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Kelly, James B., and Michael Murphy. "Confronting Judicial Supremacy: A Defence of Judicial Activism and the Supreme Court of Cananda's Legal Rights Jurisprudence." Canadian journal of law and society 16, no. 1 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100006554.
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RésuméCet article étudie la relation entre le contrôle constitutionnel exercé par la Cour Suprême du Canada et la démocratie en analysant la jurisprudence portant sur les droits garantis par la Charte. Plus précisément, l'article vise à engager le débat avec un groupe influent d'universitaires, les interprétivistes canadiens, illustrés par les contributions scientifiques de F. L. Morton, Rainer Knopff et Christopher P. Manfredi. Contrairement aux interprétivistes qui concluent que l'activisme judiciaire de la Cour Suprême du Canada a compromis le constitutionnalisme libéral, cet article suggère qu'il a plutôt renforcé la suprématie de la Constitution. Cet argument est développé en deux parties. Dans la première, les limites théoriques de la compréhension de l'intention du législateur historique sont explorées pour illustrer les difficultés conceptuelles auxquelles font face les interprétivistes canadiens dans leur tentative de démontrer que le pouvoir judiciaire au Canada est sans contrainte. Nous soutenons que la construction de la compréhension historique est une entreprise hautement subjective qui a crée le mythe de la suprématie judiciaire. Dans la deuxième partie, les limites empiriques de ce mythe sont discutées en identifiant le paradoxe de l'activisme judiciaire: comment il varie, ainsi que son effet, selon l'acteur étatique qui se trouve au centre du recours à la Charte. Grâce à une analyse de cas d'un ensemble de décisions portant sur les droits garantis, l'article confronte ce mythe en démontrant que l'activisme judiciaire contre la police ne renforce point la suprématie judiciaire mais bien celle de la Constitution. En redéfinissant la relation entre les citoyens et l'État par une jurisprudence activiste des droits, la Cour suprême du Canada a effectivement contrôlé des abus de pouvoir par les agents de police. Cet activisme sert bien l'avancement de la suprématie constitutionnelle, quoi qu'en disent les interprétivistes canadiens‥
2
Christie, Gordon. "Judicial Justification of Recent Developments in Aboriginal Law." Canadian journal of law and society 17, no. 2 (2002): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100007249.
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RésuméPendant les dernières décennies, la Cour suprême du Canada a élaboré les conséquences de la constitutionalisation des droits autochtones. La jurisprudence a d'abord adopté une approche fondée sur les droits envers leur protection, les mettant dans une large mesure à l'abri d'intrusions législatives. Dans des décisions plus récentes toutefois, la Cour suprême à considérablement réduit le degré de protection dont ces droits jouissent. Elle a développe un ensemble de principes généraux sur la justification de l'activisme judiciaire, des principes qui s'appuient ultimement sur une vision du Canada comme démocratie constitutionnelle et le rôle du judiciaire dans une telle structure démocratique. L'article analyse les voies qui s'ouvrent à la Cour pour déployer les principes et la vision dont ils émanent, afin de justifier son activisme récent dans le domaine des droits des Autochtones
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Jochelson, Richard. "Multidimensional Analysis as a Window into Activism Scholarship: Searching for Meaning with Sniffer Dogs." Canadian journal of law and society 24, no. 2 (2009): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100009923.
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RésuméCet article s'appuie sur l'analyse multidimensionnelle de l'activisme judiciaire de Cohn et de Kremnitzer et applique celle-ci dans le contexte canadien. L'analyse est effectuée suite aux décisions récentes de la Cour suprême qui donnaient aux policiers le droit d'utiliser des chiens renifleurs durant des fouilles. Ce contexte légal sert de substrat afin de démontrer l'utilité ainsi que les limitations de l'approche multidimensionnelle. Tandis que l'activisme académique s'est concentré sur la quantification de l'activisme à travers le temps, sur la composition de la cour et sur des questions constitutionnelles, cet article affirme qu'il existe un certain potentiel pour un activisme académique plus «texturé», en portant une attention particulière sur les détails interstitiels du raisonnement judiciaire plutôt qu'uniquement sur sa disposition. Cette approche «texturée» reconnaît l'importance des décisions de la cour dans ces interstices puisque celles-ci font partie des discussions sur les grands principes constitutionnels. L'activisme académique est enrichi par l'étude des déviations d'une allégeance particulière vers des normes constitutives. La nomenclature de ces normes est relativement certaine. Néanmoins, leur définition exacte demeure sujette à un débat vigoureux. L'empressement vers l'acquisition d'un contenu réside au cœur même de plusieurs critiques activistes. L'analyse multidimensionnelle est susceptible de contribuer au langage de cette discussion. Elle peut donner du sens ainsi qu'apporter de l'ordre aux débats. Cette analyse peut contribuer aussi àla découverte de notre contenu normatif constitutionnel. Ce contenu représente, en quelques sortes, le point de départ pour une évaluation critique de nos normes constitutives.
