Articles de revues sur le sujet « 1893-1949 »

All the root inhabiting migratory endoparasitic nematode populations of Radopholus procured from banana crop of Vellayani, Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala were identified as Radopholus similis. Heat killed females were straight to slightly ventrally curved posteriorly. Female’s head was low, rounded, continuous or slightly setoff with the body contour. Females were 500-660 µm long and were comparatively longer than males. Males had button shaped head set off by a constriction; female with three to five lip annuli, four crenate and areolated lateral incisures, stylet 14-18 µm long with rounded knobs, vulva post-equatorial (58%), sometimes with slight protuberant lips, ovary paired and equally developed, oesophageal gland overlapped the intestine dorsally, tail elongate-conoid with narrowly rounded terminus. The stylet length (µm), width of stylet knob (µm), distance of excretory pore from anterior end (µm), distance from head to basal bulb (µm), lateral field structure, shape of stylet knob, head region, position of phasmid, tail shape with its terminus, morphometric values like m%, o% and v% and a, c and c´ ratios of females were stable (CV<12%) features. There is an existence of intra-specific variability in the morphological and morphometric features of R. similis. The main morphological diversity was observed with P% of male and female, b ratio of female and stylet length, distance of DEGO from stylet base, o% and T% of male. All the root inhabiting migratory endoparasitic nematode populations of Radopholus Thorne, 1949 procured from banana of Vellayani, Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala were identified as Radopholus similis (Cobb, 1893) Thorne, 1949. A high degree of intra-specific morphometric variability was observed with regard to the total body length (µm), body width (µm), stylet length (µm), distance of dosrsal oesophageal gland orifice (DEGO) from stylet base (µm), number of lip annuli, lip height (µm), distance from head to basal bulb (µm), distance of anus from anterior end (µm), tail length (µm), anal body width (µm), distance of phasmid from tail terminus (µm), number of lateral lines, width of lateral field (µm), b ratio and P % among females of R. similis. Morphometric features like m%, o% and v% of females of R. similis showed least variability. These can be considered as the stable morphometric characters for discrimination of females of R. similis. Ratios like ‘a’ and ‘c’ of females of R. similis were found moderately variable. The morphometric feature and of male i.e. distance from head to basal bulb (µm) was found least variable; while number of lip annuli and spicule length (µm) were moderately variable.

Otto Sverdrup, born 1854, is one of the main polar explorers in Norway. However he is much less known not only than Fridtjof Nansen and Roald Amundsen, but also than Hjalmar Johansen, who was a member of Nansen´s Fram expedition 1893-96, and also lesser known than Eivind Astrup, who took part in two of Robert Peary´s expeditons across northern Greenland in 1891-92 and 1893-94. Hjalmar Johansen and Eivind Astrup published their own accounts from the expeditons: Selv-anden paa 86°14'. Optegnelser fra Den Norske polarfærd 1893-96 (1898) and Blandt Nordpolens naboer (1895). Astrup´s book was reprinted in 1990 and 2004, and Johansen´s book was reprinted in 1942, 1949 and 2003. They are both included in the Polar Library, together with books by Nansen and Amundsen (the Polar Liberary is by Kagge publishing house).Otto Sverdrup´s polar expedition report New Land (Nyt land), a two volume work from 1903, from the second Fram expedition 1898-1902 to north-west Greenland and northern Canada, is in comparison never reprinted. He is not in the Polar library. And his name is among readers of travelogues very much forgotten. Why is this, and what kind of book is New Land?

In this article, I map some of the US-Brazil networks of intellectuals who helped to develop the field of Afro-Brazilian studies in the 1930s. While discussing the emergence and institutionalization of the field, I highlight the role of figures such as Rüdiger Bilden (1893-1980), Melville Herskovits (1895-1963), Donald Pierson (1900-1995), Gilberto Freyre (1900-1987), Arthur Ramos (1903-1949), Ruth Landes (1908-1991), and Edison Carneiro (1912-1972). Together, these scholars from the United States and Brazil were key to the development of Afro-Brazilian studies as an interdisciplinary field.

We obtained and analyzed whole genome data for more than 160 representatives of skipper butterflies (family Hesperiidae) from all known subfamilies, tribes and most distinctive genera. We found that two genera, Katreus Watson, 1893 and Ortholexis Karsch, 1895, which are sisters, are well-separated from all other major phylogenetic lineages and originate near the base of the Hesperiidae tree, prior to the origin of some subfamilies. Due to this ancient origin compared to other subfamilies, this group is described as Katreinae Grishin, subfam. n. DNA sequencing of primary type specimens reveals that Ortholexismelichroptera Karsch, 1895 is not a female of Ortholexisholocausta Mabille, 1891, but instead a female of Ortholexisdimidia Holland, 1896. This finding establishes O.dimidia as a junior subjective synonym of O.melichroptera. Furthermore, we see that Chamunda Evans, 1949 does not originate within Pyrginae Burmeister, 1878, but, unexpectedly, forms an ancient lineage of its own at the subfamily rank: Chamundinae Grishin, subfam. n. Finally, a group of two sister genera, Barca de Nicéville, 1902 and Apostictopterus Leech, [1893], originates around the time Hesperiinae Latreille, 1809 have split from their sister clade. A new subfamily Barcinae Grishin, subfam. n. sets them apart from all other Hesperiidae.

AbstractLim Keng Lian (1893–1968) was a prominent tea merchant in Singapore from the mid-1920s until his death. He also concerned himself with the educational needs of the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya. During the 1930s and 1940s, he worked tirelessly to raise overseas Chinese awareness of the plight of China. As a supporter of the Kuomintang, he made his mark as a leading overseas Chinese representative in the party, remaining loyal even after the KMT's defeat in 1949. Despite his dedication to the welfare of the overseas Chinese, his foray into Chinese politics and his success in the tea business, Lim remains largely neglected in overseas Chinese studies. This article mainly traces his attempts at reforming overseas Chinese education in the 1930s, his work as a community leader among the Hokkien community in Malaya, his entry into Chinese politics as a wartime parliamentarian, and his brief stint as Deputy Chairman of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission in China.

Forest coverage is important geographical factor for every country, so it is very important to regulate, control and supervise it. The purpose of this paper – to analyze forest changes in Aukštadvaris Regional Park in the period from 1893 to 2015. In order to reach the goal, certain tasks were accomplished. Firstly, with the use of GIS and cartographic sources of different periods (1:21 000 – 1:25 000 scale topographic maps of the Republic of Lithuania forest cadastral digital data) to identify forest areas of Aukštadvaris Regional Park in 1893, 1934, 1949, 1984, 2000, 2015, changes were identified and their spatial distribution were examined. During the study maps were made to reflect the mentioned years, changes that had occurred during period between the years, all of this information were analyzed, evaluated and described. Second, causes and factors of forest changes in Aukštadvaris Regional Park area were examined. It showed that the main reason for this was government policies, wars, lack of natural-growth control. Finally, the results, information and trends were compared with the Lithuanian forest situation and trends. In this way, problems, regional park is facing, were highlighted – too many fast growing forest coverage, because in Lithuania forest coverage were both increasing and decreasing over the period of time, and right now it stands at 33,4 %, but in the regional park of Aukštadvaris, during analyzed period has only been rising and right now stands at 54,8 %. If the situation will not change and appropriate measures will not be taken, forest coverage can reach 60%.

The poorly known type species of Acrotreta, A. subconica Kutorga, 1848 [=Spondylotreta faceta Gorjansky, 1969], is redescribed and a neotype selected from the lower Arenig (Billingen Stage, Oeland Series) Päite beds in the environs of St. Petersburg (Tosna river), Russia. Acrotreta is also the type of the lingulate brachiopod family Acrotretidae Schuchert, 1893, and order Acrotretida Kuhn, 1949. Four new species are described: A. korynevskii from the upper Tremadoc–lower Arenig, South Ural Mountains; A. tallinnensis from the upper Arenig (Volkhov Stage), Tallinn, northern Estonia; A. nobilis from the Llanvirn (Kunda Stage), Siljan district, Sweden; A. cooperi from the Llandeilo, Alabama, USA. Acrotreta has many features in common with Spondylotreta Cooper, 1956. The type species of the latter, S. concentrica Cooper, 1956, from the Llandeilo Pratt Ferry beds at Pratt Ferry, Alabama, is refigured.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Inspired by Armin W. Geertz’ research into Hopi religion and culture, I focused on the religion of another Native American people, the Kwakwaka’wakw (Kwakiutl) on the American Northwest Coast for the seminar celebrating Geertz’ 70-year birthday. The material on Kwakwaka’wakw is heavily influenced by George Hunt (1854-1933), who worked as a consultant for both Franz Boas and Edward Curtis, but is also to be regarded as an anthropologist in his own right. I choose to concentrate on the ritual aspects of George Hunt’s life story and touch on Hunt’s performance at the Chicago World’s Fair 1893, his participation in the production of Edward Curtis’ feature-length, narrative, ethnographic film In the Land of the Head Hunters(1914), and Hunt’s work as collector for museums and text-editions in collaboration with Franz Boas. In the last part of the paper, I discuss the autobiographical text on his initiation as a shaman “I Desired to Learn the Ways of the Shamans”, published by Boas in 1930, and made famous by Lévi-Strauss in the article “Le sorcier et sa magie” (1949)/ “The Sorcerer and His Magic” (1963) under the initiate’s shaman-name, Quesalid. DANSK RESUME: Med inspiration i Armin W. Geertz’ forskningsindsats inden for hopireligion og -kultur søgte jeg i mit indlæg til Geertz’ 70-års fødselsdags-seminar at belyse nogle kultiske aspekter af religionsudviklingen hos et andet af Amerikas oprindelige folk, kwakwaka’wakw (kwakiutl) på den amerikanske Nordvestkyst. Materialet er stærkt præget af George Hunt (1854-1933), som var konsulent for både Franz Boas og Edward Curtis, men tillige må betragtes som antropolog i sin egen ret. Jeg har valgt at fokusere på de rituelle aspekter af George Hunts livshistorie og berører hans optræden ved verdensudstillingen i Chicago 1893, hans medvirken i produktionen af Edward Curtis’ etnografiske spillefilm In the Land of the Head Hunters1914 og hans meget omfattende indsamling til museer og tekstudgivelser i samarbejde med Franz Boas. Artiklen munder ud i en drøftelse af den selvbiografiske beretning om hans indvielse til shaman “I Desired to learn the Ways of the Shamans”, en tekst, som Boas udgav i 1930, og som Lévi-Strauss gjorde kendt under hovedpersonens shaman-navn, Quesalid, i artiklen “Le sorcier et sa magie” (1949)/“The Sorcerer and His Magic” (1963).

