken”. How much better might it then taste? References Abbott, Edward. The English And Australian Cookery Book: Cookery For The Many, As Well As The Upper Ten Thousand. London: Sampson Low, Son, & Marston, 1864. Acton, Eliza. Modern Cookery for Private Families. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858. Appadurai, Arjun. “How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India”. Comparative Studies in Society and History 30 (1988): 3–24. Bannerman, Colin. A Friend In The Kitchen. Kenthurst NSW: Kangaroo Press, 1996. Brisbane Courier. “Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book: A Collection of Practical Recipes, Specially Suitable for Australia [review].” Brisbane Courier c.1898. [Author’s manuscript collection.] Cambridge, Ada. The Three Miss Kings. London: Virago Press, 1987 (1st pub. Melbourne, 1891). David, Elizabeth. An Omelette and a Glass of Wine. London: Penguin, 1986. Freeman, Sarah. Mutton and Oysters: The Victorians and their Food. London: Victor Golllancz, 1989. Humble, Nicola. Culinary Pleasures. London, Faber & Faber, 2005. Jaine, Tom. “Banquets and Meals”. Pleasures of the Table: Proceedings of the Fifth Symposium of Australian Gastronomy (1991): 61–4. Jones, Shar, and Otto, Kirsten. Colonial Food and Drink 1788-1901. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales, 1985. Hartley, Dorothy. Food in England. London: Macdonald General, 1979. Hughes, Kathryn. The Short Life & Long Times of Mrs Beeton. London: Harper Perennial, 2006. Maclurcah, Hannah. Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book: A Collection of Practical Recipes, Specially Suitable for Australia. Melbourne: George Robertson, 1905 (1st pub. Townsville, 1898). Morning Bulletin. “Gossip.” Morning Bulletin (Rockhampton) 10 May 1898: 5. Pearson, Margaret. Cookery Recipes for the People. Melbourne: Hutchinson, 1888. Richardson, Henry Handel. The Fortunes of Richard Mahony. London: Heinemann, 1954. Santich, Barbara. What the Doctors Ordered: 150 Years of Dietary Advice in Australia. Melbourne: Hyland House, 1995. ---. “The High and the Low: Australian Cuisine in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries”. Journal of Australian Studies 30 (2006): 37–49. ---. Looking For Flavour. Kent Town: Wakefield, 1996 Saunders, Alan. “Why Do We Want An Australian Cuisine?”. Journal of Australian Studies 30 (2006): 1-17. Young, Linda. Middle-Class Culture in the Nineteenth Century: America, Australia and Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmilian, 2002.

In this article I discuss a story told by the South Australian Ngarrindjeri Aboriginal elder, Aunty Hilda Wilson (nee Varcoe), about the time when, at not quite sixteen, she was sent from the Point Pearce Aboriginal Station to work in the Adelaide Hills, some 500 kilometres away, as a housekeeper for “one of Adelaide’s leading doctors”. Her secondment was part of a widespread practice in early and mid-twentieth century Australia of placing young Aboriginal women “of marriageable age” from missions and government reserves into domestic service. Consciously deploying Indigenous storytelling practices as pedagogy, Hilda Wilson recounted this episode in a number of distinct ways during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Across these iterations, each building on the other, she exhibited a personal resilience in her subjectivity, embedded in Indigenous knowledge systems of relationality, kin and work, which informed her agency and determination in a challenging situation in which she was both caring for a white socially-privileged family of five, while simultaneously grappling with the injustices of a state system of segregated indentured labour. Kirmayer and colleagues propose that “notions of resilience emerging from developmental psychology and psychiatry in recent years address the distinctive cultures, geographic and social settings, and histories of adversity of indigenous peoples”. Resilience is understood here as an ability to actively engage with traumatic change, involving the capacity to absorb stress and to transform in order to cope with it (Luthar et al.). Further to this, in an Indigenous context, Marion Kickett has found the capacity for resilience to be supported by three key factors: family connections, culture and belonging as well as notions of identity and history. In exploring the layers of this autobiographical story, I employ this extended psychological notion of resilience in both a domestic ambit as well as the broader social context for Indigenous people surviving a system of external domination. Additionally I consider the resilience Aunty Hilda demonstrates at a pivotal interlude between girlhood and womanhood within the trajectory of her overall long and productive life, and within an intergenerational history of resistance and accommodation. What is especially important about her storytelling is its refusal to be contained by the imaginary of the settler nation and its generic Aboriginal-female subject. She refuses victimhood while at the same time illuminating the mechanisms of injustice, hinting also at possibilities for alternative and more equitable relationships of family and work across cultural divides. Considered through this prism, resilience is, I suggest, also a quality firmly connected to ideas of Aboriginal cultural-sovereignty and standpoint and to, what Victoria Grieves has identified as, the Aboriginal knowledge value of sharing (25, 28, 45). Storytelling as Pedagogy The story I discuss was verbally recounted in a manner that Westphalen