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de Montigny, Yves. "Les rapports difficiles entre la liberté d’expression et ses limites raisonnables." Revue générale de droit 22, no. 1 (2019): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058171ar.
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L’auteur passe en revue la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême en matière de liberté d’expression depuis l’entrée en vigueur de la Charte et constate que l’on n’a pas craint d’élargir considérablement la portée de ce concept. Cet activisme judiciaire repose néanmoins sur des fondements théoriques fragiles et empreints de contradictions. Une analyse serrée de certaines décisions permet d’abord de constater que l’article 2b) de la Charte ne protège pas toutes les activités expressives sans égard à leur contenu; d’autre part, il n’est pas tout à fait exact de prétendre que la raisonnabilité d’une restriction à cette liberté fondamentale doit s’apprécier sans égard au type de discours en cause. En conclusion, l’auteur propose de départager les arguments qui tiennent à la nature même de l’expression de ceux qui s’analysent en termes de justification en s’appuyant sur un principe qui colle davantage au texte et à la structure de la Charte.
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Eltis, Karen. "Rétablir l’intégrité du processus électoral : le droit à la participation politique utile et les transfuges." Colloque : L'État en marche, transparence et reddition de comptes 36, no. 4 (2014): 629–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027163ar.
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L’intervention de plus en plus active des tribunaux dans des questions réputées « politiques » et dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques reflète un phénomène que Michael Mandel baptise la « judiciarisation du politique ». Il est proposé que cette réalité croissante découle non dudit « activisme judiciaire » mais d’une perte de confiance préoccupante du public dans les institutions politiques représentatives de l’État, qui semblent déléguer les questions les plus épineuses aux tribunaux. Pis encore, ce phénomène semble être alimenté par une perception publique de la construction élitiste et inaccessible des voies traditionnelles d’influence politique. Ceci est d’autant plus vrai à la lumière du phénomène grandissant des « transfuges politiques » sur la scène fédérale canadienne — fait qui risque tant de mettre en doute les postulats épistémologiques de l’expression politique utile que la perception de l’intégrité du processus démocratique. Il est fort possible que les députés transfuges vont à l’encontre de la volonté des électeurs en changeant de parti subitement — souvent par opportunisme — et sans ratification. Par ce fait, ils risquent vraisemblablement de ternir la perception de l’intégrité du processus électoral et peut-être même de léser le droit à la participation politique utile enchâssée à l’article 3 de la Charte. Est-il donc surprenant que le système de justice — souvent malgré lui — semble devenir la tribune où se discutent les questions d’ordre politique, alors que l’intérêt pour la vie publique régresse ? Il semblerait que ceux qui craignent la désuétude du processus politique traditionnel et une montée du soi-disant « activisme judiciaire » devraient s’attaquer de toute urgence à la réglementation des transfuges — comme moyen de contrecarrer l’érosion de la crédibilité des partis politiques et la sensation de futilité qui accompagne la participation au processus. Ainsi, la réglementation de la question des transfuges politiques devraient reposer avant tout sur le devoir de l’État d’adopter des mesures positives pour promouvoir la liberté d’expression au sein du processus politique, afin de freiner cette désaffectation problématique. En l’absence d’intervention politique au sujet des transfuges, il deviendra peut-être nécessaire de mettre à l’épreuve constitutionnelle le changement de parti à mi-chemin (surtout les cas les plus suspects sur le plan des motivations de gain personnel) sans la ratification des électeurs. Et ce, pour déterminer si les droits démocratiques garantis par la Charte ont ou devraient avoir l’effet de contraindre les transfuges (à l’instar des indépendants) de démissionner pour pouvoir ainsi mettre à l’épreuve leur nouvelle allégeance à l’occasion d’une élection partielle. Dans cette veine, le droit comparé revêt un intérêt particulier et fera donc l’objet d’un bref survol.
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Cohn, Margit, and Mordechai Kremnitzer. "Judicial Activism: A Multidimensional Model." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 18, no. 2 (2005): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004033.
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The article addresses the question of the role of the judiciary in the constitutional democratic state through an analysis of the concept of judicial activism. The model advanced in the article is based on a composite theory of the role of the judiciary, drawing on, and developing, Canon’s (1982) analysis of judicial activism and more recent multidimensional approaches to the assessment of judicial output. The article supplements the traditional vision of the judiciary as law enforcer in two directions. Drawing on the ‘constitutional dialogue/constitutional interdependence’ paradigm, the article perceives the judiciary as participant in a multi-player web of constitutional interactions, in which other government branches, individuals and public bodies participate in the decision making process; arguments on the omnipotency of the judiciary are thus replaced by a model of interdependency and interaction. The constitutionalist tradition serves as basis for the third vision, under which the judiciary is an active protector of core ‘thin’ societal values.These three visions of the role of the judiciary support a multidimensional analysis of judicial activism, under which judicial output is considered not only against pre-decision law, but also on the basis of post-decision dynamics and the value content of the decision.The model comprises seventeen distinct parameters, which include, inter alia, the degree of change in the law, interpretation techniques, interference with democratic processes, rhetoric, obiter dicta, reliance on comparative sources, the extent of the decision, and the complexity of the legal question brought before the court. Under this group of parameters, any change in the law, or action that extends beyond the mere settlement of the dispute before the court, would be considered activist. Additional parameters draw on the second vision of the role of the judiciary, and consider post-decision reaction of the legislature, the administration, the public and the judiciary itself as basis for supplementary assessment. In this context it is argued that a decision that is fully accepted and implemented by other members of the constitutional web should be viewed as less activist than a decision that is subsequently rejected; in the former case the decision conforms with societal consensus or equilibrium, while in the latter case, post-decision processes reflect judicial deviance from such consensus. A final parameter pertains to the value-content of the decision, under which a decision that promotes and protects core societal values should be considered less activist than one that intervenes in low-value policy areas. The model advanced in the article provides a basis for composite qualitative and quantitative assessments of the impact of the judiciary in the social and political spheres.