The genera Diplocladus Fairmaire and Strotocera Schenkling are taxonomically revised. Thirty four species are recognized within this revision (11 Diplocladus, 23 Strotocera). Diplocladus tilloides Fairmaire, 1887 n. syn., and Diplocladus rhodesianus Péringuey, 1899 n. syn., are placed in synonymy with Diplocladus louvelii Spinola, 1844; Strotocera sjoestedti Schenkling, 1908 n. syn., is synonymized with Strotocera convexa Hintz, 1905; Strotocera multisignata Pic, 1926 n. syn., is synonymized with Strotocera emerita Péringuey, 1899; Strotocera orangica Kuwert, 1893 n. syn., is synonymized with Strotocera versicolor Chevrolat, 1842 and Strotocera unimaculata Pic, 1953, n. comb., n. syn., is synonymized with Diplocladus discoidalis Schenkling, 1908. The following species are described as new taxa: Diplocladus arabicus, Diplocladus bipunctatus, Diplocladus compactus, Diplocladus ebureofasciatus, Diplocladus nigrinus, Diplocladus rufobasalis, Strotocera auratopilosa, Strotocera bartletti, Strotocera brevefasciata, Strotocera chicoi, Strotocera elegantula, Strotocera mawdsleyi, Strotocera minuscula, Strotocera roberti, Strotocera rufoapicalis, Strotocera similis, Strotocera topolinae, Strotocera werneri. The Madagascan Diplocladus trinotatus (Pic, 1949) is excluded from Diplocladus in this revision; a review of the Madagascan tilline genera is required to determine its correct generic placement. Isocymatodera atricolor (Pic, 1935) new combination, is here removed from Strotocera.

The phylogenetic relationships of Glossiphoniidae, a leech family characterised by its high degree of parental care, were investigated with the combined use of morphological data and three molecular datasets. There was strong support for monophyly of most accepted genera in the group, many of which are consistent with eyespot morphology. The genera Desserobdella Barta & Sawyer, 1990 and Oligobdella Moore, 1918 are suppressed as junior synonyms of Placobdella Blanchard, 1893 and thus recognising each of Placobdella picta (Verrill, 1872) Moore, 1906, Placobdella phalera (Graf, 1899) Moore, 1906, and Placobdella biannulata (Moore, 1900), comb. nov. The species Glossiphonia elegans (Verrill, 1872) Castle, 1900 and Helobdella modesta (Verrill, 1872), comb. nov. are resurrected for the North American counterparts to European non-sanguivorous species. Glossphonia baicalensis (Stschegolew, 1922), comb. nov. is removed from the genus Torix Blanchard 1898 and Alboglossiphonia quadrata (Moore, 1949) Sawyer, 1986 is removed from the genus Hemiclepsis Vejdovsky, 1884. The biogeographic implications of the phylogenetic hypothesis are evaluated in the context of what is already known for vertebrate hosts and Tertiary continental arrangements.

The taxonomy and natural history of the ant genus Crematogaster are reviewed for the Costa Rican fauna. Thirtyone species are known, and a key is provided for these and two additional species from adjacent regions of Panama. Species boundaries are evaluated over their entire range when possible. The taxonomic history of the genus is one of unbridled naming of new species and subspecies, with no synthetic works or keys. Major taxonomic changes are proposed, with the recognition of several polytypic species with very broad ranges and the synonymization of the many names associated with them. Crematogaster pygmaea Forel 1904, suturalis Forel 1912, ornatipilis Wheeler 1918, erici Santschi 1929, and chacoana Santschi 1933 are synonymized under abstinens Forel 1899; centralis Santschi 1932 under acuta (Fabricius 1804); aruga Forel 1913 under arcuata Forel 1899; ludio Forel 1912, armandi Forel 1921, inca Wheeler 1925, and cocciphila Borgmeier 1934 under brasiliensis Mayr 1878; parabiotica Forel 1904 under carinata Mayr 1862; brevispinosa Mayr 1870, minutior Forel 1893, schuppi Forel 1901, recurvispina Forel 1912, sampaioi Forel 1912, striatinota Forel 1912, townsendi Wheeler 1925, and chathamensis Wheeler 1933 under crinosa Mayr 1862; barbouri Weber 1934 under cubaensis Mann 1920; antillana Forel 1893, sculpturata Pergande 1896, kemali Santschi 1923, accola Wheeler 1934, phytoeca Wheeler 1934, panamana Wheeler 1942, and obscura Santschi 1929 under curvispinosa Mayr 1870; descolei Kusnezov 1949 under distans Mayr 1870; projecta Santschi 1925 under erecta Mayr 1866; carbonescens Forel 1913 under evallans Forel 1907; palans Forel 1912, ascendens Wheeler 1925, and dextella Santschi 1929 under limata F. Smith 1858; agnita Wheeler 1934 under obscurata Emery 1895; amazonensis Forel 1905, autruni Mann 1916, and guianensis Crawley 1916 under stollii Forel 1885; surdior Forel 1885, atitlanica Wheeler 1936, and maya Wheeler 1936 under sumichrasti Mayr 1870; tumulifera Forel 1899 and arizonensis Wheeler 1908 under torosa Mayr 1870. The following taxa are raised to species: ampla Forel 1912, brevidentata Forel 1912, chodati Forel 1921, crucis Forel 1912, cubaensis Mann 1920, goeldii Forel 1903, malevolens Santschi 1919, mancocapaci Santschi 1911, moelleri Forel 1912, montana Borgmeier 1939, obscurata Emery 1895, rochai Forel 1903, russata Wheeler 1925, sericea Forel 1912, stigmatica Forel 1911, sub-tonsa Santschi 1925, tenuicula Forel 1904, thalia Forel 1911, uruguayensis Santschi 1912, and vicina Andre 1893. The following new species are described: bryophilia, flavomicrops, flavosensitiva, foliocrypta, jardinero, levior, monteverdensis, raptor, snellingi, sotobosque, and wardi.

Eurotas Distant, 1884 is transferred from Mirinae, Mirini to Orthotylinae, Orthotylini (new subfamily placement) and Femurocoris Carvalho, 1977 is transferred from Mirinae, Mirini to Deraeocorinae, Hyaliodini (new subfamily placement). The following new combinations are suggested: Apolygus biannulatus (Poppius, 1915) comb. n. [Lygus], Apolygus bruneinensis (Carvalho, 1980) comb. n. [Lygus], Apolygus longirostris (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Apolygus umbratus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Guisardinus lineatus (Carvalho in Carvalho & Gross, 1979) comb. n. [Chrysorrhanis], Gutrida mocquerysi (Poppius, 1912) comb. n. [Lygus], Lampethusa attenuata (Distant, 1883). comb. n. [Taedia], Lygidolon vittatum (Reuter, 1903) comb. n. [Lygus], Lygocoris viridiflavus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Lygocoris vittulatus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Neolygus indicus (Poppius, 1914) comb. nov. [Lygus], Neolygus sondaicus (Poppius, 1914) [Lygus], Pleurochilophorus sexlineatus (Delattre, 1949) n. comb. [Corizidolon], Sabactiopus laevipennis (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Sabactiopus sublaevis (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Sabactus exiguus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Schoutedenomiris schmitzi (Chérot, 1996) comb. n. [Trigonotylus], and Taylorilygus oceanicus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus]. Lectotypes are designated for Corizidolon sexlineatum Delattre, 1949, Lygus exiguus Poppius, 1914, Lygus indicus Poppius, 1914, Lygus laevipennis Poppius, 1914, Lygus nebulosus Poppius, 1914, Lygus oceanicus Poppius, 1914, Lygus sondaicus Poppius, 1914, Lygus vittatus Reuter, 1903, and Miris cruentatus Brullé, 1832. Two replacement names – Tropidosteptes costai Schwartz & Chérot (nomen novum) and Phytocoris garyi Schwartz & Chérot (nomen novum) – are given respectively to Tropidosteptes scutellatus Carvalho & Costa, 1993 nec Tropidosteptes scutellatus Distant, 1893 and Phytocoris falcatus Stonedahl, 1995 nec Phytocoris falcatus Linnavuori, 1984. The following taxa are raised to species level: Neostenotus confluentus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus itatiaianus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus serranus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus similimus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus sulinus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Poeas alvarengai Carvalho, 1975 stat. n., Poeas atlantica Carvalho, 1975 stat. n, Poeas caatinga Carvalho, 1975 stat. n., Poeas chapada Carvalho, 1975 stat. n., and Poeas2© 2005 Magnolia Presscipoa Carvalho, 1975 stat. n. The subgeneric classification of Hyalopeplus cuneatus Carvalho in Carvalho & Gross, 1979 is discussed.

The crustacean amphipod genus Jassa is revised to encompass the type species J. falcata (Montagu, 1808), the previously recognized species J. ingens (Pfeffer, 1888), J. herdmani (Walker, 1893), J. pusilla (G. O. Sars, 1894), and J. marmorata Holmes, 1903, and the new species J. alonsoae, J. borowskyae, J. carltoni, J. fenwicki, J. gruneri, J. hartmannae, J. justi, J. morinoi, J. myersi, J. oclairi, J. shawi, J. slatteryi, J. staudei, and J. thurstoni. Jassa odontonyx (G. O. Sars, 1894) is synonymized with J. pusilla, and J. pulchella Leach, 1814 is confirmed as synonymous with J. falcata. Jassa wandeli Chevreux, 1906, J. multidentata Schellenberg, 1931, J. goniamera Walker, 1903, J. barnardi Stephensen, 1949, J. lilipuna J. L. Barnard, 1970, and J. ocia (Bate, 1862) will be assigned to other genera. The nomenclatural disposition of other species that were at one time assigned to the genus Jassa is also given. The genus Jassa can be distinguished from its closest relatives by the following key characters: the outer rami of the third uropods are tipped by a pair of cusps and a basally immersed, dorsally recurved spine; the palms of the first and second gnathopods are defined by a cluster of three spines; at the last molt the male produces a thumb-like protuberance on the propodus of the second gnathopods by incision of the palm anterior to the palm-defining spines; and thumbed males have dimorphic second gnathopods.