describes as “a continuation of Dreaming Stories”, functioning to educate and connect people and country (13-14). As MacGill et al. note, “the critical and transformative aspects of decolonising pedagogies emerge from storytelling and involve the gift of narrative and the enactment of reciprocity that occurs between the listener and the storyteller.” Hilda told me that as a child she was taught not to ask questions when listening to the stories of an Elder, and her own children were raised in this manner. Hilda's oldest daughter described this as a process involving patience, intrigue and surprise (Elva Wanganeen). Narratives unfold through nuance and repetition in a complexity of layers that can generate multiple levels of meaning over time. Circularity and recursivity underlie this pedagogy through which mnemonic devices are built so that stories become re-membered and inscribed on the body of the listener. When a perceived level of knowledge-transference has occurred, a narrator may elect to elaborate further, adding another detail that will often transform the story’s social, cultural, moral or political context. Such carefully chosen additional detail, however, might re-contextualise all that has gone before. As well as being embodied, stories are also emplaced, and thus most appropriately told in the Country where events occurred. (Here I use the Aboriginal English term “Country” which encompasses home, clan estate, and the powerful complex of spiritual, animate and inanimate forces that bind people and place.) Hilda Wilson’s following account of her first job as a housekeeper for “one of Adelaide’s leading doctors”, Dr Frank Swann, provides an illustration of how she expertly uses traditional narrative forms of incrementally structured knowledge transmission within a cross-cultural setting to tell a story that expresses practices of resilience as resistance and transformation at its core. A “White Doctor” Story: The First Layer Aunty Hilda first told me this story when we were winding along the South Eastern Freeway through the Adelaide hills between Murray Bridge and Mount Barker, in 1997, on our way home to Adelaide from a trip to Camp Coorong, the Ngarrindjeri cultural education centre co-founded by her granddaughter. She was then 86 years old. Ahead of us, the profile of Mt Lofty rose out of the plains and into view. The highest peak in the Mount Lofty ranges, Yurrebilla, as it is known to Kaurna Aboriginal people, or Mt Lofty, has been an affluent enclave of white settlement for Adelaide’s moneyed elite since early colonial times. Being in place, or in view of place, provided the appropriate opportunity for her to tell me the story. It belongs to a group of stories that during our initial period of working together changed little over time until one day two years later she an added contextual detail which turned it inside out. Hilda described the doctor’s spacious hill-top residence, and her responsibilities of caring for Dr Swann’s invalid wife (“an hysteric who couldn't do anything for herself”), their twin teenage boys (who attended private college in the city) along with another son and younger daughter living at home (pers. com. Hilda Wilson). Recalling the exhilaration of looking down over the sparkling lights of Adelaide at night from this position of apparent “privilege” on the summit, she related this undeniably as a success story, justifiably taking great pride in her achievements as a teenager, capable of stepping into the place of the non-Indigenous doctor's wife in running the large and demanding household. Successfully undertaking a wide range of duties employed in the care of a family, including the disabled mother, she is an active participant crucial to the lives of all in the household, including to the work of the doctor and the twin boys in private education. Hilda recalled that Mrs Swann was unable to eat without her assistance. As the oldest daughter of a large family Hilda had previously assisted in caring for her younger siblings. Told in this way, her account collapses social distinctions, delineating a shared social and physical space, drawing its analytic frame from an Indigenous ethos of subjectivity, relationality, reciprocity and care. Moreover Hilda’s narrative of domestic service demonstrates an assertion of agency that resists colonial and patriarchal hegemony and inverts the master/mistress-servant relationship, one she firmly eschews in favour of the self-affirming role of the lady of the house. (It stands in contrast to the abuse found in other accounts for example Read, Tucker, Kartinyeri. Often the key difference was a continuity of family connections and ongoing family support.) Indeed the home transformed into a largely feminised and cross-culturalised space in which she had considerable agency and responsibility when the doctor was absent. Hilda told me this story several times in much the same way during our frequent encounters over the next two years. Each telling revealed further details that fleshed a perspective gained from what Patricia Hill Collins terms an “epistemic privilege” via her “outsider-within status” of working within a white household, lending an understanding of its social mechanisms (12-15). She also stressed the extent of her duty of care in upholding the family’s well-being, despite the work at times being too burdensome. The Second Version: Coming to Terms with Intersecting Oppressions Later, as our relationship developed and deepened, when I began to record her life-narrative as part of my doctoral work, she added an