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Parslow, Joakim. "Lawyers against the Law." Anthropology of the Middle East 13, no. 2 (2018): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2018.130203.
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Despite increasing subordination of the judiciary to executive authorities, Turkish cause lawyering associations are more assertive than ever in their defiance of forced closures and legal persecution. Why would activist lawyers ‘play the game’ of law when the legal system is being undermined? Focusing on the historical genesis of Turkey’s oldest activist lawyering association, the Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği (ÇHD), I argue that Turkish legal activism results from not just clashing political causes but also the strategies attorneys are forced to adopt to effect change within an authoritarian-corporatist structure designed to constrict their activities. The ÇHD and similar groups are not merely extensions of the formal juridical order; they also constitute a grassroots engagement with the law that refuses to conform to the categories, narratives, procedures and ends of the state’s legal institutions.
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Sultan, Shazia, and Tahira Jabeen. "Changing Facetsof Judicial Activism in Pakistan." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 3, no. 3 (2020): 523–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v3i3.75.
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This paper deals with the troublesome history of Pakistan Judiciary in comparative perspective. The judicial restraint showed by the superior courts in the initial phase of Pakistan’s emergence and its failure in the enactment of extra-constitutional deeds of Military Generals and executive heads that troubled the smooth political and constitutional progress has been highlighted. The paper throws light on the struggle of the Judiciary for its independent status in the defiance of the military establishment in 2007 that catapulted the Judiciary as main stakeholder in the governmental power structure of the state. The key role played by Supreme Court in the defense of democratic norms, rule of law, corruption free politics and transparent governance has also ben focused. Overstepping of judiciary in executive matters in Justice Saqib Nisar is also the part of this investigation. Nonetheless empowering the public representative to legislate on the matter of the tenure extension of the COAS (Chief of Army Staff) has also been discussed along with the decision of special court and then High court in the treason case of Musharraf that raise is the part of this paper. The paper concludes that hurdles in the way to independent judiciary desperately needed to be removed for the dispensation of justice.
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Laffitte Fernandes, Rafael, and Rocco Antonio Rangel Rosso Nelson. "De la capacidad de innovación normativa del poder judiciario: un análisis a partir del sistema jurídico brasileño." Prolegómenos 20, no. 39 (2017): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18359/prole.2720.
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<p>Este texto tiene como objetivo analizar el rol actual del poder judiciario en la estructura de los poderes de la República Federativa de Brasil. La propuesta es estudiar la creciente actuación del poder judiciario, en especial del Supremo Tribunal Federal, dentro de lo que se llama activismo judicial. La investigación en cuestión, utilizando una metodología de análisis cualitativa y usando el abordaje hipotético-deductivo de carácter descriptivo y analítico, examinará casos concretos decididos por el poder judiciario brasileño y sus implicaciones en el arreglo político-institucional brasileño, ponderando sobre la legitimidad del activismo judicial.</p>
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Stychin, Carl F. "Relatively universal: globalisation, rights discourse, and the evolution of Australian sexual and national identities." Legal Studies 18, no. 4 (1998): 534–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1998.tb00079.x.
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Successful law reform campaigns leave behind a rich history; a story of engagement between activists seeking legal change, opponents who attempt to maintain the status quo, legislators, and the judiciary. The repeal of the provisions of the Tasmanian Criminal Code which prohibited certain private, consensual sexual relations between adults, and which were aimed primarily at male samesex sexual acts, by the state legislature in May 1997, signaled the end of a particularly arduous campaign which lasted several years. What makes this struggle worthy of academic treatment, first, is the simple fact that the gay activist campaign was waged over a plurality of legal and political sites at the state, national, and international levels.
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Ramos Alves, Luís Henrique, and Shirley Oliveira Lima Nomura. "ATIVISMO JUDICIAL E A SEPARAÇÃO DOS PODERES NO SÉCULO XXI: EXORBITAÇÃO DA FUNÇÃO ATÍPICA DO PODER JUDICIÁRIO." Colloquium Socialis 2, Especial 2 (2018): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5747/cs.2018.v02.nesp2.s0274.