ObjectivesProviding lifetime smoking prevalence data and gender-specific cigarette consumption data for use in epidemiological studies of tobacco-induced cancer in Norway. Characterising smoking patterns in birth cohorts is essential for evaluating the impact of tobacco control interventions and predicting smoking-related mortality.SettingNorway.ParticipantsPreviously analysed annual surveys of smoking habits from 1954 to 1992, and individual lifetime smoking histories collected in 1965 from a sample of people born in 1893–1927, were supplemented with new annual surveys of smoking habits from 1993 to 2013. Age range 15–74 years.Primary outcome measureCurrent smoking proportions in 5-year gender-and-birth cohorts of people born between 1890 and 1994.ResultsThe proportion of smokers increased in male cohorts until the 1950s, when the highest proportion of male smokers (76–78%) was observed among those born in 1915–1934. Among women, the peak (52%) occurred 20 years later, in women born in 1940–1949. After 1970 smoking has declined in all cohorts of men and women. In the 1890–1894 cohorts, male smoking prevalence was several times higher than female, but the gap declined until no gender difference was present among those born after 1950. Gender-specific per capita consumption was even more skewed, and men have consumed over 70% of all cigarettes since 1930. The incidence of lung cancer for men peaked at around 2000, with the highest incidence rate estimated at ca. 38%. The incidence of lung cancer for women is still increasing, and estimated incidence rate for 2011 was 25.2%.ConclusionsIn an epidemiological perspective, men have had a longer and more intense exposure to cigarettes than women. The gender-specific incidence of lung cancer reflects the gender difference in consumption over time.

Missionary ethnographers provided expert knowledge during the formative years of nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century anthropology, but are generally relegated to the footnotes of academic anthropology. Colonial missionaries were, nevertheless, crucial producers of cultural practices, knowledge, and texts in the particular locations where they worked. Missionary linguists, for example, contributed to the standardization of regional variations through the production of writing systems and the teaching of reading in mission schools. Missionaries also interacted with literate Africans in mission stations to produce cultural descriptions that then filtered back into local practices or auto-ethnographic representations, to be discovered anew by later anthropologists. At the same time, of course, as many missionaries themselves recognized, there was inherent tension between the scientific study of African cultural practices and the evangelizing project that sought to induce radical cultural change.To examine the often contentious relationship between missionary expertise, social science, and ethnographic knowledge in colonial Gabon, I look comparatively at the fieldwork experiences and writings of the American Presbyterian, Robert Hamill Nassau (1835-1921), and the French Spiritan, Henri Trilles (1866-1949). Nassau worked in present-day Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Cameroon from 1861 to 1906, while Trilles spent three extended stays in Gabon between 1893 and 1907. Both men claimed expert ethnographic understanding based on long-term, firsthand daily contact with Africans, fluency in African languages, and empa-thetic understanding of Africans, while at the same time expressing standard missionary shock and awe at African customs, fetishism, and cannibalism. Both learned African languages, traveled in the interior of present-day Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, clashed with fellow missionaries, and wrote prolifically, especially after their definitive departures from Africa. Although each man's personality, experiences, and approaches to ethnography were unique, together they nonetheless exemplify the broader uses and challenges of missionary ethnography.

In 1922 the Irish Free State began life with a constitution which embodied two contradictory principles. The first recognized that all powers of government derive from the people and provided for a system of government in which the Irish Cabinet was clearly responsible to the popularly elected Irish lower house, Dail Eireann. The second recognized a monarch, King George V, as head of the Irish executive, with substantial prerogative powers derived not from the Irish people but from British common law. The constitution was a compromise between Britain and Irish republicans to end the Irish War of Independence. Though not every compromise in politics makes complete sense, for Britain this one represented more than a short-range expedient. Its contradictions represented the dying gasp in a long, often anguished, and ultimately futile attempt by Britain to devise a formula which would simultaneously permit the Irish a measure of self-government and protect vital British interests in Ireland.This essay will review the attempts to construct a satisfactory Anglo-Irish relationship in the years between 1782 and 1949. It will concentrate on four models of government proposed for Ireland: (a) the independent Irish Parliament of the period from 1782 to 1800, (b) O'Connell's proposals to repeal the union with Britain in the 1830s and 1840s, (c) the devolution proposed in the home rule bills of 1886, 1893, 1912, and the Government of Ireland Act of 1920, and (d) the independence provided in the Irish Free State constitution of 1922 and its successor, the Irish constitution of 1937. It will also place these models in the context of the constitutional evolution of the British Empire. In the Canadian, New Zealand, Australian, and South African colonies, colonial self-government and British imperial interests were reconciled, beginning in Nova Scotia in 1848, by using a kind of constitutional double-think involving the Crown and the colonial Governor. But the problem of the troubled Anglo-Irish relationship could not be resolved so easily.

Mezinárodní statistická klasifikace nemocí a přidružených zdra-votních problémů, dále jen MKN, (v originále International Sta-tistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems) je publikace spravovaná Světovou zdravotnickou organizací (WHO), která kodifikuje systém označování a klasifikace lidských onemocnění, poruch, zdravotních problémů a dalších příznaků, situací či okolností. Původně vznikla publikace v roce 1893 jako Klasifikace příčin úmrtí a jejím cílem bylo umožnit mezinárodní srovnání záznamů o úmrtích. WHO převzala odpovědnost za klasifika-ci roku 1948 a počínaje šestou revizí klasifikace, o níž jednala v roce 1949 konference v Paříži, započala přeměna klasifikace v univerzální seznam diagnóz. Klasifikace se postupně stala vše-strannou pomůckou např. pro řízení zdravotní politiky nebo při vykazování péče zdravotním pojišťovnám a obdobným plateb-ním systémům. 43. plenární zasedání Světového zdravotnické-ho shromáždění WHO se usneslo přijmout MKN ve znění desáté decenální revize s novým názvem „Mezinárodní statistická klasifikace nemocí a přidružených zdravotních problémů“ (MKN-10) s účinností od 1. 1. 1993. V České republice probíhaly přípravy na použití MKN-10 ve spolupráci s řadou odborníků, včetně zástupců českých odborných společností, a klasifikace nabyla platnosti od roku 1994. V roce 2004 vydala WHO druhé aktualizované vydání MKN-10, na jehož základě vznikla druhá aktualizovaná verze českého vydání MKN-10, v roce 2016 pak vydala zatím poslední vydání, ze kterého vychází i aktualizova-ná verze překladu MKN-10 pro rok 2018.Přepracované verze klasifikace vycházejí zhruba s desetile-tou frekvencí a odlišují se číslem uváděným za zkratkou MKN (například MKN-9, MKN-8 apod.). Pro nynější desátou revizi byl schválen aktualizační proces, který prodloužil její platnost da-lece za obvyklých deset let. Od roku 1996 jsou Světovou zdra-votnickou organizací vydávány pravidelné roční aktualizace, přičemž změny s větším dopadem (přidání či zrušení kódu, pře-sun položky apod.) vycházejí jen jednou za tři roky (naposledy v roce 2016). V České republice bylo poslední tištěné vydání MKN-10 publikováno v roce 2008, neobsahovalo však Instrukční příručku, která byla publikována naposledy v roce 1996. Násled-né aktualizace v letech 2012, 2013, 2014 a 2017 byly zveřejněny pouze v elektronické podobě. K 1. 1. 2018 vstoupila v ČR v platnost nová verze MKN-10, ve které došlo k rozsáhlým změnám ve všech třech svazcích. Tato verze obsahuje nejen aktualizace provedené na úrovni WHO v letech 2015–2017, ale také změny aplikované Ústavem zdra-votnických informací a statistiky ČR (ÚZIS ČR). Vzhledem k tomu, že MKN-10 se snaží zachytit jazyk moderní medicíny a zároveň ho i zpětně ovlivňuje, musí být jejím smyslem i jazyková kulti-vace. Ze strany ÚZIS ČR proto došlo nejen k opravě pravopis-ných, typografických a stylistických chyb, ale také k částečnému terminologickému sjednocení. Publikace je dostupná jak v tiš-těné, tak elektronické podobě. Veškeré elektronické podklady jsou k dispozici na webové stránce http://www.uzis.cz/katalog/klasifikace/mkn.

The genus Neorthrius Gerstmeier & Eberle, 2011 is taxonomically revised to include sixty-one species. The following thirty-one species are described as new: Neorthrius aduncus n. sp., Neorthrius aurantiacus n. sp., Neorthrius bipunctatus n. sp., Neorthrius bonasus n. sp., Neorthrius brunnorbis n. sp., Neorthrius buteocoloratus n. sp., Neorthrius cechovskyi n. sp., Neorthrius centromaculatus n. sp., Neorthrius chiangmaii n. sp., Neorthrius cornutus n. sp., Neorthrius crassopunctatus n. sp., Neorthrius ebenus n. sp., Neorthrius elegantulus n. sp., Neorthrius fortecruris n. sp., Neorthrius fulvus n. sp., Neorthrius fuscomaculosus n. sp., Neorthrius guttatus n. sp., Neorthrius longulus n. sp., Neorthrius majae n. sp., Neorthrius mariannae n. sp., Neorthrius molestus n. sp., Neorthrius schnitzeli n. sp., Neorthrius serratus n. sp., Neorthrius sexmaculatus n. sp., Neorthrius sigmoideus n. sp., Neorthrius tenuistriatus n. sp., Neorthrius tulipae n. sp., Neorthrius unicolor n. sp., Neorthrius uniformis n. sp., Neorthrius volsella n. sp. and Neorthrius zebrinus n. sp.. The following taxa, described as varietal forms, are raised to the rank of species and transferred from Orthrius Gorham, 1876: Orthrius striatopunctatus var. bimaculatus Schenkling, 1901 and Orthrius striatopunctatus var. brunneus n. syn. = Neorthrius bimaculatus (Schenkling, 1901) n. comb., n. stat.; Orthrius tarsalis var. obscurus Schenkling, 1906 = Neorthrius obscurus (Schenkling, 1906) n. comb., n. stat.; Orthrius posticalis var. nigricollis Corporaal 1926a: 180 = Neorthrius nigricollis (Corporaal, 1926), n. stat., n. comb. The following new synonymies are proposed: Orthrius deboyssyi Pic, 1951 n. syn. is synonymized with Neorthrius crassipes (Chapin, 1928) n. comb. Orthrius nigromaculatus Pic, 1951 n. syn. is synonymized with Neorthrius bimaculatus (Schenkling, 1901) n. comb. Orthrius rufitarsis Pic, 1932 n. syn., n. comb. is synonymized with Neorthrius obscurus (Schenkling, 1906). The following species are transferred to Neorthrius from Orthrius: Neorthrius angusticollis (Schenkling, 1902), n. comb., Neorthrius bengalus (Westwood, 1852) n. comb., Neorthrius bicrucis (Chapin, 1924) n. comb., Neorthrius brachialis (Gorham, 1893) n. comb., Neorthrius carinifrons (Schenkling, 1900) n. comb., Neorthrius crassipes (Chapin, 1928) n. comb., Neorthrius feae (Gorham, 1892) n. comb., Neorthrius grandjeani (Pic, 1932) n. comb.,in Neorthrius haemorrhoidalis (Schenkling, 1906) n. comb., Neorthrius innotatus (Pic, 1925) n. comb., Neorthrius madurensis (Gorham, 1895) n. comb., Neorthrius massiliensis (Pic, 1951) n. comb., Neorthrius octopunctatus (Schenkling, 1906) n. comb., Neorthrius pallidus (Chapin, 1924) n. comb., Neorthrius posticalis (Westwood, 1852) n. comb., Neorthrius pygidialis (Corporaal, 1949) n. comb., Neorthrius sexplagiatus (Schenkling, 1908) ) n. comb., Neorthrius sinensis (Gorham, 1876) n. comb., Neorthrius subfasciatus (Westwood, 1849) n. comb., Neorthrius subscalaris (Pic, 1954) n. comb., Neorthrius subsimilis (White, 1849) n. comb., Neorthrius subunicolor (Pic, 1935) n. comb., Neorthrius sulcatus (Pic, 1926) n. comb., Neorthrius sumatranus (Schenkling, 1899) n. comb., Neorthrius tarsalis (Gorham, 1892) n. comb. A key to species, color photographs of the habitus, the genitalia, the terminal abdominal segments and distribution maps are provided.

