Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Activisme judiciaire »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Activisme judiciaire"
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Kelly, James B., and Michael Murphy. "Confronting Judicial Supremacy: A Defence of Judicial Activism and the Supreme Court of Cananda's Legal Rights Jurisprudence." Canadian journal of law and society 16, no. 1 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100006554.
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RésuméCet article étudie la relation entre le contrôle constitutionnel exercé par la Cour Suprême du Canada et la démocratie en analysant la jurisprudence portant sur les droits garantis par la Charte. Plus précisément, l'article vise à engager le débat avec un groupe influent d'universitaires, les interprétivistes canadiens, illustrés par les contributions scientifiques de F. L. Morton, Rainer Knopff et Christopher P. Manfredi. Contrairement aux interprétivistes qui concluent que l'activisme judiciaire de la Cour Suprême du Canada a compromis le constitutionnalisme libéral, cet article suggère qu'il a plutôt renforcé la suprématie de la Constitution. Cet argument est développé en deux parties. Dans la première, les limites théoriques de la compréhension de l'intention du législateur historique sont explorées pour illustrer les difficultés conceptuelles auxquelles font face les interprétivistes canadiens dans leur tentative de démontrer que le pouvoir judiciaire au Canada est sans contrainte. Nous soutenons que la construction de la compréhension historique est une entreprise hautement subjective qui a crée le mythe de la suprématie judiciaire. Dans la deuxième partie, les limites empiriques de ce mythe sont discutées en identifiant le paradoxe de l'activisme judiciaire: comment il varie, ainsi que son effet, selon l'acteur étatique qui se trouve au centre du recours à la Charte. Grâce à une analyse de cas d'un ensemble de décisions portant sur les droits garantis, l'article confronte ce mythe en démontrant que l'activisme judiciaire contre la police ne renforce point la suprématie judiciaire mais bien celle de la Constitution. En redéfinissant la relation entre les citoyens et l'État par une jurisprudence activiste des droits, la Cour suprême du Canada a effectivement contrôlé des abus de pouvoir par les agents de police. Cet activisme sert bien l'avancement de la suprématie constitutionnelle, quoi qu'en disent les interprétivistes canadiens‥
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Christie, Gordon. "Judicial Justification of Recent Developments in Aboriginal Law." Canadian journal of law and society 17, no. 2 (2002): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100007249.
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RésuméPendant les dernières décennies, la Cour suprême du Canada a élaboré les conséquences de la constitutionalisation des droits autochtones. La jurisprudence a d'abord adopté une approche fondée sur les droits envers leur protection, les mettant dans une large mesure à l'abri d'intrusions législatives. Dans des décisions plus récentes toutefois, la Cour suprême à considérablement réduit le degré de protection dont ces droits jouissent. Elle a développe un ensemble de principes généraux sur la justification de l'activisme judiciaire, des principes qui s'appuient ultimement sur une vision du Canada comme démocratie constitutionnelle et le rôle du judiciaire dans une telle structure démocratique. L'article analyse les voies qui s'ouvrent à la Cour pour déployer les principes et la vision dont ils émanent, afin de justifier son activisme récent dans le domaine des droits des Autochtones
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Jochelson, Richard. "Multidimensional Analysis as a Window into Activism Scholarship: Searching for Meaning with Sniffer Dogs." Canadian journal of law and society 24, no. 2 (2009): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100009923.
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RésuméCet article s'appuie sur l'analyse multidimensionnelle de l'activisme judiciaire de Cohn et de Kremnitzer et applique celle-ci dans le contexte canadien. L'analyse est effectuée suite aux décisions récentes de la Cour suprême qui donnaient aux policiers le droit d'utiliser des chiens renifleurs durant des fouilles. Ce contexte légal sert de substrat afin de démontrer l'utilité ainsi que les limitations de l'approche multidimensionnelle. Tandis que l'activisme académique s'est concentré sur la quantification de l'activisme à travers le temps, sur la composition de la cour et sur des questions constitutionnelles, cet article affirme qu'il existe un certain potentiel pour un activisme académique plus «texturé», en portant une attention particulière sur les détails interstitiels du raisonnement judiciaire plutôt qu'uniquement sur sa disposition. Cette approche «texturée» reconnaît l'importance des décisions de la cour dans ces interstices puisque celles-ci font partie des discussions sur les grands principes constitutionnels. L'activisme académique est enrichi par l'étude des déviations d'une allégeance particulière vers des normes constitutives. La nomenclature de ces normes est relativement certaine. Néanmoins, leur définition exacte demeure sujette à un débat vigoureux. L'empressement vers l'acquisition d'un contenu réside au cœur même de plusieurs critiques activistes. L'analyse multidimensionnelle est susceptible de contribuer au langage de cette discussion. Elle peut donner du sens ainsi qu'apporter de l'ordre aux débats. Cette analyse peut contribuer aussi àla découverte de notre contenu normatif constitutionnel. Ce contenu représente, en quelques sortes, le point de départ pour une évaluation critique de nos normes constitutives.
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de Montigny, Yves. "Les rapports difficiles entre la liberté d’expression et ses limites raisonnables." Revue générale de droit 22, no. 1 (2019): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058171ar.
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L’auteur passe en revue la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême en matière de liberté d’expression depuis l’entrée en vigueur de la Charte et constate que l’on n’a pas craint d’élargir considérablement la portée de ce concept. Cet activisme judiciaire repose néanmoins sur des fondements théoriques fragiles et empreints de contradictions. Une analyse serrée de certaines décisions permet d’abord de constater que l’article 2b) de la Charte ne protège pas toutes les activités expressives sans égard à leur contenu; d’autre part, il n’est pas tout à fait exact de prétendre que la raisonnabilité d’une restriction à cette liberté fondamentale doit s’apprécier sans égard au type de discours en cause. En conclusion, l’auteur propose de départager les arguments qui tiennent à la nature même de l’expression de ceux qui s’analysent en termes de justification en s’appuyant sur un principe qui colle davantage au texte et à la structure de la Charte.