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The separation of powers is a general principle of Brazilian Constitutional law prescribed in article 2 of the Federal Constitution following the model idealized by Montesquieu, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary, each of the powers has its respective characteristics and also has its typical and atypical functions. In the system of separation of powers there is a theory called System of Brakes and Counterweights, where it controls the division of powers and ensures that each one acts within its respective sphere of competence. With the passage of time within the Brazilian scenario has been emerging the so-called Judicial Activism, a phenomenon that arises when the judiciary proceeds to intervene proactively in the sphere of competence of other powers. With this, the present article seeks to show judicial activism, focusing on the exorbitance of the atypical function of the judiciary and how this judicial activism is triggered within the system of separation of powers.
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Reayat, Nauman, Neelam Farid, Muhammad Kamran Khan, and Anwarul Mujahid Shah. "Judicial Activism and Its Implications for Good Governance: A Case for Judicial Reforms in Pakistan." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i1.94.
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Judicial activism plays an important role in shaping various countries' political contexts with different political systems and regime types. Academic literature and debates are divided among various groups in favour and against judicial activism. This work reviews range of available data to probe case of judicial activism in Pakistan from 2005 to 2013. Judicial activism in Pakistan seemed to be short-lived and selective in nature. The Supreme Court of Pakistan (SCP) exercised activism without limits in cases against representative parliamentarians who were already constrained in many matters by other unconstitutional powers. No doubt, it reviewed various malpractices of the executive in the domain of public policy and governance, which enhanced its legitimacy and popularity. A vibrant media further contributed to the Court's popularity. But the transgression of institutional boundaries by the apex court for 'pious' objectives failed to introduce judicial reforms and eradication of corruption in the lower judiciary. Selectivity in the SCP activism was visible in its limitation to implement some of its verdicts against ex-military officers. This paper discusses these contradictions within the activism by the higher judiciary in Pakistan, and suggests various recommendations in the latter part of the paper.
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Anand, Sanjeev. "The Truth About Canadian Judicial Activism." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, no. 1, 2 & 3 (2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9nd5w.
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The topic of judicial activism in Canada generates considerable disagreement. At a recent conference, retired Supreme Court of Canada Justice John Major stated that “there is no such thing as judicial activism in Canada.”1 In 2001, speaking in his capacity as the Canadian Alliance’s Justice critic, the current federal Minister of Justice and Attorney General, Vic Toews, told Parliament that the Supreme Court has “engaged in a frenzy of constitutional experimentation that resulted in the judiciary substituting its legal and societal preferences for those made by the elected representatives of the people . . . [producing] legal and constitutional anarchy.”2 One prominent constitutional scholar fears that the debate on judicial activism in Canada has begun to produce excessive judicial deference that allows legislatures and officials to act without scrutiny by the judiciary concerning the effects of state action on vulnerable minorities.
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Hennigar, Matthew A. "Exploring Complex Judicial–Executive Interaction: Federal Government Concessions in Charter of Rights Cases." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (2010): 821–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000739.
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Abstract. This article analyzes the federal government's concessions before the Supreme Court of Canada that its own laws are unconstitutional under the Charter of Rights, marking the first time that concessions have been analyzed empirically in Canada. Using data from 1984–2004, the author finds that full concessions of unconstitutionality are exceptionally rare but that partial concessions are not uncommon. There is weak support for the hypothesis that governments are more willing to concede laws passed by previous governments of a different party, but, on the whole, the federal government appears committed to defending its laws in court. The author explores the implications of this for the relationship between the judiciary and the executive, including judicial activism, Charter dialogue and government use of the courts to advance policy goals.Résumé. Cet article analyse les concessions du gouvernement fédéral devant la Cour suprême du Canada que ses propres lois violent la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. Il s'agit, en fait, de la première analyse empirique de ces concessions au Canada. S'appuyant sur des données des années 1984 à 2004, l'auteur constate que les concessions complètes d'inconstitutionnalité sont exceptionnellement rares, mais que les concessions partielles ne sont pas inhabituelles. On donne peu d'appui à l'hypothèse que les gouvernements sont plus disposés à concéder les lois passées par des gouvernements précédents représentant un autre parti, et, dans l'ensemble, le gouvernement fédéral semble être engagé à défendre ses lois devant les cours. L'auteur explore l'incidence de cette situation sur les relations entre le pouvoir judiciaire et le pouvoir exécutif, abordant, entre autres, la question de l'activisme judiciaire, du dialogue sur la Charte et de l'utilisation des tribunaux par le gouvernement pour promouvoir certaines politiques.
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Tchotourian, Ivan, and Naomi Koffi. "Renforcer le conseil d’administration et mieux encadrer le vote actionnarial : les réponses possibles du droit à l’activisme dur des hedge funds." Les Cahiers de droit 59, no. 3 (2018): 617–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1052479ar.