“In my entire life I did not produce a single painting that was uppermost in mind to create,” the celebrated painter Dong Xiwen (1914–1973) reportedly lamented on his deathbed. Dong may not have produced the dream piece that he would truly cherish, but he did create, albeit unwillingly, a deeply controversial work of art in his 1953 oil painting The Founding Ceremony of the Nation (Kaiguo dadian) (Figures 1 and 2), for it epitomizes the tension between art and politics in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In this famous piece, Dong portrays Chairman Mao Zedong (1893–1976) in Tiananmen Square on 1 October 1949, with his senior associates in attendance—Liu Shaoqi (1898–1969), Zhu De (1886–1976), Zhou Enlai (1898–1976), Gao Gang (1905–1954), Lin Boqu (1886–1960), and others. They are surrounded by huge lanterns, a Chinese symbol of prosperity, and a sea of red banners that declare the founding of a new nation. When first unveiled in 1953, the painting was widely hailed as one of the greatest oil paintings ever produced by a native artist. In just three months more than half-a-million reproductions of the painting were sold. But the fate of this work soon took an ominous turn, and the artist was requested to make three major revisions during his lifetime. In 1954 Dong was instructed to excise Gao Gang from the scene when Gao was purged by the Party for allegedly plotting to seize power and create an “independent kingdom” in Manchuria. During the Cultural Revolution in the mid-1960s Liu Shaoqi was accused of advocating a “bourgeois reactionary line” and subsequently was purged, and Dong was ordered in 1967 to redo his painting again and erased Liu from the inauguration scene. Then, in 1972, also during the Cultural Revolution, the radicals, commonly labeled the “Gang of Four,” ordered a third revision, namely, that Lin Boqu be eliminated from the painting for allegedly opposing the marriage of Mao and Jiang Qing (1914–1991) during the Yan'an days. By this time Dong was dying of cancer and was too ill to pick up the brush, so his student Jin Shangyi (b. 1934), and another artist, Zhao Yu (1926–1980), were assigned the task. These two artists, afraid of doing further damage to the original piece, eventually produced a replica of the painting, with the ailing Dong brought from the hospital for consultation on his embattled work. Though Dong died the following year, the ill-fated story of The Founding Ceremony of the Nation did not end: in 1979, with the demise of the Gang of Four and the Party's official rehabilitation of Liu Shaoqi, the images of Liu, Gao Gang, and Lin Boqu were restored in the painting. Because Jin Shangyi was on a foreign tour, Yan Zhenduo (b. 1940), a graduate of the Department of Oil Painting at the Central Academy of Fine Arts (CAFA), was called upon to help reinstall the three leaders.

В предлагаемой статье описывается архитектурный декор древних тюрок Жетысу на примере средневекового города Кулан. Образование и развитие городов в Средней Азии и на территории Казахстана при всех общих закономерностях имело свои особенности. Этот вывод особенно важен для средневекового Казахстана, где формирование городских центров происходило в условиях исторически сложившегося взаимодействия оседло-земледельческого и кочевого населения, что сказалось на топографии и типах городов, своеобразии городской культуры Резная глина, украшавшая интерьеры монументальных построек в средневековых городах Жетысу (Семиречья), представляет собой уникальный материал. Общепринято считать, что она была способом выражения религиозных, мифологических и, возможно, светских сторон мировоззрения. Для некоторых культур в решении вопросов идеологии и искусства резная глина является одним из основных источников, так как иные источники либо отсутствуют, либо слишком фрагментарны. Библиографические ссылки Байпаков К.М., Терновая Г.А. Архитектурные особенности, декор и культовая принадлежность некоторых помещений дворцового комплекса города Джамукат // Изв. МОН РК НАН РК. Серия общ. наук. 2002. № 1. С. 219−222. Бартольд В.В. Отчет о поездке в Среднюю Азию с научной целью. 1893-1894 гг. // Сочинения. T. IV. М.: Наука, 1963. С. 21−91. Бартольд В.В. Очерк Семиречья // Сочинения. T. II. Ч. I. М.: Изд-во восточной литературы, 1963. С. 23−108. Бартольд В.В. К вопросу об оссуариях Туркестанского Края // Сочинения. Т. IV. М.: Наука, 1966. С. 154–171. Баялиева Т.Д. Доисламские верования и их пережитки у киргизов. Фрунзе: Илим, 1972. 170 c. Волин С.Л. Сведения арабских источников IX-XVI вв. о долине реки Талас и смежных районах // Труды Института истории, археологии и этнографии. Т. VIII. Алмат-Ата: изд-во Академии наук Казахской ССР, 1960. C. 72−92. Героические сказания, записанные от народного сказителя Н.У. Улагашева / Ред. А. Коптелов. 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О некоторых представлениях, связанных с семейно-обрядовой практикой сельских турок // Символика культов и ритуалов народов зарубежной Азии / Ред. Жуковская Н. Л., Страганович Г.Г. М.: Наука, 1980. С. 165–177. Толстов С.П. Пережитки тотемизма и дуальной организации у туркмен // Проблемы истории докапиталистических обществ. 1935. №9−10. С. 3−41. Тучкова Н.А. Гл. 7. Мировоззрение. Мифология. Культ // Народы Западной Сибири. Ханты. Манси. Селькупы. Ненцы. Энцы. Нганасаны. Кеты / Отв. ред. И. Н. Гемуев, В. И. Молодин, З. П. Соколова. М.: Наука, 2005. С. 368−377. Улагашев Н.У. Алтай-Бучай. Ойротский народный эпос. Новосибирск. 1941. 407 с. Ушницкий В.В. Генеалогические легенды древних тюрков-ашина: волчица и олень-лань в образе тотемных предков // Проблемы востоковедения, 2016. № 3 (73). С. 30−35. Шинжин И.Б. Тропой, проложенной веками: жизнь и творчество сказительницы Н.П. Черноевой. Горно-Алтайск: ГАИТИ. 1997. 20 с. Araz R. Harput’ta eski türk inançları ve halk hekimliği. Ankara, 1995. 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Kõige viimase, 2009. aasta rahvaloenduse järgi elab Kasahstanis 16 miljonit elanikku, kellest 40% ei ole kasahhid. Nende hulgas on pea 130 rahvuse ja etnilise grupi esindajad. Mitmerahvuselise Kasahstani tekkimisel on keeruline kahe sajandi pikkune ajalugu. Iga etnilise grupi ajalugu Kasahstanis on unikaalne ja tihti traagiline. Osa diasporaagruppide kujunemisele Kasahstanis on pööratud väga vähe tähelepanu, nende hulgas on ka sealsed eesti, läti ja leedu vähemused. 2009. aasta rahvaloendus registreeris riigis umbes 7000 nende rahvuste esindajat, mis on vähem kui 0,1% kogu elanikkonnast. See on üks võtmepõhjusi, miks on nende kohta nii vähe teavet. Teiseks põhjuseks on allikate vähesus. Kuna tänaste Balti riikide aladelt tulnud migrantide arv on alati olnud väike võrreldes teiste rahvustega (venelased, ukrainlased, valgevenelased, sakslased, poolakad jne), ei kajastu nende arv üldisemates statistilistes ülevaadetes, arhiivimaterjalides ega käsitlustes. Nii mainiti 19. sajandi lõpu ja 20. sajandi alguse talurahva ümberasumise ajal eestlasi ja lätlasi “saksa populatsiooni” osana. Stalini küüditamiste käigus varjutasid eestlaste, lätlaste ja leedulaste arve palju suuremad sakslaste, poolakate ja valgevenelaste arvud. Eesti, läti ja leedu diasporaa ajalugu Kasahstanis on huvitav ka sellepärast, et see on osa nende gruppide päritolumaade ajaloost. Ühest küljest on oluline teada, kuhu ja miks tänaste Balti riikide elanikud lahkusid või ümber asustati. Teisest küljest on isegi väikseimad diasporaagrupid osa Kasahstani elanikkonnast. Neil on oma ajalugu, mis on kui pusletükk, mis kuulub selle riigi 20. sajandi ajaloo tervikpilti. Käesoleva uurimuse eesmärk on anda üldine ajalooline ülevaade eesti, läti ja leedu diasporaade tekkimisest Kasahstanis 19. sajandi lõpust kuni 20. sajandi lõpuni, et tõmmata uurijate tähelepanu sellele temaatikale. Kitsas allikaline baas määras uurimismeetodi: andmekogu loomine Kasahstanis elanud eestlastest, lätlastest ja leedulastest. Täna koosneb see 1113 biograafiast, millest 577 on eestlaste, 374 lätlaste ja 162 leedulaste elulood. Teave iga isiku kohta on kogutud viit peamist tüüpi allikatest: monograafiad ja mälestused, publitseeritud ja publitseerimata arhiivimaterjalid, Kasahstani ajakirjandus ja kodu-uurimused, biograafilised käsiraamatud ja intervjuud ning võrguandmebaasid. Isikute kohta kogutud teabe kvantitatiivne ja kvalitatiivne analüüs aitas välja selgitada Kasahstani eesti, läti ja leedu diasporaade tekkimise põhilised staadiumid. Selgub, et vaatamata päritolurahvaste sarnasele ajaloole Vene impeeriumis ja hiljem Nõukogude Liidu koosesisus arenesid rahvuslikud vähemused erinevalt. Kokkuvõttes võib öelda, et lätlased ja eestlased ilmusid Kasahstani 19. sajandi lõpul talupoegade ümberasumise tulemusena. Esimene Eesti asundus Kasahstanis asutati 1893. aastal Novočerkasski vallas Akmola maakonnas Akmola provintsis ja sai nimeks Petrovskoe. Selle rajasid Liivimaalt Võru maakonnast pärit talupojad. 1905. aastal asutati Akmola maakonnas Shokai asundus, mis sai oma nime samanimeliste allikate järgi. Eestlased moodustasid seal 1906. aastal (või mõnede allikate järgi 1907. aastal) Liflyandskoe asunduse. Lisaks Kesk-Kasahstanile kolisid eestlased ka Ida-Kasahstani. Aastatel 1905–06 rajati Zaysani piirkonda Hiina piiril Markakoli järve ääres mitu asundust. 1908. aastal saabusid sinna eesti ümberasujad ning asutasid samuti mitu asulat. Hiljem moodustati neist Ülem-Elovka ja Alam-Elovka külad. Lätlased ei moodustanud eraldi asulaid ja elasid vene, saksa ja eesti külades ning linnades. Esimese Vene impeeriumi rahvaloenduse järgi 1897. aastal elas tänase Kasahstani aladel 322 lätlast. 1926. aastaks oli lätlaste arv kasvanud 1101 isikuni. Elanikkond suurenes tänu Stolõpini maareformidele ja Nõukogude rahvuspoliitikale, millega seoses jõudsid lätlased tähtsatele kohtadele parteis ja ettevõtetes. Läti diasporaad eristas lätlaste osa Nõukogude riigi ülesehitamisel ja nende tegevus avalikus sfääris erinevatel tasanditel. Leedu diasporaa erineb oluliselt läti ja eesti diasporaast. 1897. aasta rahvaloenduse järgi oli Kasahstanis vaid 20 leedulast. Vene impeeriumi ümberasumispoliitika 20. sajandi alguses viis siiski mõningase leedulaste arvu suurenemiseni. Eesti ja Nõukogude Vene vahel sõlmitud Tartu rahulepingu järgi said Eestist pärit Venemaal elavad isikud taotleda Eesti kodakondsust ja Venemaalt lahkuda. Eestlastel, kes elasid tänase Kasahstani territooriumil, lubati taotleda Eesti kodakondsust Omski kontroll-opteerimiskomisjoni kaudu. Tänaseks olen leidnud 81 Kasahstani eestlaste taotlust. Koos pereliikmetega soovis Eesti kodakondsust saada 251 isikut. Eesti kodakondsuse taotluste ja tegelike optantide täpne arv on hetkel veel teadmata. 1930. aastatel represseeriti Kasahstanis vähemalt 602 eesti, läti ja leedu rahvusest isikut, mis moodustab umbes 16% tollasest balti diasporaast. Lisaks sai Kasahstanist küüditamiste ja sunnitöölaagritesse saadetute sihtkoht Nõukogude Liidus. Eesti, läti ja leedu vangide täpne arv ja osakaal on samuti hetkel veel väljaselgitamisel. 1941. ja 1949. aasta küüditamiste tulemustena suurenes eestlaste ja lätlaste arv vaid veidi, samas kui leedulaste arv kasvas küüditamiste järel järsult. 1959. aasta rahvaloenduse järgi oli Kasahstanis 12 132 leedulast. Analüüsides isikute andmekogu äratas tähelepanu arreteerimiste laine, mis tabas aastatel 1941–42 Gurjevi piirkonna (tänane Atõrau Lääne-Kasahstanis) leedu rahvusest naisi. Tuvastasin 16 isikut, kes arreteeriti ja kellele mõisteti karistus ühe aasta jooksul, augustist 1941 augustini 1942. Koos teiste rahvuste esindajatega võtsid Kasahstani eestlased, lätlased ja leedulased Punaarmee koosseisus osa Teise maailmasõja lahingutest. Olen tänaseks leidnud enam kui 100 isikut, kes on saanud oma teenistuse eest autasu, kuid uurimistöö jätkub ka sel alal. 1970. aastate alguses oli Kasahstani eesti, läti ja leedu diasporaa arvuline tippaeg, kokku 20 000 isikut. Poliitilise režiimi pehmenemise tulemusena Nõukogude Liidu viimastel aastatel said mitmed represseeritud õiguse koju tagasi pöörduda, mille tulemusel balti diasporaa vähenes. Nende väljaränne toimus 1990. aastateni. Teine oluline faktor on elanikkonna loomulik vähenemine. 2009. aastaks oli balti diasporaa vähenenud 3,2 korda. Täna on leedu diasporaa balti vähemusrühmadest suurim. Nad on loonud rahvusliku kultuurikeskuse Karaganda piirkonnas, kus on võimalik õppida leedu keelt ja saada teavet leedu kultuuri kohta. Käesolev artikkel on esimene katse kirjeldada eesti, läti ja leedu diasporaa ajalugu ning see esitab mitmeid küsimusi edasiseks uurimiseks: miks otsustasid eestlased 20–30 aastat pärast ümberasumist Eestisse tagasi minna? Mitmel eestlasel õnnestus saada Eesti kodakondsus ning reaalselt Eestisse tagasi jõuda? Kui paljud eestlased, lätlased ja leedulased sunniti Kasahstani välja rändama 1930. ja 1940. aastatel? Milline oli nende edasine staatus? Kas nad jäid paigale või kolisid 1970. ja 1980. aastatel kodumaale tagasi? Eestlaste, lätlaste ja leedulaste osa uudismaade ülesharimise kampaanias on samuti vähe uuritud.