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Eltis, Karen. "Rétablir l’intégrité du processus électoral : le droit à la participation politique utile et les transfuges." Colloque : L'État en marche, transparence et reddition de comptes 36, no. 4 (2014): 629–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027163ar.
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L’intervention de plus en plus active des tribunaux dans des questions réputées « politiques » et dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques reflète un phénomène que Michael Mandel baptise la « judiciarisation du politique ». Il est proposé que cette réalité croissante découle non dudit « activisme judiciaire » mais d’une perte de confiance préoccupante du public dans les institutions politiques représentatives de l’État, qui semblent déléguer les questions les plus épineuses aux tribunaux. Pis encore, ce phénomène semble être alimenté par une perception publique de la construction élitiste et inaccessible des voies traditionnelles d’influence politique. Ceci est d’autant plus vrai à la lumière du phénomène grandissant des « transfuges politiques » sur la scène fédérale canadienne — fait qui risque tant de mettre en doute les postulats épistémologiques de l’expression politique utile que la perception de l’intégrité du processus démocratique. Il est fort possible que les députés transfuges vont à l’encontre de la volonté des électeurs en changeant de parti subitement — souvent par opportunisme — et sans ratification. Par ce fait, ils risquent vraisemblablement de ternir la perception de l’intégrité du processus électoral et peut-être même de léser le droit à la participation politique utile enchâssée à l’article 3 de la Charte. Est-il donc surprenant que le système de justice — souvent malgré lui — semble devenir la tribune où se discutent les questions d’ordre politique, alors que l’intérêt pour la vie publique régresse ? Il semblerait que ceux qui craignent la désuétude du processus politique traditionnel et une montée du soi-disant « activisme judiciaire » devraient s’attaquer de toute urgence à la réglementation des transfuges — comme moyen de contrecarrer l’érosion de la crédibilité des partis politiques et la sensation de futilité qui accompagne la participation au processus. Ainsi, la réglementation de la question des transfuges politiques devraient reposer avant tout sur le devoir de l’État d’adopter des mesures positives pour promouvoir la liberté d’expression au sein du processus politique, afin de freiner cette désaffectation problématique. En l’absence d’intervention politique au sujet des transfuges, il deviendra peut-être nécessaire de mettre à l’épreuve constitutionnelle le changement de parti à mi-chemin (surtout les cas les plus suspects sur le plan des motivations de gain personnel) sans la ratification des électeurs. Et ce, pour déterminer si les droits démocratiques garantis par la Charte ont ou devraient avoir l’effet de contraindre les transfuges (à l’instar des indépendants) de démissionner pour pouvoir ainsi mettre à l’épreuve leur nouvelle allégeance à l’occasion d’une élection partielle. Dans cette veine, le droit comparé revêt un intérêt particulier et fera donc l’objet d’un bref survol.
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Cohn, Margit, and Mordechai Kremnitzer. "Judicial Activism: A Multidimensional Model." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 18, no. 2 (2005): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004033.
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The article addresses the question of the role of the judiciary in the constitutional democratic state through an analysis of the concept of judicial activism. The model advanced in the article is based on a composite theory of the role of the judiciary, drawing on, and developing, Canon’s (1982) analysis of judicial activism and more recent multidimensional approaches to the assessment of judicial output. The article supplements the traditional vision of the judiciary as law enforcer in two directions. Drawing on the ‘constitutional dialogue/constitutional interdependence’ paradigm, the article perceives the judiciary as participant in a multi-player web of constitutional interactions, in which other government branches, individuals and public bodies participate in the decision making process; arguments on the omnipotency of the judiciary are thus replaced by a model of interdependency and interaction. The constitutionalist tradition serves as basis for the third vision, under which the judiciary is an active protector of core ‘thin’ societal values.These three visions of the role of the judiciary support a multidimensional analysis of judicial activism, under which judicial output is considered not only against pre-decision law, but also on the basis of post-decision dynamics and the value content of the decision.The model comprises seventeen distinct parameters, which include, inter alia, the degree of change in the law, interpretation techniques, interference with democratic processes, rhetoric, obiter dicta, reliance on comparative sources, the extent of the decision, and the complexity of the legal question brought before the court. Under this group of parameters, any change in the law, or action that extends beyond the mere settlement of the dispute before the court, would be considered activist. Additional parameters draw on the second vision of the role of the judiciary, and consider post-decision reaction of the legislature, the administration, the public and the judiciary itself as basis for supplementary assessment. In this context it is argued that a decision that is fully accepted and implemented by other members of the constitutional web should be viewed as less activist than a decision that is subsequently rejected; in the former case the decision conforms with societal consensus or equilibrium, while in the latter case, post-decision processes reflect judicial deviance from such consensus. A final parameter pertains to the value-content of the decision, under which a decision that promotes and protects core societal values should be considered less activist than one that intervenes in low-value policy areas. The model advanced in the article provides a basis for composite qualitative and quantitative assessments of the impact of the judiciary in the social and political spheres.
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Parslow, Joakim. "Lawyers against the Law." Anthropology of the Middle East 13, no. 2 (2018): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2018.130203.
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Despite increasing subordination of the judiciary to executive authorities, Turkish cause lawyering associations are more assertive than ever in their defiance of forced closures and legal persecution. Why would activist lawyers ‘play the game’ of law when the legal system is being undermined? Focusing on the historical genesis of Turkey’s oldest activist lawyering association, the Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği (ÇHD), I argue that Turkish legal activism results from not just clashing political causes but also the strategies attorneys are forced to adopt to effect change within an authoritarian-corporatist structure designed to constrict their activities. The ÇHD and similar groups are not merely extensions of the formal juridical order; they also constitute a grassroots engagement with the law that refuses to conform to the categories, narratives, procedures and ends of the state’s legal institutions.
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Sultan, Shazia, and Tahira Jabeen. "Changing Facetsof Judicial Activism in Pakistan." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 3, no. 3 (2020): 523–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v3i3.75.