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L’activisme de certains fonds d’investissement tels que les fonds de couverture ou fonds de placement spéculatif (plus connus sous le nom de « hedge funds ») rompt avec la philosophie et la démarche qui ont longtemps caractérisé l’activisme actionnarial traditionnel. La stratégie des hedge funds consiste à contraindre les administrateurs et les dirigeants d’entreprises à mettre en oeuvre des politiques de rentabilité à court terme en ayant recours aux instruments classiquement utilisés par les actionnaires activistes (batailles de votes, propositions actionnariales, recours judiciaires, etc.). À l’heure actuelle, le comportement des hedge funds activistes est au coeur d’intenses discussions. Beaucoup soulignent les conséquences néfastes que suscite leur action (qualifiée d’activisme « dur ») sur la pérennité des entreprises, sur leurs parties prenantes (salariés, créanciers, etc.) et sur le climat économique. Toutefois, il est exagéré d’affirmer que cet activisme n’a que des aspects négatifs. À ce titre, des spécialistes soulignent les effets disciplinaires positifs de l’activisme des hedge funds aussi bien sur le conseil d’administration que sur la haute direction. Sur le plan juridique, plusieurs solutions sont discutées (et certaines sont déjà mises en place dans certains pays) pour encadrer l’activisme des hedge funds : le renforcement du rôle du conseil d’administration par une compétence accrue de ses membres et un dialogue continu avec les autres actionnaires, d’un côté ; l’encadrement du droit de vote des actionnaires pour le faire davantage correspondre à leur intérêt économique, d’un autre côté. Au travers d’une approche comparative, descriptive et prescriptive, le présent texte contribue à l’intense débat que suscite actuellement l’activisme des hedge funds.
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Akbar, Dr Muqarrab, and Mahnoor Malik. "Judicial Activism and Pakistani Society: A Case Study of Musharaf Era." Journal of Law & Social Studies 1, no. 2 (2019): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.01.02.6168.
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Judicial organ is one of the three organs of the state of Pakistan. It plays important role in Constitutional machinery by performing its functions like interpreting laws and keeping an eye over the laws made by legislature that they are according to the injunctions of Islam or not and whether these laws are implemented properly by the executive or not. Judicial activism refers to the judicial rulings based on personal views rather than on existing law. The research is based on the questions like, is Judiciary playing effective role in Pakistan? What is the role of judiciary in Musharaf’s regime? Did judicial organ work in accordance with the Constitution of Pakistan 1973 in Musharaf’s regime? The conflict between president Musharaf and Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhry on March 9, 2007 when the Iftikhar Chaudhry refused to move under the pressure of the former to resign as Chief Justice. This led to the frontal attack by Musharaf against the judiciary on November 3, 2007 in the grab of unconstitutional emergency and PCO. In terms of judicial crisis and lawyers’ movement, the resistance offered by a large portion of the judiciary from March 9, 2007 onwards supported by the lawyers’ fraternity was a step toward change in favor of an independent judiciary in the future.
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Marmo, Marinella. "The Empowering of the Italian Judiciary: The Shift Towards Activism." International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice 31, no. 1 (2007): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2007.9678762.
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Cristóvam, José Sérgio Da Silva, and Manoella Peixer Cipriani. "Sobre o ativismo judicial nas questões relacionadas ao direito à saúde: mensageiro da boa nova ou lobo em pele de cordeiro / Judicial activism in matters related to the right to healthcare: bearer of good news or wolf in sheep’s clothing." Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, no. 3 (2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.1944.
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Resumo: Com a omissão dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo na formulação de políticas públicas adequadas e satisfatórias, a sociedade passou a buscar no Judiciário a efetivação de seus direitos constitucionais, principalmente o direito à saúde. Submisso ao princípio da inafastabilidade judicial e primando pelo respeito e efetivação da constituição, o Poder Judiciário popularizou a concessão de medicamentos e tratamentos médicos por meio de ações judiciais. A justificativa é de que cabe também ao Judiciário a concretização da Constituição e, diante da característica de eficácia plena que possui o direito à saúde, conceder tais medidas quando provocado. Entretanto, essas ações tornaram-se cada vez mais comuns e a consequência foi que as decisões judiciais passaram a interferir expressivamente no orçamento público, provocando alterações significativas nas verbas destinadas as políticas públicas de saúde. Essa é a temática central desse estudo, em especial o debate sobre os limites ao ativismo judicial em matéria de saúde. O método utilizado é o dedutivo e monográfico e a técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica. Palavras-chave: Ativismo Judicial; Controle de Políticas Públicas; Direito à saúde; Estado constitucional de direito; Legitimidade e limites. Abstract: Given the omission of the Executive and Legislative Branches in the formulation of appropriate and satisfactory public policies, society has come to claim through the Judicial System their constitutional rights, especially the right to healthcare. Submitted to the principle of non-obviation of jurisdiction and prioritizing the respect and enforcement of the constitution, the Judiciary popularized the provision of medicine and treatments through lawsuits. The justification is that it is also the Judicial Branch’s role to ensure the Constitution is enforced and, ruled by the immediate effect that the right to healthcare bears, grant these measures when provoked. However, these actions have become increasingly common and the result is that the decisions of the judges began to meaningfully interfere in government budget, significantly changing funds for public healthcare policies. This is the central theme of this study, especially the debate on the limits to the judicial activism in healthcare. The research used the deductive approach, monographic method and technical literature procedure. Keywords: Judicial Activism; Control of public policy; Right to healthcare; Constitutional state of law; Legitimacy and limits.