In the summer of 1999, four ships carrying 599 Fujianese people arrived on the west coast of Canada. They survived a desperate and dangerous journey only for the Canadian Government to put them in prison. After numerous deportations, there are still about 40 of these people in Canadian prisons as of January 2001. They have been in jail for over a year and a half under mere suspicion of flight risk. About 24 people have been granted refugee status. Most people deported to China have been placed in Chinese prisons and fined. It is worth remembering that these migrants may have been undocumented but they are not "illegal" in that they have mobility rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes everyone's right to leave any country and to seek asylum. It can be argued that it is not the migrants who are illegal, but the unjust laws that criminalize their freedom of movement. In considering people's rights, we need to keep in mind not only the civil and political rights that the West tends to privilege, but equally important social and economic rights as well. As a local response to a global phenomenon, Direct Action Against Refugee Exploitation (DAARE) formed in Vancouver to support the rights of the Fujianese women, eleven of whom at the time of writing are still being held in the Burnaby Correctional Centre for Women (BCCW). In DAARE’s view, Immigration Canada's decision to detain all these people is based on a racialized group-profiling policy which violates basic human rights and ignores Canadian responsibility in the creation of the global economic and societal conditions which give rise to widespread migration. In light of the Canadian government's plans to implement even more punitive immigration legislation, DAARE endorses the Coalition for a Just Immigration and Refugee Policy's "Position Paper on Bill C31." They call for humanitarian review and release for the remaining Fujianese people. This review would include a few released refugee claimants who are still in Canada, children, women who were past victims of family planning, people facing religious persecution and, of course, those who are still in prison after 18 months and who have never been charged with any crime. Suspicion of flight risk is not a valid reason to incarcerate people for such a long time. Who Is a Migrant? The lines between "voluntary" and "forced" migration are no longer adequate to explain the complexities of population movements today. Motives for forced displacement include political, economic, social and environmental factors. This spectrum runs from the immediate threats to life, safety and freedom due to war or persecution, to situations where economic conditions make the prospects of survival marginal and non-existent. (Moussa 2000). Terms like "economic migrant" and "bogus refugee" have been used in the media to discredit migrants such as the Fujianese and to foster hostility against them. This scapegoating process oversimplifies the situation, for all refugees and all migrants are entitled to the basic respect due all human beings as enshrined in the UN Declaration of Human Rights. There can be multiple reasons for an individual to migrate—ranging from family reunification to economic pressures to personal survival; to fear of government corruption and of political persecution, to name just a few. The reduction of everything to merely the economic does not allow one to understand why migration is occurring and likely to increase in the future. Most immigrants to Canada could also be described as economic migrants. Conrad Black is an economic migrant. The privileging of rich migrants over poor ones romanticizes globalization as corporate progress and ignores the immense human suffering it entails for the majority of the world's population as the gap between the wealthy and the poor rapidly increases. Hundreds of years ago, when migrants came to this aboriginal territory we now call Canada, they came in order to survive—in short, they too were "economic migrants." Many of those migrants who came from Europe would not qualify to enter Canada today under its current immigration admissions guidelines. Indeed, over 50% of Canadians would not be able to independently immigrate to Canada given its current elitist restrictions. One of the major reasons for an increase in migration is the destruction of rural economies in Asia and elsewhere in the world. Millions of people have been displaced by changes in agriculture that separate people from the land. These waves of internal migration also result in the movement of peoples across national borders in order to survive. Chinese provinces such as Fujian and Guangdong, whose people have a long history of overseas travel, are particularly common sources of out-migration. In discussing migration, we need to be wary of how we can inadvertently reinforce the colonization of First Nations people unless we consciously work against that by actively supporting aboriginal self-determination. For example, some First Nations people have been accused of "smuggling" people across borders—this subjects them to the same process of criminalization which the migrants have experienced, and ignores the sovereign rights of First Nations people. We need ways of relating to one another which do not reenact domination, but which work in solidarity with First Nations' struggles. This requires an understanding of the ways in which racism, colonialism, classism, and other tactics through which "dividing and conquering" take place. For those of us who are first, second, third, fourth, fifth generation migrants to this land, our survival and liberation are intimately connected to that of aboriginal people. History Repeating Itself? The arrival of the Fujianese people met with a racist media hysteria reminiscent of earlier episodes of Canadian history. Front page newspaper headlines such as "Go Home" increased hostility against these people. In Victoria, people were offering to adopt the dog on one of the ships at the same time that they were calling to deport the Chinese. From the corporate media accounts of the situation, one would think that most Canadians did not care about the dangerous voyage these people had endured, a voyage during which two people from the second ship died. Accusations that people were trying to enter the country "illegally" overlooked how historically, the Chinese, like other people of colour, have had to find ways to compensate for racist and classist biases in Canada's immigration system. For example, from 1960 to 1973, Canada granted amnesty to over 12,000 "paper sons," that is, people who had immigrated under names other than their own. The granting of "legal" status to the "paper sons" who arrived before 1960 finally recognized that Canada's legislation had unfairly excluded Chinese people for decades. From 1923 to 1947, Canada's Chinese Exclusion Act had basically prevented Chinese people from entering this country. The xenophobic attitudes that gave rise to the Chinese Exclusion Act and the head tax occurred within a colonial context that privileged British migrants. Today, colonialism may no longer be as rhetorically attached to the British empire, but its patterns—particularly the globally inequitable distribution of wealth and resources—continue to accelerate through the mechanism of transnational corporations, for example. As Helene Moussa has pointed out, "the interconnections of globalisation with racist and colonialist ideology are only too clear when all evidence shows that globalisation '¼ legitimise[s] and sustain[s] an international system that tolerates an unbelievable divide not only between the North and the South but also inside them'" (2000). Moreover, according to the United Nations Development Programme, the income gap between people in the world's wealthiest nations and the poorest nations has shifted from 30:1 in 1960 to 60:1 in 1990 and to 74:1 in 1997. (Moussa 2000) As capital or electronic money moves across borders faster than ever before in what some have called the casino economy (Mander and Goldsmith), change and instability are rapidly increasing for the majority of the world's population. People are justifiably anxious about their well-being in the face of growing transnational corporate power; however, "protecting" national borders through enforcement and detention of displaced people is a form of reactive, violent, and often racist, nationalism which scapegoats the vulnerable without truly addressing the root causes of instability and migration. In short, reactive nationalism is ineffective in safe-guarding people's survival. Asserting solidarity with those who are most immediately displaced and impoverished by globalization is strategically a better way to work towards our common survival. Substantive freedom requires equitable economic relations; that is, fairly shared wealth. Canadian Response Abilities The Canadian government should take responsibility for its role in creating the conditions that displace people and force them to migrate within their countries and across borders. As a major sponsor of efforts to privatize economies and undertake environmentally devastating projects such as hydro-electric dams, Canada has played a significant role in the creation of an unemployed "floating population" in China which is estimated to reach 200 million people this year. Punitive tactics will not stop the movement of people, who migrate to survive. According to Peter Kwong, "The well-publicized Chinese government's market reforms have practically eliminated all labor laws, labour benefits and protections. In the "free enterprise zones" workers live virtually on the factory floor, laboring fourteen hours a day for a mere two dollars—that is, about 20 cents an hour" (136). As Sunera Thobani has phrased it, "What makes it alright for us to buy a t-shirt on the streets of Vancouver for $3, which was made in China, then stand up all outraged as Canadian citizens when the woman who made that t-shirt tries to come here and live with us on a basis of equality?" Canada should respond to the urgent situations which cause people to move—not only on the grounds upon which Convention refugees were defined in 1949 (race, religion, nationality, social group, political opinion) which continue to be valid—but also to strengthen Canada's system to include a contemporary understanding that all people have basic economic and environmental survival rights. Some migrants have lives that fit into the narrow definition of a UN Convention refugee and some may not. Those who do not fit this definition have nonetheless urgent needs that deserve attention. The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives has pointed out that there are at least 18 million people working in 124 export zones in China. A living wage in China is estimated to be 87 cents per hour. Canadians benefit from these conditions of cheap labour, yet when the producers of these goods come to our shores, we hypocritically disavow any relationship with them. Responsibility in this context need not refer so much to some stern sense of duty, obligation or altruism as to a full "response"—intellectual, emotional, physical, and spiritual—that such a situation provokes in relations between those who "benefit"—materially at least—from such a system and those who do not. References Anderson, Sarah, et al. Field Guide to the Global Economy. New York: New Press, 2000. Canadian Council of Refugees. "Migrant Smuggling and Trafficking in Persons." February 20, 2000. Canadian Woman Studies: Immigrant and Refugee Women. 19.3 (Fall 1999). Chin, Ko-lin. Smuggled Chinese. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999. Coalition for a Just Immigration and Refugee Policy. "Position Paper on Bill C31." 2000. Davis, Angela. The Angela Davis Reader. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1998. Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, Foundation Against Trafficking in Women, and International Human Rights Law Group. "Human Rights Standards for the Treatment of Trafficked Persons." January 1999. Henry, Frances and Tator, Carol. Racist Discourses in Canada's English Print Media. Toronto: Canadian Foundation for Race Relations, 2000. Jameson, Fredric and Miyoshi, Masao, Eds. The Cultures of Globalization. Durham: Duke University Press, 1998. Kwong, Peter. Forbidden Workers. New York: New Press, 1997. Mander, Jerry and Goldsmith, Edward, Eds. The Case Against the Global Economy. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1996. Moussa, Helene. "The Interconnections of Globalisation and Migration with Racism and Colonialism: Tracing Complicity." 2000. ---. "Violence against Refugee Women: Gender Oppression, Canadian Policy, and the International Struggle for Human Rights." Resources for Feminist Research 26 (3-4). 1998 Migrant Forum statement (from Asia Pacific People's Assembly on APEC) 'Occasional Paper Migration: an economic and social analysis.' Pizarro, Gabriela Rodriguez. "Human Rights of Migrants." United Nations Report. Seabrook, Jeremy. "The Migrant in the Mirror." New Internationalist 327 (September 2000): 34-5. Sharma, Nandita. "The Real Snakeheads: Canadian government and corporations." Kinesis. October/November (1999): 11. Spivak, Gayatri. "Diasporas Old and New: Women in the Transnational World." Class Issues. Ed. Amitava Kumar. New York: New York University Press, 1997. States of Disarray: The Social Effects of Globalization. London: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UN RISD), 1995. Thobani, Sunera. "The Creation of a ‘Crisis’." Kinesis October/November (1999): 12-13. Whores, Maids and Wives: Making Links. Proceedings of the North American Regional Consultative Forum on Trafficking in Women, 1997.