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This paper deals with the troublesome history of Pakistan Judiciary in comparative perspective. The judicial restraint showed by the superior courts in the initial phase of Pakistan’s emergence and its failure in the enactment of extra-constitutional deeds of Military Generals and executive heads that troubled the smooth political and constitutional progress has been highlighted. The paper throws light on the struggle of the Judiciary for its independent status in the defiance of the military establishment in 2007 that catapulted the Judiciary as main stakeholder in the governmental power structure of the state. The key role played by Supreme Court in the defense of democratic norms, rule of law, corruption free politics and transparent governance has also ben focused. Overstepping of judiciary in executive matters in Justice Saqib Nisar is also the part of this investigation. Nonetheless empowering the public representative to legislate on the matter of the tenure extension of the COAS (Chief of Army Staff) has also been discussed along with the decision of special court and then High court in the treason case of Musharraf that raise is the part of this paper. The paper concludes that hurdles in the way to independent judiciary desperately needed to be removed for the dispensation of justice.
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Laffitte Fernandes, Rafael, and Rocco Antonio Rangel Rosso Nelson. "De la capacidad de innovación normativa del poder judiciario: un análisis a partir del sistema jurídico brasileño." Prolegómenos 20, no. 39 (2017): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18359/prole.2720.
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<p>Este texto tiene como objetivo analizar el rol actual del poder judiciario en la estructura de los poderes de la República Federativa de Brasil. La propuesta es estudiar la creciente actuación del poder judiciario, en especial del Supremo Tribunal Federal, dentro de lo que se llama activismo judicial. La investigación en cuestión, utilizando una metodología de análisis cualitativa y usando el abordaje hipotético-deductivo de carácter descriptivo y analítico, examinará casos concretos decididos por el poder judiciario brasileño y sus implicaciones en el arreglo político-institucional brasileño, ponderando sobre la legitimidad del activismo judicial.</p>
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Stychin, Carl F. "Relatively universal: globalisation, rights discourse, and the evolution of Australian sexual and national identities." Legal Studies 18, no. 4 (1998): 534–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1998.tb00079.x.
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Successful law reform campaigns leave behind a rich history; a story of engagement between activists seeking legal change, opponents who attempt to maintain the status quo, legislators, and the judiciary. The repeal of the provisions of the Tasmanian Criminal Code which prohibited certain private, consensual sexual relations between adults, and which were aimed primarily at male samesex sexual acts, by the state legislature in May 1997, signaled the end of a particularly arduous campaign which lasted several years. What makes this struggle worthy of academic treatment, first, is the simple fact that the gay activist campaign was waged over a plurality of legal and political sites at the state, national, and international levels.
Thèses sur le sujet "Activisme judiciaire"
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Tavares, Filho Newton. "Juger les lois : l'activisme juridictionnel du tribunal fédéral suprême du Brésil dans le cadre de la constitution de 1988." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01D016.
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La présente thèse porte sur l'activisme juridictionnel du Tribunal Fédéral suprême du Brésil dans le cadre de la constitution de 1988, c'est-à-dire sur les méthodes et les stratégies permettant à la Cour d'affirmer son rôle vis-à-vis du justiciable et des autres pouvoirs publics. L'activisme y est étudié en utilisant les concepts développés par la doctrine française, les plaçant dans le contexte de la séparation des pouvoirs consacrée par la constitution de 1988. D'un point de vue méthodologique, cette thèse s'appuie sur une démarche qualitative, et privilégie l'analyse des décisions judiciaires. Elle se compose de deux parties, découpées en huit chapitres totaux. La première partie se concentre sur les conditions permettant l'activisme du Tribunal fédéral suprême. Elle démontre que ce phénomène a eu lieu en raison de la convergence contextuelle de diverses circonstances historiques, institutionnelles, normatives et doctrinales, au nombre desquelles les plus importantes ont été des innovations apportées par la constitution de 1988 et l'adoption de nouvelles conceptions doctrinales de la fonction du juge constitutionnel dans l’État de droit. La deuxième partie identifie et analyse les manifestations concrètes de l'activisme de la Cour. Partant des motifs des décisions judiciaires, elle expose les orientations et l'évolution des politiques jurisprudentielles du Tribunal fédéral suprême, mises en perspective avec les compétences des autres institutions. La configuration normative et doctrinale de la séparation des pouvoirs au Brésil, comme l'identification des compétences attribuées au Tribunal suprême, servent ainsi d'instrument heuristique pour l'exposition du rhème abordé<br>This dissertation joins a vibrant conversation in legal sciences about judicial activism and the place of supreme courts and constutional tribunal in today's representative democracies. It explores the judicial activism of the Brazilian Supreme court under the Constitution of 1988. Following the tradition of French law schools, the dissertation is divided two parts. The first part examines the scope and context of the Supreme court's activism. It posits that an expansion of the Court's role in relation to the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Branches, starting ine the 1990's, originated in many historical, institutional, normative and doctrinal innovations that took place in Brazil after democratization in the 1980's. Notably, the promulgation of a democratic Constitution in 1988 and the adoption of new theoretical concepts regarding the role of the Judiciary in a democracy were key factors that allowed the court to rethink its place among Brazil'q supreme organs of State. The second part identifies ans examines the concrete manifestations of the Supreme Court's activism. Focusing on the qualitive analysis of the Court's decisions, the dissertation delineates the evolution of selected key themes in the Court's case law, considering it within the context of the competences conferred by the Constitution to other branches of government. Thus, the separation of powers as defined by the Constitution of 1988 is the heuristic device employed to organize the analysis and demonstrate the expansion of the Court into the domains of the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary powers
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Eizik, Dov. "« Qui est employé » dans l’ère Post-moderne : étude comparative du cas israélien et Français." Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080146/document.