unexpected detail that altered its context completely: It was all right except I slept outside in a tin shed and it was very cold at night. Mount Lofty, by far the coldest part of Adelaide, frequently experiences winter maximum temperatures of two or three degrees and often light snowfalls. This skilful reframing draws on Indigenous storytelling pedagogy and is expressly used to invite reflexivity, opening questions that move the listener from the personal to the public realm in which domestic service and the hegemony of the home are pivotal in coming to terms with the overlapping historical oppressions of class, gender, race and nation. Suddenly we witness her subjectivity starkly shift from one self-defined and allied with an equal power relationship – or even of dependency reversal cast as “de-facto doctor's wife” – to one diminished by inequity and power imbalance in the outsider-defined role of “mistreated servant”. The latter was signalled by the dramatic addition of a single signifying detail as a decoding device to a deeper layer of meaning. In this parallel stratum of the story, Hilda purposefully brings into relief the politics in which “the private domain of women's housework intersected with the public domain of governmental social engineering policies” (Haskins 4). As Aileen Moreton-Robinson points out, what for White Australia was cheap labour and a civilising mission, for Indigenous women constituted stolen children and slavery. Protection and then assimilation were government policies under which Indigenous women grew up. (96) Hilda was sent away from her family to work in 1927 by the universally-feared Sister Pearl McKenzie, a nurse who too-zealously (Katinyeri, Ngarrindjeri Calling, 23) oversaw the Chief Protector’s policies of “training” Aboriginal children from the South Australian missions in white homes once they reached fourteen (Haebich, 316—20). Indeed many prominent Adelaide hills’ families benefited from Aboriginal labour under this arrangement. Hilda explained her struggle with the immense cultural dislocation that removal into domestic service entailed, a removal her grandfather William Rankine had travelled from Raukkan to Government House to protest against less than a decade earlier (The Register December 21, 1923). This additional layer of story also illuminates Hilda’s capacity for resilience and persistence in finding a way forward through the challenge of her circumstances (Luthar et al.), drawing on her family networks and sense of personhood (Kickett). Hilda related that her father visited her at Mount Lofty twice, though briefly, on his way to shearing jobs in the south-east of the state. “He said it was no good me living like this,” she stated. Through his active intervention, reinforcement was requested and another teenager from Point Pearce, Hilda’s future husband’s cousin, Annie Sansbury, soon arrived to share the workload. But, Hilda explained, the onerous expectations coupled with the cultural segregation of retiring to the tin shed quickly became too much for Annie, who stayed only three months, leaving Hilda coping again alone, until her father applied additional pressure for a more suitable placement to be found for his daughter. In her next position, working for the family of a racehorse trainer, Hilda contentedly shared the bedroom with the small boy for whom she cared, and not long after returned to Point Pearce where she married Robert Wilson and began a family of her own. Gendered Resilience across Cultural Divides Hilda explicitly speaks into these spaces to educate me, because all but a few white women involved have remained silent about their complicity with state sanctioned practices which exploited Indigenous labour and removed children from their families through the policies of protection and assimilation. For Indigenous women, speaking out was often fraught with the danger of a deeper removal from family and Country, even of disappearance. Victoria Haskins writes extensively of two cases in New South Wales where young Aboriginal women whose protests concerning their brutal treatment at the hands of white employers, resulted in their wrongful and prolonged committal to mental health and other institutions (147-52, 228-39). In the indentured service of Indigenous women it is possible to see oppression operating through Eurocentric ideologies of race, class and gender, in which Indigenous women were assumed to take on, through displacement, the more oppressed role of white women in pre-second world war non-Aboriginal Australian society. The troubling silent shadow-figure of the “doctor’s wife” indeed provides a haunting symbol of - and also a forceful rebellion against – the docile upper middle-class white femininity of the inter-war era. Susan Bordo has argued that that “the hysteric” is archetypal of a discourse of ‘pathology as embodied protest’ in which the body may […] be viewed as a surface on which conventional constructions of femininity are exposed starkly to view in extreme or hyperliteral form. (20) Mrs Swann’s vulnerability contrasts markedly with the strength Hilda expresses in coping with a large family, emanating from a history of equitable gender relations characteristic of Ngarrindjeri society (Bell). The intersection of race and gender, as Marcia Langton contends “continues to require deconstruction to allow us to decolonise our consciousness” (54). From Hilda’s brief description one grasps a relationship resonant with that between the protagonists in Tracy Moffat's Night Cries, (a response to the overt maternalism