Le châtiment est généralement considéré comme la réponse à une violation des lois ou des normes. Plus spécifiquement, dans le langage juridique, on parle de peine. On se réfère alors à la définition qui en a été donnée par le philosophe du droit britannique H. L. A. Hart (1959), selon lequel il s’agit de l’infliction d’une souffrance ou d’un équivalent à l’auteur réel ou supposé d’une infraction à l’encontre des règles légales, la décision et l’exécution en revenant à des êtres humains autres que le contrevenant qui agissent dans le cadre d’une autorité instituée. Ces cinq critères sont typiquement présents lorsqu’une personne accusée d’un crime ou d’un délit est jugée par un tribunal et, au terme du procès, se voit condamnée à une sanction telle qu’un emprisonnement. Cette situation est celle qu’étudie David Garland (1990). Deux faits méritent toutefois d’être relevés à propos de cette définition. D’une part, elle produit implicitement une légitimation du châtiment, qui est à la fois morale, puisqu’il punit l’auteur d’une infraction, et légale, puisqu’il procède d’une pure application de la loi. D’autre part, elle suppose un travail de normalisation et une forme de publicité, excluant notamment les punitions dans le cadre familial ou scolaire. Face à cette lecture normative, l’anthropologue s’interroge : qu’en est-il dans les faits ? Comme l’a établi Bronislaw Malinowski (1926) dans le cas des sociétés qu’on appelait alors primitives, ce déplacement ethnographique a une fonction critique, dans la mesure où il soulève des questions qui vont à l’encontre du sens commun et dévoilent des faits inattendus. Il convient d’abord de se demander avec Nietzsche (1993 [1887]) dans une perspective généalogique comment il se fait qu’une équivalence soit ainsi établie entre la commission d’une infraction et l’infliction d’une souffrance. Cette interrogation conduit à une autre : en a-t-il été ainsi toujours et partout ? Le philologue s’avère ici d’un certain secours, puisqu’Émile Benveniste (1969) note que le verbe punir provient du latin pœna et du grec poin?, lequel correspond à la dette que l’on doit payer pour réparer un crime, la connotation doloriste du mot n’étant apparue que dans le latin tardif. Au départ, donc, la réponse à l’infraction commise procédait d’une logique de réparation. Il fallait indemniser la violation de la loi ou de la norme par un paiement, par exemple à la famille de la victime s’il s’agissait de violence ou de meurtre. Les études historiques confirment que tel était bien le cas dans les sociétés anciennes, et Georg Simmel (1997 [1907]) montre notamment que, dans l’Angleterre anglo-saxonne, le montant de la somme due pour la compensation d’un meurtre, appelée wergeld, était établi en fonction du statut de la personne tuée et que le châtiment dans ces cas est intervenu tardivement. Les données ethnologiques vont dans le même sens, et par exemple l’enquête conduite par Kalervo Oberg (1934) parmi les Tlingit d’Alaska révèle que le meurtre du membre d’un clan était réparé par la mise à mort d’un membre du clan de l’auteur du crime de rang égal, cette réparation se réduisant toutefois à une simple somme d’argent lorsque la victime était de statut inférieur. Quand cette logique de la dette et de sa restitution s’est-elle éteinte ? Dans le monde occidental, le fait essentiel a été le passage de l’ancien droit germanique au droit romain et de la réparation à la peine. Comme l’analyse Michel Foucault (2015 [1971]), cette évolution s’est faite en France sous la double influence de la Royauté, qui affaiblit ainsi les structures féodales, et de l’Église, qui introduit les notions de péché et de pénitence. Dans les sociétés précoloniales, c’est précisément la colonisation qui introduit ce changement, et Leopold Pospisil (1981) raconte la douloureuse rencontre des deux mondes dans le cas des Kapauku de Papouasie-Nouvelle Guinée, brutalement passés d’une situation où le paiement de dommages réparait une transgression de la norme à un paradigme juridique dans lequel l’emprisonnement était la réponse à la violation de la loi. L’imposition de cette sanction, qui n’était pas comprise par des populations dont la liberté était vue comme un bien supérieur, a donné lieu à des suicides et des révoltes. Un élément essentiel de cette transformation de la signification du châtiment, relevé par E. E. Evans-Pritchard (1972 [1937]), est son individualisation. Dans les sociétés sous le régime de la réparation, le collectif, qu’il s’agisse de la famille ou du clan, doit répondre de l’acte commis. Dans les sociétés sous le régime de la peine, c’est l’individu qui doit en rendre compte. Au principe d’échange entre des groupes se substitue un principe de responsabilité de la personne. D’une manière générale, on peut donc dire, au regard de cette analyse généalogique, que l’évolution s’est opérée, dans le long terme, d’une économie de la dette à une morale de la souffrance. Pour autant, la première n’a pas totalement disparu au bénéfice de la seconde. Il en existe de nombreuses illustrations contemporaines, dont la plus manifeste concerne le monde musulman. En effet, selon la loi islamique, pour autant qu’un crime n’ait pas été commis contre Dieu, le juge propose à la famille de la victime une alternative : soit la qisas, châtiment imposé sur la base de la loi du talion, impliquant donc la mort en cas de meurtre ; soit la diyya, réparation par une somme d’argent déterminée par le magistrat. Comme le montre Arzoo Osanloo (2012) à propos de l’Iran contemporain, la seconde formule est bien plus souvent utilisée que la première, mais le juge ajoute souvent au paiement du dommage une peine d’emprisonnement. Au regard de l’évolution qui vient d’être décrite, une autre question se pose, dont John Rawls (1955) souligne combien elle est débattue : comment justifie-t-on l’infliction d’une souffrance ? La philosophie morale et le droit ont en effet une double réponse. La première, utilitariste, dans la suite de Jeremy Bentham (2011 [1780]), pose que la souffrance de l’auteur d’un crime ne se justifie que pour autant qu’elle augmente le bonheur dans la société, autrement dit, qu’elle diminue la criminalité. Ce peut être par effet de neutralisation (l’exécution, l’emprisonnement, l’exil), dissuasion (pour l’individu et la collectivité) et réhabilitation (par la réforme morale ou la réinsertion sociale). La seconde, rétributiviste, héritière d’Emmanuel Kant (2011 [1795]), affirme que la souffrance ne se justifie qu’en tant qu’elle expie l’acte répréhensible commis, indépendamment de toute conséquence sociale, positive ou négative. La peine ainsi infligée doit en principe être équivalente de la violation de la loi ou de la norme (allant donc jusqu’à l’exécution en cas de meurtre). Le tournant punitif des dernières décennies dans la plupart des pays manifeste un glissement de la première justification vers la seconde. Ces deux théories, qui ont donné lieu, au cours des deux derniers siècles à une considérable littérature visant à contester ou affiner l’une ou l’autre, énoncent ce qui devrait justifier le châtiment, mais est-ce bien ainsi que les choses se passent dans le monde réel ? Rien n’est moins sûr, et nombre de travaux de sciences sociales le montrent. On peut trouver une justification au châtiment d’une personne, même possiblement innocente, pour faire un exemple, pour humilier un adversaire, pour pacifier un mécontentement populaire, pour satisfaire le désir de vengeance des proches d’une victime, pour instituer un ordre social inégal fondé sur la peur, pour simplifier des procédures judiciaires grâce au plaider coupable, et pour bien d’autres raisons encore. Mais quand bien même on a énuméré ces justifications rationnelles, on n’a pas épuisé les fondements de l’acte de punir car il demeure une forme de jouissance dans l’administration de la souffrance, qu’en paraphrasant Georges Bataille (1949), on peut appeler la part maudite du châtiment. Cette dimension affective se manifeste à travers les gestes de cruauté constatés dans les métiers de la répression et les excès de tourment habituels dans les institutions carcérales qui, comme l’analyse Everett Hughes (1962), ne sont pas seulement le fait d’individus ou même de professions. C’est la société qui leur délègue ce qu’elle considère comme ses basses œuvres, sans guère chercher à les réguler ou à en sanctionner les abus. On se souvient que Claude Lévi-Strauss (1955) établissait un parallèle entre l’anthropophagie, qui semble une pratique barbare aux yeux des Occidentaux, et les formes contemporaines du châtiment, notamment la prison, qui paraîtraient tout aussi choquantes aux Amérindiens. Comment expliquer que le châtiment tel qu’il existe dans les sociétés modernes non seulement se maintienne mais plus encore se développe considérablement ? Pour répondre à cette question, il faut probablement prendre en considération une dimension à laquelle la philosophie morale et le droit ont rarement prêté attention : c’est la manière dont le châtiment est réparti dans la société. Les théories normatives supposent en effet que l’on punisse de façon juste, ce qui implique à la fois que plus une infraction est grave et plus elle est lourdement sanctionnée et que pour une même infraction deux individus soient également sanctionnés. Est-ce le cas ? Les travaux menés par des chercheurs, à l’instar de Bruce Western (2006), sur la distribution du châtiment dans la société révèlent que les classes populaires et les minorités ethnoraciales sont très surreprésentées dans les prisons et plus largement dans l’ensemble de l’appareil punitif. Est-ce parce que leurs membres commettent plus de violations de la loi ou que ces violations sont plus graves ? Les études montrent que la sévérité du système pénal, depuis le niveau législatif de fabrication des lois jusqu’au niveau judiciaire de leur application, n’est pas principalement lié aux conséquences néfastes des actes commis mais tient à des choix opérés en fonction de ceux qui les commettent. Ainsi le vol à la tire est-il souvent plus durement réprimé que l’abus de biens sociaux et, plus généralement, la petite délinquance que la criminalité financière, même lorsque cette dernière a des effets désastreux en termes de paupérisation et de surmortalité des segments les plus fragiles de la société. Ce qui conduit Émile Durkheim (1996 [1893]) à inverser la définition habituelle du châtiment, en affirmant qu’on ne condamne pas un acte parce qu’il est criminel, mais qu’il est criminel parce qu’on le condamne. À quoi sert donc le châtiment si ce qui détermine sa sévérité est moins la gravité de l’acte que les caractéristiques sociales de son auteur ? En prolongeant la réflexion de Michel Foucault (1975), on peut penser que le châtiment n’a peut-être pas pour vocation première de sanctionner les transgressions de la loi, de protéger la société de leurs auteurs et in fine de réduire la délinquance et la criminalité, mais que sa fonction sociale principale est plutôt d’opérer des différenciations entre ceux que l’on peut punir et ceux que l’on veut épargner. Ainsi relève-t-il tout autant d’une politique de la justice, au sens du droit, que d’une politique de l’injustice, dans un sens moral. Dans un contexte où la population carcérale atteint des niveaux records dans le monde et où les pratiques punitives participent de la reproduction des inégalités (Fassin 2017), la réflexion anthropologique sur le châtiment est assurément une tâche essentielle.