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Les relations de travail sont des relations dynamiques soumises en permanence à des changements, à la fois en raison de facteurs externes mondiaux (comme les changements économiques, technologiques, sociaux, éthiques, culturels et juridiques), mais également en raison de facteurs plus directs, et de leur équilibre entre eux (comme par exemple ceux relatifs aux employés, employeurs, et aux syndicats de travailleurs. L’exposition à ces changements augmente naturellement au fur et à mesure que ces relations se prolongent dans le temps. Les structures du passé n’y répondent plus et doivent s’adapter en conséquence. Le droit du travail doit être suffisamment souple afin de trouver des solutions aux besoins de la vie qui se modifient. Cette étude a pour but d’examiner une des questions fondamentales du droit du travail. La question étant de savoir si l’exécutant d’un travail est considéré comme employé et bénéficie à ce titre de la protection juridique du travail ou s’il est indépendant et ne bénéficie pas de la protection juridique du travail.Cette étude propose donc une approche comparative pour examiner cette question et la façon dont elle est traitée, par rapport au droit du travail Français.Du point de vue de la recherche, le paradigme proposé dans cette étude offre une définition post-universelle du terme « employé », définition nécessaire au vu des réponses non adaptées existantes, basées sur des caractéristiques de l’ère moderne, de l'importance amoindrie de l'existence d'un contrat de travail, de l'entrée de l'universalisme définissant "qui est employé", de l'existence d'une distinction entre "employés forts" et "employés faibles", et l'absence d'une définition juridique claire.L’approche post-moderne servira de base de réflexion à cette décision, ouvrira le cercle des travailleurs et permettra ainsi à chaque travailleur de choisir son statut sur le marché du travail. C’est une décision subjective qui donne une place centrale au travailleur, sans dépendre de l'employeur et/ou autre, répondant ainsi à l’objectif du droit du travail.Sur le plan pratique, ce travail de recherche pourrait aboutir à des réalisations concrètes aussi bien pour les chercheurs dans le domaine du droit du travail que pour les juges devant affronter des publics différents. Les chercheurs et les juges doivent prendre en compte les éléments dominants du paradigme proposé et examiner la meilleure façon de définir l'exécutant d'un travail de la meilleure façon possible<br>Work relations are dynamic relations that constantly change due to both global, externalfactors (i.e. financial, technological, social, value, cultural and legal shifts) and factorsdirectly related to them and their power balance (i.e. change concerning the employee, theemployer and the union). The exposure of work relations to such changes increases,naturally, as they continue. Labor laws must be flexible enough to provide a solution forchanging life needs. Frameworks that were common in the past are no longer commontoday, and must be appropriated accordingly.This paper was meant to examine one of the basic questions existing in labor laws –whether the work performer is an “employee”, benefiting from the protection of labor laws– or an “independent”, who is not protected by labor laws. For such purpose, this paper Offers a comparative approach to examining this question and the way in which it is done, in comparison to French labor laws.In the research aspect, the paradigm offered in this research paper offers a post-universaldefinition of the “Employee”, which is desirable in light of the incompatibility of existingtests that lean on modern characterizations. The post-modern approach will serve as aconceptual basis for this decision and will allow any work performer to choose his standingin the work market. This is a subjective decision that puts the work performer at the center,ithout being dependent on the employer, and by doing so realizes the essence of labor laws.In the practical aspect, the current research paper might be of applicable value for bothlabor law researchers and judges who seek to address various target audiences.Researchers and judges must consider the dominant components of the offered paradigmand examine how to define the work performer in the most appropriate way
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Carvalho, Filho José dos Santos. "De la théorie à la pratique de l'activisme judiciaire : la technique de l'interprétation conforme à la constitution en contrôle a posteriori : étude comparée Brésil-France." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0008.
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Depuis longtemps, la leçon kelsenienne selon laquelle le juge constitutionnel serait un législateur négatif se diffuse dans le monde entier. Néanmoins, de nouvelles techniques de décision / interprétation accordant aux juges davantage de pouvoir pour faire face aux atteintes à la constitution remettent en cause cette notion historique. En effet, le constitutionnalisme contemporain connait plusieurs types de décisions édictés par des cours constitutionnelles créant des droits et obligations nouveaux. De ce fait, il semble exister une incohérence entre la théorie paradigmatique de Kelsen et la pratique constitutionnelle dans certains pays. Cette thèse propose d'analyser cette question au moyen d'une étude de droit comparé Brésil-France. En mettant l'accent sur la technique de décision de déclaration de conformité à la constitution sous réserve d'interprétation, l'objectif de ce travail est d'analyser certains arrêts du Conseil constitutionnel français et du Supremo Tribunal Federal brésilien, afin de vérifier d'abord comment les dites cours manient cette technique de décision et d’identifier ensuite dans quelle mesure le contexte de chaque pays influence la posture adoptée – self-restreint ou activisme judiciaire. Ces considérations faites, cette thèse se propose d'établir un rapport entre prudence interprétative et encadrement du juge constitutionnel, afin de comprendre comment les contextes sociaux, historiques, politiques et juridiques peuvent promouvoir ou contraindre l'activisme judiciaire<br>For a long time, the lesson of Kelsen about the constitutional judge as a negative legislator has been spread around the world. Nevertheless, new kinds of techniques for decision of judicial review that give judges more power to deal with breaches in the constitution under mine this historical notion. Indeed, contemporary constitutionalism includes several types of decisions enacted by constitutional courts creating new rights and obligations. As a result, there seems to be an inconsistency between Kelsen's paradigmatic theory and the constitutional practice in some countries. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze this question by means of a comparative law study between Brazil and France. It focus on the technique of decision constitutional avoidance, in which is possible to analyze certain cases of the Conseil constitutionnel and the Supremo Tribunal Federal. At a first moment, in orderto verify how these Courts handle this type of technique of decision and then to identify how the context of each country influences the conduct assumed – self restreint or judicial activism. After considering these aspects, this thesis is developed around establishing a relationship between interpretative prudence and the framework of the constitutional judge, in order to investigate how the social, historical, political and legal contexts can promote or constrain judicial activism
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Cebulak, Pola. "Judicial activism of the Court of Justice of the EU in the pluralist architecture of global law." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209172.