in the film Jedda) in which the white mother finds herself utterly reliant on her “adopted” Aboriginal daughter at the end of her life (46-7). Resilience and Survival The different versions of story Hilda deploys, provide a pedagogical basis to understanding the broader socio-political framework of her overall life narrative in which an ability to draw on the cultural continuity of the past to transform the future forms an underlying dynamic. This demonstrated capacity to meet the challenging conditions thrown up by the settler-colonial state has its foundations in the connectivity and cultural strength sustained generationally in her family. Resilience moves from being individually to socially determined, as in Kickett’s model. During the onslaught of dispossession, following South Australia’s 1836 colonial invasion, Ngarrindjeri were left near-starving and decimated from introduced diseases. Pullume (c1808-1888), the rupuli (elected leader of the Ngarrindjeri Tendi, or parliament), Hilda’s third generation great-grandfather, decisively steered his people through the traumatic changes, eventually negotiating a middle-path after the Point McLeay Mission was established on Ngarrindjeri country in 1859 (Jenkin, 59). Pullume’s granddaughter, the accomplished, independent-thinking Ellen Sumner (1842—1925), played an influential educative role during Hilda’s youth. Like other Ngarrindjeri women in her lineage, Ellen Sumner was skilled in putari practice (female doctor) and midwifery culture that extended to a duty of care concerning women and children (teaching her “what to do and what not to do”), which I suggest is something Hilda herself drew from when working with the Swann family. Hilda’s mother and aunties continued aspects of the putari tradition, attending births and giving instruction to women in the community (Bell, 171, Hughes Grandmother, 52-4). As mentioned earlier, when the South Australian government moved to introduce The Training of Children Act (SA) Hilda’s maternal grandfather William Rankine campaigned vigorously against this, taking a petition to the SA Governor in December 1923 (Haebich, 315-19). As with Aunty Hilda, William Rankine used storytelling as a method to draw public attention to the inequities of his times in an interview with The Register which drew on his life-narrative (Hughes, My Grandmother, 61). Hilda’s father Wilfred Varcoe, a Barngarrla-Wirrungu man, almost a thousand kilometres away from his Poonindie birthplace, resisted assimilation by actively pursuing traditional knowledge networks using his mobility as a highly sought after shearer to link up with related Elders in the shearing camps, (and as we saw to inspect the conditions his daughter was working under at Mt Lofty). The period Hilda spent as a servant to white families to be trained in white ways was in fact only a brief interlude in a long life in which family connections, culture and belonging (Kickett) served as the backbone of her resilience and resistance. On returning to the Point Pearce Mission, Hilda successfully raised a large family and activated a range of community initiatives that fostered well-being. In the 1960s she moved to Adelaide, initially as the sole provider of her family (her husband later followed), to give her younger children better educational opportunities. Working with Aunty Gladys Elphick OBE through the Council of Aboriginal Women, she played a foundational role in assisting other Aboriginal women establish their families in the city (Mattingly et al., 154, Fisher). In Adelaide, Aunty Hilda became an influential, much loved Elder, living in good health to the age of ninety-six years. The ability to survive changing circumstances, to extend care over and over to her children and Elders along with qualities of leadership, determination, agency and resilience have passed down through her family, several of whom have become successful in public life. These include her great-grandson and former AFL football player, Michael O’Loughlin, her great-nephew Adam Goodes and her-grand-daughter, the cultural weaver Aunty Ellen Trevorrow. Arguably, resilience contributes to physical as well as cultural longevity, through caring for the self and others. Conclusion This story demonstrates how sociocultural dimensions of resilience are contextualised in practices of everyday lives. We see this in the way that Aunty Hilda Wilson’s self-narrated story resolutely defies attempts to know, subjugate and categorise, operating instead in accord with distinctively Aboriginal expressions of gender and kinship relations that constitute an Aboriginal sovereignty. Her storytelling activates a revision of collective history in ways that valorise Indigenous identity (Kirmayer et al.). Her narrative of agency and personal achievement, one that has sustained her through life, interacts with the larger narrative of state-endorsed exploitation, diffusing its power and exposing it to wider moral scrutiny. Resilience in this context is inextricably entwined with practices of cultural survival and resistance developed in response to the introduction of government policies and the encroachment of settlers and their world. We see resilience too operating across Hilda Wilson’s family history, and throughout her long life. The agency and strategies displayed suggest alternative realities and imagine other, usually more equitable, possible worlds. References Bell, Diane. Ngarrindjeri Wurruwarrin: A World That Is, Was and Will Be. Melbourne: Spinifex, 1998. 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