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Ding, Chunyan. "Judicial Activism of Provincial Courts in China: Medical Negligence Law as a Case Study." Chinese Journal of Comparative Law 7, no. 3 (2019): 505–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjcl/cxaa001.
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Abstract By presenting a case study of local judicial activism in medical negligence law reform in recent China, this article examines the active engagement of Chinese provincial courts in bottom-up reform of national laws. Contrary to conventional wisdom that law-making is the least important function of local courts, it finds that provincial courts in China, like the Supreme People’s Court, are actively engaging in law-making, which is an essential part of their functions. It also reveals that the national judiciary is more susceptible to political pressure while the provincial judiciary tends to be less vulnerable to political pressure and more responsive to populist pressure when exercising its law-making power. Therefore, provincial courts may be in a better position to reform national laws in response to urgent social needs, in contrast to the Supreme People’s Court, which encounters political obstacles in pursing top-down law reform. By exploring the dynamic national–local judiciary relationship in the law-making landscape, this article argues that judicial activism of provincial courts in national law reform opens an alternative channel through which populist views can effectively move up to become part of national laws despite China being a non-democratic country.
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Mair, George. "Book Review: The New Judiciary: The Effects of Expansion and Activism." International Criminal Justice Review 11, no. 1 (2001): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105756770101100127.
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Laidler, Paweł. "Judicial activism and the American election process." Politologia 2 (November 27, 2020): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/p.7281.
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This article analyses the phenomenon of judicial activism in the American electoral process. It tries to estimate whether the political system of the United States of America has become hostage to the law-making role of the judiciary, which actively controls the compliance of election laws with the Constitution, thus drawing courts into purely political processes, or whether the nature of the disputes settled by judges rather makes it impossible for them to avoid being influenced by and influencing issues of a political nature. The article analyses various legal acts and court decisions, mostly concerning the current status of federal campaign finance in the United States, and demonstrates that more spheres traditionally reserved for other branches of government are being appropriated by the judicial branch.
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WHITTINGTON, KEITH E. "“Interpose Your Friendly Hand”: Political Supports for the Exercise of Judicial Review by the United States Supreme Court." American Political Science Review 99, no. 4 (2005): 583–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051890.
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The exercise of constitutional review by an independent and active judiciary is commonly regarded as against the interest of current government officials, who presumably prefer to exercise power without interference. In this article, I advance an “overcoming obstructions” account of why judicial review might be supported by existing power holders. When current elected officials are obstructed from fully implementing their own policy agenda, they may favor the active exercise of constitutional review by a sympathetic judiciary to overcome those obstructions and disrupt the status quo. This provides an explanation for why current officeholders might tolerate an activist judiciary. This dynamic is illustrated with case studies from American constitutional history addressing obstructions associated with federalism, entrenched interests, and fragmented and cross-pressured political coalitions.
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Agbor, Avitus. "The Role of the Judiciary in the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Cameroon." African Journal of Legal Studies 8, no. 1-2 (2015): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342057.
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The ratification and domestication of international human rights instruments could be used as indices to determine a state’s commitment to the promotion and protection of, and respect for, human rights. Within municipal legal systems, the judiciary is one of the stakeholders to fulfil these tasks. As one of the organs of government, it can play a critical role in defining the content and evolution of both democracy and human rights. Even though a state party to numerous international human rights instruments, a critical analysis of Cameroon’s institutional mechanisms reveals that there is a conspicuous incompatibility between these institutional mechanisms and the ideals of democracy and human rights. More specifically, the power of the judiciary, as stipulated in the Constitution, is very limited. This parochial mandate has had a heavy toll on first, the democratic evolution of the country; and secondly, on ensuring the promotion, protection of, and respect for, human rights. This paper argues that the judiciary in Cameroon should play a role in enhancing democracy and human rights. To do this, the judiciary must undergo a paradigm shift from a complacent and disturbing judicial inertia to judicial activism.
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Krever, Tor. "A life in human rights: a conversation with Dennis Davis." London Review of International Law 9, no. 1 (2021): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrab008.
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Abstract Dennis Davis is Judge of the High Court of South Africa, Judge President of the Competition Appeal Court, and Honorary Professor of Law at the University of Cape Town. In this wide-ranging conversation with Tor Krever, he reflects on his political and intellectual trajectory—from early encounters with Marx to anti-apartheid activism to a leading position in the South African judiciary—and his lifelong commitment to a radical left politics.
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Warren, Marilyn. "Unelected does not Equate with Undemocratic: Parliamentary Sovereignty and the Role of the Judiciary." Deakin Law Review 13, no. 2 (2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2008vol13no2art158.