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Judicial activism implies a hidden politicization of the Court. The legal arguments and the methods used by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) might seem coherent. However, an inquiry into judicial activism means looking beyond the legal reasoning of the Court and trying to “connect the dots” of an alternative narrative that can explain the Court’s long-term approach to certain issues. In the case of judicial activism of the CJEU in the case-law concerning public international law, the veil for the politicization of the Court is provided by the pluralist architecture of global law. The heterarchical structure of relations among legal orders in the international arena activates the CJEU as an actor of global governance. Simultaneously, it results in the Court adopting a rather internal and defensive approach, undermining legal security.<p><p>Judicial activism of the CJEU finds its particular expressions in the case-law concerning public international law. The pro-integrationist tendency of the CJEU often raised in the literature concerning the Court’s role in the process of EU integration, translates into a substantial and an institutional dimension of judicial activism. The substantial articulation of judicial activism in the case-law concerning international law is the Court’s emphasis on the autonomy of the EU legal order. This internal perspective is adopted not only for virtuous reasons, but also in defense of definitely not universal European interests. The institutional dimension refers to the Court’s position within the EU structure of governance. The case-law concerning international law is marked by a close alignment with the European Commission and the integration of the EU goals in external relations. Moreover, the pluralist veil can cover the extent to which the Court’s decisions concerning international law are influenced by considerations completely internal to the EU. <p><p>In my analysis I proceed in three steps that are reflected in three chapters of the thesis. There is no clear and prevalent definition of judicial activism, but instead rather multiple possibilities of approaching the concept. While the general intend of the research project is to critically reflect on the concept of judicial activism of the highest courts within a legal order, the particular focus will be on the CJEU dealing with international law. I proceed in three steps. First, I assess different understandings of the role of the judge and the concept of judicial activism in legal literature in view of ascertaining the relevance of the debate and distilling some general components of a possible definition. Secondly, I identify the factors particular for the position of the CJEU within the EU legal order and with regard to international law. The particular characteristics of the CJEU result in a limited applicability of the general definitions of judicial activism. Finally, I analyze the case-law in view of identifying examples as well as counter-examples of the particular symptoms/attributes. Because judicial activism broadens the scope of the factors guiding judicial decision-making, it enables us to better understand the contingencies in the Court´s jurisprudence.<br>Doctorat en Sciences juridiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Girard, Carine. "L' activisme des actionnaires minoritaires au sein du gouvernement des entreprises françaises." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2001. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00854533.
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Longtemps considérés comme des actionnaires passifs, inorganisés, voire divisés, les actionnaires minoritaires mécontents se coalisent dans le but de faire entendre leur voix dans la gestion des sociétés et de tenter, sinon de conquérir le contrôle de la société, du moins d'influer sur la valeur de leurs titres. Inspirée de la "judiciarisation" systématique des contestations par les actionnaires minoritaires et de l'abondance des travaux américains relatifs aux "batailles de procuration" et à l'activisme institutionnel, nous nous sommes interrogée sur les caractéristiques des entreprises françaises visées par des actionnaires minoritaires mécontents, sur les facteurs explicatifs du succès de leurs dissensions et sur les effets de ce processus de contestations sur la valeur" actionnariale". Conformément au modèle américain, l'activisme peut être défini comme un processus long et complexe formé par un ensemble d'activités d'influence combinant les ressources, les capacités et les compétences d'un ensemble d'actionnaires minoritaires, plus ou moins actifs. Toutefois, compte tenu du contexte institutionnel français et notamment du droit d'action reconnu à la minorité, ce processus de contestations diffère en de nombreux points des études américaines. A partir du cadre d'analyse de la gouvemance, notre modèle théorique de l'activisme repose sur l'étude des stratégies de la coalition minoritaire dissidente et des stratégies de neutralisation des mécanismes de gouvernement des entreprises par une coalition de contrôle formée de l'équipe de direction et d'actionnaires affiliés. Par le biais de plusieurs études quantitatives, nous avons déterminé que les actionnaires minoritaires choisissent de mettre en œuvre un processus d'activisme suite à l'évaluation d'un risque de faillite élevé d'une entreprise à cotation multiple qui choisit d'utiliser plusieurs clauses anti-OPA. L'activisme des actionnaires minoritaires se traduit essentiellement par un ensemble d'activités judiciaires et "associationnelles" accompagnées ou non de "batailles de procuration" ponctuelles. Favorisées par l'existence d'imprécisions sur des notions juridiques et la présence d'associations d'actionnaires ou d'investisseurs, ces activités garantissent le succès de la dissidence des actionnaires minoritaires. Toutefois, l'absence de réaction boursière le jour de l'annonce publique de la mise en place d'un processus d'activisme témoigne d'une faible visibilité publique de la cause des actionnaires minoritaires dissidents.
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Alqualo, Fernando Pereira. "Eficiência do judiciário, ativismo judicial e a efetividade das decisões judiciais." Universidade Nove de Julho, 2016. http://bibliotecadigital.uninove.br/handle/tede/1231.