This article investigates the possibilities for understanding waste as a resource, with a particular focus on understanding food waste as a food resource. It considers the popular yeast spread Vegemite within this frame. The spread’s origins in waste product, and how it has achieved and sustained its status as a popular symbol of Australia despite half a century of Australian gastro-multiculturalism and a marked public resistance to other recycling and reuse of food products, have not yet been a focus of study. The process of producing Vegemite from waste would seem to align with contemporary moves towards recycling food waste, and ensuring environmental sustainability and food security, yet even during times of austerity and environmental concern this has not provided the company with a viable marketing strategy. Instead, advertising copywriting and a recurrent cycle of product memorialisation have created a superbrand through focusing on Vegemite’s nutrient and nostalgic value.John Scanlan notes that producing waste is a core feature of modern life, and what we dispose of as surplus to our requirements—whether this comprises material objects or more abstract products such as knowledge—reveals much about our society. In observing this, Scanlan asks us to consider the quite radical idea that waste is central to everything of significance to us: the “possibility that the surprising core of all we value results from (and creates even more) garbage (both the material and the metaphorical)” (9). Others have noted the ambivalent relationship we have with the waste we produce. C. T. Anderson notes that we are both creator and agent of its disposal. It is our ambivalence towards waste, coupled with its ubiquity, that allows waste materials to be described so variously: negatively as garbage, trash and rubbish, or more positively as by-products, leftovers, offcuts, trimmings, and recycled.This ambivalence is also crucial to understanding the affectionate relationship the Australian public have with Vegemite, a relationship that appears to exist in spite of the product’s unpalatable origins in waste. A study of Vegemite reveals that consumers can be comfortable with waste, even to the point of eating recycled waste, as long as that fact remains hidden and unmentioned. In Vegemite’s case not only has the product’s connection to waste been rendered invisible, it has been largely kept out of sight despite considerable media and other attention focusing on the product. Recycling Food Waste into Food ProductRecent work such as Elizabeth Royte’s Garbage Land and Tristram Stuart’s Waste make waste uncomfortably visible, outlining how much waste, and food waste in particular, the Western world generates and how profligately this is disposed of. Their aim is clear: a call to less extravagant and more sustainable practices. The relatively recent interest in reducing our food waste has, of course, introduced more complexity into a simple linear movement from the creation of a food product, to its acquisition or purchase, and then to its consumption and/or its disposal. Moreover, the recycling, reuse and repurposing of what has previously been discarded as waste is reconfiguring the whole idea of what waste is, as well as what value it has. The initiatives that seem to offer the most promise are those that reconfigure the way waste is understood. However, it is not only the process of transforming waste from an abject nuisance into a valued product that is central here. It is also necessary to reconfigure people’s acculturated perceptions of, and reactions to waste. Food waste is generated during all stages of the food cycle: while the raw materials are being grown; while these are being processed; when the resulting food products are being sold; when they are prepared in the home or other kitchen; and when they are only partly consumed. Until recently, the food industry in the West almost universally produced large volumes of solid and liquid waste that not only posed problems of disposal and pollution for the companies involved, but also represented a reckless squandering of total food resources in terms of both nutrient content and valuable biomass for society at large. While this is currently changing, albeit slowly, the by-products of food processing were, and often are, dumped (Stuart). In best-case scenarios, various gardening, farming and industrial processes gather household and commercial food waste for use as animal feed or as components in fertilisers (Delgado et al; Wang et al). This might, on the surface, appear a responsible application of waste, yet the reality is that such food waste often includes perfectly good fruit and vegetables that are not quite the required size, shape or colour, meat trimmings and products (such as offal) that are completely edible but extraneous to processing need, and other high grade product that does not meet certain specifications—such as the mountains of bread crusts sandwich producers discard (Hickman), or food that is still edible but past its ‘sell by date.’ In the last few years, however, mounting public awareness over the issues of world hunger, resource conservation, and the environmental and economic costs associated with food waste has accelerated efforts to make sustainable use of available food supplies and to more efficiently recycle, recover and utilise such needlessly wasted food product. This has fed into and led to multiple new policies, instances of research into, and resultant methods for waste handling and treatment (Laufenberg et al). Most straightforwardly, this involves the use or sale of offcuts, trimmings and unwanted ingredients that are “often of prime quality and are only rejected from the production line as a result of standardisation requirements or retailer specification” from one process for use in another, in such processed foods as soups, baby food or fast food products (Henningsson et al. 505). At a higher level, such recycling seeks to reclaim any reusable substances of significant food value from what could otherwise be thought of as a non-usable waste product. Enacting this is largely dependent on two elements: an available technology and being able to obtain a price or other value for the resultant product that makes the process worthwhile for the recycler to engage in it (Laufenberg et al). An example of the latter is the use of dehydrated restaurant food waste as a feedstuff for finishing pigs, a reuse process with added value for all involved as this process produces both a nutritious food substance as well as a viable way of disposing of restaurant waste (Myer et al). In Japan, laws regarding food waste recycling, which are separate from those governing other organic waste, are ensuring that at least some of food waste is being converted into animal feed, especially for the pigs who are destined for human tables (Stuart). Other recycling/reuse is more complex and involves more lateral thinking, with the by-products from some food processing able to be utilised, for instance, in the production of dyes, toiletries and cosmetics (Henningsson et al), although many argue for the privileging of food production in the recycling of foodstuffs.Brewing is one such process that has been in the reuse spotlight recently as large companies seek to minimise their waste product so as to be able to market their processes as sustainable. In 2009, for example, the giant Foster’s Group (with over 150 brands of beer, wine, spirits and ciders) proudly claimed that it recycled or reused some 91.23% of 171,000 tonnes of operational waste, with only 8.77% of this going to landfill (Foster’s Group). The treatment and recycling of the massive amounts of water used for brewing, rinsing and cooling purposes (Braeken et al.; Fillaudeaua et al.) is of significant interest, and is leading to research into areas as diverse as the development microbial fuel cells—where added bacteria consume the water-soluble brewing wastes, thereby cleaning the water as well as releasing chemical energy that is then converted into electricity (Lagan)—to using nutrient-rich wastewater as the carbon source for creating bioplastics (Yu et al.).In order for the waste-recycling-reuse loop to be closed in the best way for securing food supplies, any new product salvaged and created from food waste has to be both usable, and used, as food (Stuart)—and preferably as a food source for people to consume. There is, however, considerable consumer resistance to such reuse. Resistance to reusing recycled water in Australia has been documented by the CSIRO, which identified negative consumer perception as one of the two primary impediments to water reuse, the other being the fundamental economics of the process (MacDonald & Dyack). This consumer aversion operates even in times of severe water shortages, and despite proof of the cleanliness and safety of the resulting treated water. There was higher consumer acceptance levels for using stormwater rather than recycled water, despite the treated stormwater being shown to have higher concentrations of contaminants (MacDonald & Dyack). This reveals the extent of public resistance to the potential consumption of recycled waste product when it is labelled as such, even when this consumption appears to benefit that public. Vegemite: From Waste Product to Australian IconIn this context, the savoury yeast spread Vegemite provides an example of how food processing waste can be repurposed into a new food product that can gain a high level of consumer acceptability. It has been able to retain this status despite half a century of Australian gastronomic multiculturalism and the wide embrace of a much broader range of foodstuffs. Indeed, Vegemite is so ubiquitous in Australian foodways that it is recognised as an international superbrand, a standing it has been able to maintain despite most consumers from outside Australasia finding it unpalatable (Rozin & Siegal). However, Vegemite’s long product history is one in which its origin as recycled waste has been omitted, or at the very least, consistently marginalised.Vegemite’s history as a consumer product is narrated in a number of accounts, including one on the Kraft website, where the apocryphal and actual blend. What all these narratives agree on is that in the early 1920s Fred Walker—of Fred Walker and Company, Melbourne, canners of meat for export and Australian manufacturers of Bonox branded beef