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<p>One feature of judicial life that strikes most appointees to judicial office early on is the silence of the Judiciary outside our judgments and statements in court. We are also struck, when we deliver our first judgment that raises controversy or higher public interest, by the vulnerability of the Judiciary to<br />criticism, sometimes vehement and trenchant. Judges do not answer back. With the exception of Chief Justices, judges are generally only heard in court, unless the speaking occasion involves an extra-curial or academic discussion on the law or judicial life. This is properly so. Yet, when the criticism comes, it is troubling. Judges understand the constitutional and<br />governmental conventions that operate and within which they work. The conventions are not complicated, in fact quite simple. The only regret is that they are forgotten or overlooked when the criticism is made. For this<br />evening’s purpose I would wish to reflect on the conventions that judges work within. I will set out the traditional and modern views on parliamentary sovereignty. I will address the doctrine of separation of powers and the role of judicial power. I will postulate that, in modern government, it is the rule of law that is sovereign. I will consider the judicial role and the development of the common law. I will address the topics of<br />judicial activism, the election of judges and judicial accountability. I will conclude with the view that the complaint of judicial activism is misplaced and involves a misapprehension of the judicial function. For some, the high<br />water mark of judicial activism was Mabo.1 For some, the nadir of judicial ‘inactivism’ was Al Kateb.2 These swings of the pendulum in the discussion of judges’ work are not new. In 1956, Boilermakers’3 was an unsatisfactory outcome for some. Similarly, in 1948, the Bank Nationalisation4 decision provoked criticism. When Chief Justice Dixon restrained the Victorian Government from carrying out the execution in Tait,5 criticism ensued. However, each time judicial power prevailed over parliamentary and executive power. Was that undemocratic? My discussion does not say anything new. It has been said before. But, it needs to be said again. I turn then to the topic for consideration.</p>
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Giunchi, Elisa. "Islamization and Judicial Activism in Pakistan: What Šarīʿah?" Oriente Moderno 93, № 1 (2013): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340008.
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Abstract The Islamization of Pakistani law started at the end of the 1970s under the stimulus of the executive and has continued in subsequent decades mainly through the judiciary. Increasingly, Pakistani High courts, and later on Islamic appellate courts, have applied uncodified šarīʿah principles to supplement and, at times, contradict codified law, particularly in the field of family matters and sexual crimes. On the basis of court records, the author reviews first, the religious sources referred to by the judges and, second, the implications of their religiously inspired “judicial activism”, with a focus on the interaction between the Zinā Ordinance and the Muslim Family Law Ordinance. The author argues that the enforcement of Islamic laws has been traversed by two opposite tensions—towards systematization and complexity—and that a traditional discourse based on the nuances of fiqh can either improve or worsen women’s status depending on the sources referred to by the courts.
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Gerard, Jules B. "Roe v. Wade Is Constitutionally Unprincipled and Logically Incoherent: A Brief in Support of Judicial Restraint." American Journal of Law & Medicine 15, no. 2-3 (1989): 222–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800012211.
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The Center for Judicial Studies is the only educational and public policy organization in the United States that focuses exclusively on the problem of judicial activism. It seeks to confine the power of the federal judiciary to the bounds envisioned by the Framers of the Constitution. The Center's brief was signed by fifty-six members of Congress who were concerned that Roe v. Wade “has expanded federal judicial powers into areas that are within the rightful legislative domain of Congress and the states.”
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Bhagwati, P. N. "The role of the judiciary in the democractic process: Balancing activism and judicial restraint." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 18, no. 4 (1992): 1262–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1992.9986224.
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Solangi, Hatim Aziz. "THE NEO-JURISPRUDENCE OF PIL IN SUPERIOR COURTS OF PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF PRE AND POST LAWYERS’ MOVEMENT WORKING OF SUPERIOR COURTS." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 60, no. 1 (2021): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v60i1.444.
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The dynamics of the superior judiciary in Pakistan have undergone a drastic transformation in its approach and working in post 2007 emergency followed by a landmark movement of civil and legal fraternity for restoration of constitutional supremacy. The neo-jurisprudence is being applauded and criticized at the same time. The excessive use of Suo-motto and public interest litigation at one hand and frequent judicial review of executive and legislative action on other have been the main source of contention between judiciary and other two pillars of state, legislature and executive. The Superior Court is being recognized as the ultimate savior of fundamental rights and guardian of the constitution as well as rights of the people. At the other extreme, the criticism like activist judiciary; disrespect for popular will and making rather interpreting law are most commonly attributed to Superior Judiciary. The study is qualitative in nature and presents a comparative analysis of trends in Superior Court before and after Lawyers’ movement. The study also aims in justifying the proactive approach especially in providing social justice on failure of state organs to respond to the exigency of time.
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Das, Lalatendu Keshari. "Social Movements– Judicial Activism Nexus and Neoliberal Transformation in India: Revisiting Save Chilika Movement." Sociological Bulletin 67, no. 1 (2018): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022917751979.