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Previous issue date: 2016-02-15<br>The efficiency of the judiciary is not limited to the temporal aspect of length of proceedings, given that the concept of efficiency must be understood as beyond the speed of the procedural action. This is because, for an efficient judiciary necessarily judicial decisions shall be effective with respect to its own content, then, that the claimants have true access to justice, essential that the judiciary has provided you with a legal and appropriate response to you, regardless of the outcome. The decision ruled in Economic Analysis of Law does not convey the idea of effectiveness, since it is up to the magistrate first function as the link with the law and the commitment to intepretação. In interpreting the judge should be cautious when using the principles and indeterminate concepts to justify their decision and should make use of them only in character complementarity. The Justice Activism is most often characterized by the indiscriminate use of interpretative principles to overcome the limits and justify the decision according to personal conviction of the judge. Thus, the phenomenon of Justice Activism ends up interfering with other powers and face the democratic rule of law, to the extent that the judge's decision goes beyond standard and often distorts the legal text. Similarly, this disparity reflected in the jurisprudence and ultimately cause legal uncertainty on claimants who do not have the minimum of predictability decision by the current way of interpreting some judges, considered "activists". The New Code of Civil Procedure which will come into force next year was prepared with energetic devices in order to curb the features postures activism. The method chosen for this research was the hypothetical-deductive and dialectical, using specialized works and detailed study of all the case law, duly investigated according to the relevance of the work.<br>A eficiência do Poder Judiciário não se limita ao aspecto temporal de duração dos processos, sendo certo que o conceito de eficiência deve ser entendido como além da celeridade do trâmite processual. Isso porque, para um Poder Judiciário eficiente necessariamente as decisões judiciais deverão ser efetivas com relação ao seu próprio conteúdo, pois, para que o jurisdicionado tenha o verdadeiro acesso à justiça, imprescindível que o Judiciário lhe forneça uma resposta legal e adequada ao seu caso, independente do desfecho. A decisão pautada na Analise Econômica do Direito não traduz a ideia de efetividade, posto que cabe ao magistrado como função primeira o vínculo com a lei e o comprometimento com a intepretação. No interpretar, o juiz deve ser cauteloso quando da utilização dos princípios e conceitos indeterminados para fundamentar sua decisão, devendo se valer dos mesmos somente em caráter de complementariedade. O Ativismo Judicial tem na maioria das vezes como característica a utilização indiscriminada dos princípios para ultrapassar os limites interpretativos e justificar a decisão consoante a convicção pessoal do magistrado. Assim, o fenômeno do Ativismo Judicial acaba por interferir nos demais poderes e afrontar o regime democrático de direito, na medida em que o juiz vai além da norma de decisão e muitas vezes desvirtua o texto legal. De igual modo, isso reflete na disparidade jurisprudencial e acaba por causar insegurança jurídica no jurisdicionado que não tem o mínimo de previsibilidade de decisão pela atual maneira de interpretar de alguns magistrados, considerados “ativistas”. O Novo Código de Processo Civil que entrará em vigor no próximo ano foi elaborado com enérgicos dispositivos no sentido de coibir as posturas características do ativismo. O método escolhido para a presente pesquisa foi o hipotético-dedutivo e dialético, utilizando-se de obras especializadas, bem como estudo minucioso sobre toda a jurisprudência, devidamente pesquisada de acordo com a pertinência do trabalho.
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Afonso, Lívia de Paiva Ziti. "O papel do poder judiciário na efetividade dos direitos fundamentais sociais." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/8935.
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Previous issue date: 2010-05-25<br>This dissertation aims to study the role of the judiciary in the
effectiveness of fundamental social rights. Besides the traditional functions performed
as guarantor of rights, the judiciary has acted to give effect to the social rights under the
Constitution, such as the right to education, health and others. However, this
performance has been criticized by many scholars as judicial activism, since the
judiciary, when giving effect to social rights, acts as to fill the gap left by the omission
of the Government, participating in spheres of the Legislative and Executive. Article 5,
paragraph 1 of Federal Constitution (CF/88) expressly consecrates that: "The rules
defining the rights and guarantees are immediately applicable". This rule reinforces the
imperative of social rights and reflects the inevitable commitment made especially by
the judiciary in ensuring the effectiveness of them. Reaching the conclusion that social
rights are authentic subjective public rights, it is a Judiciary important role to implement
the abovementioned rights and guide the actions within the limits set by the Federal
Constitution. What is underlined here is the responsibility of the Judiciary in the
enforcement of social rights, demystifying the ideas against the effectiveness of social
rights and also contrary to the actions of the Judiciary concerning the implementation of
these rights<br>A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende estudar o papel do Poder
Judiciário na efetividade dos direitos fundamentais sociais. Além das funções clássicas
desempenhadas como garantidor de direitos, o Poder Judiciário tem atuado no sentido
de dar efetividade à norma que estabelece os direitos sociais previstos na Constituição,
como o direito à educação, o direito à saúde, entre outros. No entanto, tal atuação tem
sido criticada por muitos doutrinadores como ativismo judicial, uma vez que o
Judiciário, ao dar efetividade aos direitos sociais, acaba superando, por via judicial, as
omissões do Poder Público, atuando nas esferas dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. O
artigo 5o, parágrafo 1º da CF/88 prevê expressamente que: As normas definidoras de
direitos e garantias fundamentais têm aplicação imediata . Tal norma reforça a
imperatividade dos direitos sociais e reflete o compromisso inevitável dos Poderes
constituídos, especialmente do Judiciário, em garantir a sua efetividade. Chegando-se à
conclusão de que os direitos sociais são autênticos direitos públicos subjetivos, cabe ao
Judiciário o importante papel de implementador desses direitos, tendo sua atuação
pautada dentro dos limites estabelecidos pela própria Constituição Federal. O que se
pretende demonstrar é a responsabilidade do Poder Judiciário na efetivação dos direitos
sociais, desmitificando não somente os argumentos contrários à eficácia dos direitos
sociais, como também aqueles infensos à atuação do Poder Judiciário na concretização
desses direitos
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Ferreira, Eber de Meira. "Poder judiciário, ativismo judicial e democracia." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-08122014-161522/.