stock beverage—asked his company chemist to emulate Marmite yeast extract (Farrer). The imitation product was based, as was Marmite, on the residue from spent brewer’s yeast. This waste was initially sourced from Melbourne-based Carlton & United Breweries, and flavoured with vegetables, spices and salt (Creswell & Trenoweth). Today, the yeast left after Foster Group’s Australian commercial beer making processes is collected, put through a sieve to remove hop resins, washed to remove any bitterness, then mixed with warm water. The yeast dies from the lack of nutrients in this environment, and enzymes then break down the yeast proteins with the effect that vitamins and minerals are released into the resulting solution. Using centrifugal force, the yeast cell walls are removed, leaving behind a nutrient-rich brown liquid, which is then concentrated into a dark, thick paste using a vacuum process. This is seasoned with significant amounts of salt—although less today than before—and flavoured with vegetable extracts (Richardson).Given its popularity—Vegemite was found in 2009 to be the third most popular brand in Australia (Brand Asset Consulting)—it is unsurprising to find that the product has a significant history as an object of study in popular culture (Fiske et al; White), as a marker of national identity (Ivory; Renne; Rozin & Siegal; Richardson; Harper & White) and as an iconic Australian food, brand and product (Cozzolino; Luck; Khamis; Symons). Jars, packaging and product advertising are collected by Australian institutions such as Sydney’s Powerhouse Museum and the National Museum of Australia in Canberra, and are regularly included in permanent and travelling exhibitions profiling Australian brands and investigating how a sense of national identity is expressed through identification with these brands. All of this significant study largely focuses on how, when and by whom the product has been taken up, and how it has been consumed, rather than its links to waste, and what this circumstance could add to current thinking about recycling of food waste into other food products.It is worth noting that Vegemite was not an initial success in the Australian marketplace, but this does not seem due to an adverse public perception to waste. Indeed, when it was first produced it was in imitation of an already popular product well-known to be made from brewery by-products, hence this origin was not an issue. It was also introduced during a time when consumer relationships to waste were quite unlike today, and thrifty re-use of was a common feature of household behaviour. Despite a national competition mounted to name the product (Richardson), Marmite continued to attract more purchasers after Vegemite’s launch in 1923, so much so that in 1928, in an attempt to differentiate itself from Marmite, Vegemite was renamed “Parwill—the all Australian product” (punning on the idea that “Ma-might” but “Pa-will”) (White 16). When this campaign was unsuccessful, the original, consumer-suggested name was reinstated, but sales still lagged behind its UK-owned prototype. It was only after remaining in production for more than a decade, and after two successful marketing campaigns in the second half of the 1930s that the Vegemite brand gained some market traction. The first of these was in 1935 and 1936, when a free jar of Vegemite was offered with every sale of an item from the relatively extensive Kraft-Walker product list (after Walker’s company merged with Kraft) (White). The second was an attention-grabbing contest held in 1937, which invited consumers to compose Vegemite-inspired limericks. However, it was not the nature of the product itself or even the task set by the competition which captured mass attention, but the prize of a desirable, exotic and valuable imported Pontiac car (Richardson 61; Superbrands).Since that time, multinational media company, J Walter Thompson (now rebranded as JWT) has continued to manage Vegemite’s marketing. JWT’s marketing has never looked to Vegemite’s status as a thrifty recycler of waste as a viable marketing strategy, even in periods of austerity (such as the Depression years and the Second World War) or in more recent times of environmental concern. Instead, advertising copywriting and a recurrent cycle of cultural/media memorialisation have created a superbrand by focusing on two factors: its nutrient value and, as the brand became more established, its status as national icon. Throughout the regular noting and celebration of anniversaries of its initial invention and launch, with various commemorative events and products marking each of these product ‘birthdays,’ Vegemite’s status as recycled waste product has never been more than mentioned. Even when its 60th anniversary was marked in 1983 with the laying of a permanent plaque in Kerferd Road, South Melbourne, opposite Walker’s original factory, there was only the most passing reference to how, and from what, the product manufactured at the site was made. This remained the case when the site itself was prioritised for heritage listing almost twenty years later in 2001 (City of Port Phillip).Shying away from the reality of this successful example of recycling food waste into food was still the case in 1990, when Kraft Foods held a nationwide public campaign to recover past styles of Vegemite containers and packaging, and then donated their collection to Powerhouse Museum. The Powerhouse then held an exhibition of the receptacles and the historical promotional material in 1991, tracing the development of the product’s presentation (Powerhouse Museum), an occasion that dovetailed with other nostalgic commemorative activities around the product’s 70th birthday. Although the production process was noted in the exhibition, it is noteworthy that the possibilities for recycling a number of the styles of jars, as either containers with reusable lids or as drinking glasses, were given considerably more notice than the product’s origins as a recycled product. By this time, it seems, Vegemite had become so incorporated into Australian popular memory as a product in its own right, and with such a rich nostalgic history, that its origins were no longer of any significant interest or relevance.This disregard continued in the commemorative volume, The Vegemite Cookbook. With some ninety recipes and recipe ideas, the collection contains an almost unimaginably wide range of ways to use Vegemite as an ingredient. There are recipes on how to make the definitive Vegemite toast soldiers and Vegemite crumpets, as well as adaptations of foreign cuisines including pastas and risottos, stroganoffs, tacos, chilli con carne, frijole dip, marinated beef “souvlaki style,” “Indian-style” chicken wings, curries, Asian stir-fries, Indonesian gado-gado and a number of Chinese inspired dishes. Although the cookbook includes a timeline of product history illustrated with images from the major advertising campaigns that runs across 30 pages of the book, this timeline history emphasises the technological achievement of Vegemite’s creation, as opposed to the matter from which it orginated: “In a Spartan room in Albert Park Melbourne, 20 year-old food technologist Cyril P. Callister employed by Fred Walker, conducted initial experiments with yeast. His workplace was neither kitchen nor laboratory. … It was not long before this rather ordinary room yielded an extra-ordinary substance” (2). The Big Vegemite Party Book, described on its cover as “a great book for the Vegemite fan … with lots of old advertisements from magazines and newspapers,” is even more openly nostalgic, but similarly includes very little regarding Vegemite’s obviously potentially unpalatable genesis in waste.Such commemorations have continued into the new century, each one becoming more self-referential and more obviously a marketing strategy. In 2003, Vegemite celebrated its 80th birthday with the launch of the “Spread the Smile” campaign, seeking to record the childhood reminisces of adults who loved Vegemite. After this, the commemorative anniversaries broke free from even the date of its original invention and launch, and began to celebrate other major dates in the product’s life. In this way, Kraft made major news headlines when it announced that it was trying to locate the children who featured in the 1954 “Happy little Vegemites” campaign as part of the company’s celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the television advertisement. In October 2006, these once child actors joined a number of past and current Kraft employees to celebrate the supposed production of the one-billionth jar of Vegemite (Rood, "Vegemite Spreads" & "Vegemite Toasts") but, once again, little about the actual production process was discussed. In 2007, the then iconic marching band image was resituated into a contemporary setting—presumably to mobilise both the original messages (nutritious wholesomeness in an Australian domestic context) as well as its heritage appeal. Despite the real interest at this time in recycling and waste reduction, the silence over Vegemite’s status as recycled, repurposed food waste product continued.Concluding Remarks: Towards Considering Waste as a ResourceIn most parts of the Western world, including Australia, food waste is formally (in policy) and informally (by consumers) classified, disposed of, or otherwise treated alongside garden waste and other organic materials. Disposal by individuals, industry or local governments includes a range of options, from dumping to composting or breaking down in anaerobic digestion systems into materials for fertiliser, with food waste given no special status or priority. Despite current concerns regarding the security of food supplies in the West and decades of recognising that there are sections of all societies where people do not have enough to eat, it seems that recycling food waste into food that people can consume remains one of the last and least palatable solutions to these problems. This brief study of Vegemite has attempted to show how, despite the growing interest in recycling and sustainability, the focus in both the marketing of, and public interest in, this iconic and popular product appears to remain rooted in Vegemite’s nutrient and nostalgic value and its status as a brand, and firmly away from any suggestion of innovative and prudent reuse of waste product. 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