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O princípio da separação de poderes sofreu alterações fundamentais ao longo dos mais de três séculos desde sua consagração. Dentre as alterações na balança dos poderes, destaca-se a evolução do Poder Judiciário, com o alargamento de suas funções e aumento de sua importância se comparado em face da concepção clássica. No contexto brasileiro pós Constituição de 1988, dois fatores têm se mostrado fundamentais ao avanço do Poder Judiciário a uma posição de destaque no cenário político e constitucional: o desenvolvimento sistema de controle de constitucionalidade aliado às características das normas do texto constitucional, aliados a outros fatores, permitindo o seu avanço ao campo do chamado ativismo judicial. Dentro desta abordagem, o presente estudo busca apontar as implicações desta nova forma de atuação do Poder Judiciário denominada de ativismo judicial em face da democracia, analisando os principais pontos de tensão e críticas surgidas de seu confronto<br>The principle of separation of powers has undergone fundamental changes over the last three centuries since its establishment. Among the changes in the balance of powers, there is the evolution of the judiciary, with the enlargement of its functions and increase its importance compared in view of the classical conception of the separation of powers principle. In the Brazilian context after the 1988 Constitution, two factors have been shown to be fundamental to the advancement of the Judiciary to a prominent position in political and constitutional landscape, the development of the mechanisms of judicial review combined with the features of constitucional norms, also combined with other factors, allowing its advancement to the field of so-called judicial activism. Within this approach, this study seeks to identify the implications of this new form of action of the Judiciary called judicial activism in the face of democracy, analyzing the main points of tension and conflict that arises from them.
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Luna, Ana Claudia Vergamini. "Direitos sociais: controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas, limites e possibilidades." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2140/tde-05082013-162741/.
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A efetivação dos direitos sociais, inseridos na Constituição Federal de 1988 como direitos fundamentais, em norma de aplicação imediata, é imprescindível para o alcance dos objetivos do Estado brasileiro, declarados no artigo 3º da Carta Constitucional. Ao Estado foi atribuída a tarefa de concretizá-los por meio de políticas públicas. A busca pela efetivação dos direitos sociais, diretamente relacionada ao exercício da cidadania e à atuação dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo, tem se deslocado para o Poder Judiciário, que tem assumido um importante papel na concretização desses direitos. A própria concepção dos direitos sociais já desafia os aplicadores do direito, porque dependem, para sua concretização, da atuação prestacional do Estado; estão condicionados às restrições orçamentárias e são materializados, por meio de políticas públicas, que se materializam a partir de escolhas políticas. Para o desenvolvimento do controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas de direitos sociais não basta identificar a existência de um direito fundamental social, é necessário que se enfrentem as questões próprias de um direito mutável na sua concretização e execução. É necessário que se conheça a realidade que envolve a adoção de uma determinada política pública e se amplie o campo de cognição além do interesse do autor que reclama a prestação jurisdicional. O presente trabalho traz uma análise sobre o controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas que tratam de direitos sociais, procurando identificar os limites para a atuação jurisdicional e as possibilidades existentes no ordenamento para que esse controle se desenvolva no sentido de contribuir para a efetivação desses direitos de forma coletiva e isonômica, sem que a atuação jurisdicional venha a afrontar o exercício democrático e acabe por invadir a esfera de competência dos demais poderes.<br>Effective implementation of social rights introduced into the 1988 Federal Constitution as fundamental rights under rules of immediate enforcement, is crucial to ensure attainment of the Brazilian State goals, as stated under article 3 of the Federal Constitution. The State was given the task of turning such rights into actions by means of public policies. Search for effective enforcement of social rights, typically related to the exercise of citizenship and to Legislative and Executive realms of power, has been shifting to the Judiciary, which has been assuming an important role in rendering such rights effective. The very notion of social rights brings challenges to those in charge of applying the Law since enforcement of these rights depend of States actions; they are subject to budget constraints and are turned into actions based on political choices. Development of judicial control on social right-based public policies requires not only identification of a fundamental social right but it also requires addressing of matters of law, the perfecting and enforcement of which are constantly changing. It is necessary to get to know the reality involving selection of a given public policy and to expand such knowledge beyond the specific interests of that plaintiff who seeks relief. This paper brings a review judicial control of public policies addressing social rights and the possibilities available in the existing legal framework to assure that such control develops towards contributing to enforcement of social rights in a collective and equalitarian manner, therefore preventing judicial actions from violating exercise of democracy and ultimately reaching the realm of other powers.
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Silva, Rodrigo Umbelino da. "O Sistema judiciário brasileiro e o reconhecimento de identidades sociais." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2011. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/989.
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Previous issue date: 2011-08-28<br>This present work is meant to examine the judiciary and the process of construction of social identities in Brazil after the 1988 Constitution. The search is assumed that after the process of democratization, the Brazilian state has experienced a new constitutionalism, encouraging new time to seek effective constitutional guarantees, setting up what will be called judicialization of politics in this inset the participation of the Judiciary, the Ministry public and civil society by the action of social movements, lead to a relentless pursuit of recognition and therefore construction of social identities. Understanding the relationship between law and politics, theoretical part of this arrangement, being guided by the phenomena of the contemporary debate legalization and judicial activism. The logic of any research that set the conceptual and empirical analysis of social transformations, guided by the action of those that structure the State, is the understanding that everything will be built will be based on a true democratic state of law, directing roughly the effective organization that society we want to search.<br>Este presente trabalho tem por intuito analisar o Poder Judiciário e o processo de construção das identidades sociais no Brasil após a Constituição de 1988. A pesquisa tem como pressuposto que após o processo de redemocratização, o Estado brasileiro vivenciou um novo constitucionalismo, fomentando novo momento para busca efetiva das garantias constitucionais, configurando o que será denominado de judicialização da política, nesse entremeio a participação do Poder Judiciário, do Ministério Público e da sociedade civil pela ação dos Movimentos Sociais, conduzirá para uma busca incessante do reconhecimento e conseqüentemente para construção das identidades sociais. Entender a relação direito e política, faz parte desse arranjo teórico, sendo orientada pelo debate contemporâneo dos fenômenos da judicialização e ativismo judicial. A lógica de qualquer pesquisa que configure a análise conceitual e empírica das transformações sociais, orientadas pela ação daqueles que estruturam o Estado, está no entendimento que tudo que será construído terá como base um verdadeiro estado democrático de direito, orientando grosso modo a efetiva organização daquela sociedade que se quer pesquisar.
Livres sur le sujet "Activisme judiciaire"
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David's hammer: The case for an activist judiciary. Cato Institute, 2007.
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Bolick, Clint. David's hammer: The case for an activist judiciary. Cato Institute, 2007.
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Blacks in the federal judiciary: Neutral arbiters or judicial activists? Wyndham Hall Press, 1989.
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Judiciary, United States Congress Senate Committee on the. Animal rights: Activism vs. criminality : hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session, May 18, 2004. U.S. G.P.O., 2005.
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Tibatemwa-Ekirikunbinza, Lillian. The judiciary and enforcement of human rights: Between judicial activism and judicial restraint : background paper for a Judicial Conference on "Justice in Uganda : Challenges and Prospects". Foundation for Human Rights Initiative, 2001.
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Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, second session, on H.R. 4239, May 23, 2006. U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights, and Property Rights. Less faith in judicial credit: Are federal and state defense of marriage initiatives vulnerable to judicial activism? : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights, and Property Rights of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, April 13, 2005. U.S. G.P.O., 2005.
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Judicial activism vs. democracy: What are the national implications of the Massachusetts Goodridge decision and the judicial invalidation of traditional marriage laws? : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Property Rights of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session, March 3, 2004. U.S. G.P.O., 2005.
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Judicial activism: Defining the problem and its impact : hearings before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Federalism, and Property Rights of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Fifth Congress, first session, on S.J. Res. 26, a bill proposing a constitutional amendment to establish limited judicial terms of office, June 11, July 15, and 29, 1997. U.S. G.P.O., 1997.
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Alphonse, De Valk, and Life Ethics Centre, eds. Judicial activism: A threat to democracy and religion. Life Ethics Information Centre, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Activisme judiciaire"
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Schusser, Fabian. "3. Judiciary." In Judicial Activism in a Comparative Perspective. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845297446-40.
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Petri, Paulo, and Fabiano Machado da Rosa. "Judiciary activism in Lula's sentence." In Comments on a notorious verdict. Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvn96gjp.37.
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"The Judiciary: Independence, Activism, and Publicity." In The Constitution of Brazil. Hart Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509995370.ch-004.
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Petrov, Roman. "The Impact of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the Legal System of Ukraine." In The Impact of the European Court of Justice on Neighbouring Countries. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855934.003.0008.
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This contribution looks at the application of EU case law by the Ukrainian judiciary in the course of implementation of the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement, which triggered unprecedented political, economic, and legal reforms in Ukraine. Several issues form the focus of consideration in the chapter. The first issue is the evolution of EU–Ukraine relations and reform of the Ukrainian legal system and judiciary in the course of the ‘Europeanization’ of Ukraine since its independence in 1991. The second issue is effective implementation and application of the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement within the Ukrainian legal order and its compatibility with the Ukrainian Constitution. The latest political and legal developments in Ukraine are analysed through the prism of effective implementation of the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement and the rise of pro-European reforms of the Ukrainian judiciary since the ‘Maidan Revolution’/‘Revolution of Dignity’ in 2014. In conclusion, it is argued that the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement enhanced the adaptability of the national constitutional order to the European integration project and reinvigorated judicial activism by Ukrainian judges to refer to the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU).
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Yune, Jinsu. "The Decision of the Korean Supreme Court on the Contingent Fee Agreement in Criminal Cases – General Clause, Judicial Activism, and Prospective Overruling." In Relationship between the Legislature and the Judiciary. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845280493-109.
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Chilton, Adam S., and Mila Versteeg. "Social Rights." In How Constitutional Rights Matter. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190871451.003.0007.
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This chapter analyzes two social rights that are practiced on an individual basis: (1) the right to education and (2) the right to healthcare. It first describes the doctrinal nature of these rights, as well as how these relate to organizations’ ability to secure their enforcement. It then presents results from a global statistical analysis, which reveal that countries that constitutionalize the right to education and the right to healthcare do not dedicate more public funds to education and healthcare than countries without the right. In addition, this chapter presents a case study on the right to healthcare in Colombia, which reveals the difficulties inherent in enforcing the right to healthcare, even in the face of a highly activist judiciary.
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Divan, Madhavi. "Opening up Appointments." In Appointment of Judges to the Supreme Court of India. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199485079.003.0008.
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This essay takes a deep dive into the role of the civil society in the judicial appointments process. It begins with the observation that the superior courts in India, during the last few decades, have assumed an activist role. Public interest litigation on issues which have the potential to impact various sections of society are being entertained by the Supreme Court and the High Courts. This essay argues that India should not stay far behind from including members of the civil society, or ‘lay’ members in the judicial appointments process. It is also argued that the inclusion of lay people in the appointments process would positively impact the cause of diversity in appointments. In this context, this essay espouses the cause of civil society members in the judicial appointments process, and shields their inclusion in the National Judicial Appointments Commission from the allegation of violating the independence of the judiciary.
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Davidson, Roger. "‘This Pernicious Delusion’: Law, Medicine and Child Sexual Abuse1." In Illicit and Unnatural Practices. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474441193.003.0003.
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Chapter 3 examines child sexual abuse in early twentieth-century Scotland and the competing discourses surrounding its prosecution. At the heart of the study is a set of High Court cases of sexual assault upon children involving the aggravated offence of communicating VD, and the role played by the enduring superstition that ‘having connection with a virgin’ was a cure for the affliction. The chapter traces how this ‘pernicious delusion’ figured in medical testimony to legal proceedings and government enquiries throughout the period. It explores the impulses and constraints shaping the response of the law to ‘child outrage’. The impact of these cases on the campaign by feminists, rescue workers, and purity activists to amend the criminal law and the conduct of investigation and trial in respect to sexual offences against women is documented, as is the growing importance of forensic medicine in securing convictions. Continuing resistance is revealed within the medical profession and judiciary, as well as within the family and local community, to recognising child sexual abuse. The chapter illustrates the many layers of denial that operated to deny the child victims justice and the extent to which the legal process stigmatised them as sexual dangers to be institutionalised..