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Both the supporters and distractors of ‘social movements–judicial activism nexus’ project litigation strategies as the greatest challenge to neoliberal transformation in India. This fieldwork-based study on shrimp cultivation in Chilika Lake shows otherwise. By historically situating the developments in Chilika, it shows that in case of unpopular economic policies during the neoliberal period, the judiciary and other state agencies follow a revolving-door strategy and continuously externalise the problematic of resource conflicts by creating a regime of blame-avoidance. This regime nullifies the unity of the communities fighting dispossession by reducing the social movements to immediate livelihood concerns of the masses.
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Rayment-Law, Eric. "The American Judiciary Through the Lens of The Federalist Papers." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 1 (March 27, 2011): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora10084.
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The manner in which a Supreme Court justice ought to rule in any given case before him or her is a controversial topic in America, with a number of American lawmakers feeling that each justice should exercise “judicial restraint.” Those who feel this way often subscribe to the interpretive strategies of strict construction or originalism, which both cast judges as activists who have a political agenda, imposing it on America while ignoring the Constitution. As a remedy to their grievances, constructionists propose that the constitutional text should be rigorously adhered to while constitutional rights should be narrowly defined. Similarly, originalists propose that the Justices of the American Supreme Court interpret the law according to the intentions of the founding generation. This paper assesses the validity of these interpretive strategies by entertaining the originalist argument (albeit modified) and deferring judgment in this matter to The Federalist number seventy-eight and number ten. Upon analysis of these American founding documents, it is found that the intent of the founding generation to indeed create a judiciary that adheres to the parameters set by the Constitution, but also one that possesses room to incorporate their own judicial philosophies into their legal interpretations as opposed to one that exercises strict judicial restraint.
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DUGARD, JACKIE. "Judging the Judges: Towards an Appropriate Role for the Judiciary in South Africa's Transformation." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 4 (2007): 965–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004578.
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In this article I draw on John Dugard's criticism of apartheid judges to initiate a discussion of the role and functioning of judges in the post-apartheid era. Using John's critique of the limits of judicial interpretation in an illegitimate order, I extend the analysis to review the record of the Constitutional Court in adjudicating socioeconomic rights cases post-1994. In doing so I propose a radical interpretation of the Court's role in society and an activist functioning of judges in South Africa's constitutional democracy. I conclude that, notwithstanding the momentous changes in the South African legal order since 1994, John's critique of the judiciary retains much value and applicability today.
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Harms, Louis TC. "Judging Under a Bill of Rights." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 3 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i3a2732.
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We are pleased to publish here, as an oratio, the Ebsworth Memorial Lecture delivered by Mr Justice Louis Harms in February 2007. In his lecture he addressed a range of contentious issues regarding the challenges of judging under a (new) Bill of Rights and he inter alia raises, "without answering, the question of whether a bill of rights should reflect existing societal values or whether it should create them." He also spoke candidly of judicial activism, verbosity emanating from the bench, the judiciary and the separation of powers and (in-)consistency in constitutional adjudication. Among his conclusions he states that a Bill of Rights "is supposed to remove arbitrariness, not only of legislation but also of adjudication."
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Venter, Francois. "Editorial." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 3 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i3a2738.
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We are pleased to publish here, as an oratio, the Ebsworth Memorial Lecture delivered by Mr Justice Louis Harms in February 2007. In his lecture he addressed a range of contentious issues regarding the challenges of judging under a (new) Bill of Rights and he inter alia raises, "without answering, the question of whether a bill of rights should reflect existing societal values or whether it should create them." He also spoke candidly of judicial activism, verbosity emanating from the bench, the judiciary and the separation of powers and (in-)consistency in constitutional adjudication. Among his conclusions he states that a Bill of Rights "is supposed to remove arbitrariness, not only of legislation but also of adjudication."
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Kuźnicka-Błaszkowska, Dominika. "Pozycja prawnoustrojowa Komisji do spraw Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości Malty." Przegląd Prawa i Administracji 119 (January 20, 2020): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1134.119.11.
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THE LEGAL AND POLITICAL POSITION OF THE COMMISSION FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE OF MALTAThe Commission for the Administration of Justice of Malta is an advisory and control body of the judiciary which, in accordance with the Constitution of Malta, safeguards the independence of judges. Despite the reform of its system and scope of competence in recent years, social activists are still demanding changes in the way it functions. The main allegations relate primarily to the too strong position of the executive representatives in its work, the lack of openness of the Commission, as well as nepotism and corruption in the judicial community.
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RIBEIRO, Sirlene Elias. "SEPARAÇÃO DE PODERES E ATIVISMO JUDICIAL: LEGISLAÇÃO SIMBÓLICA E OS DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS." Percurso 2, no. 29 (2019): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revpercurso.2316-7521.v2i29.3503.
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RESUMOO presente artigo cuida de uma análise da atuação dos poderes Legislativo Executivo e Judiciário na realização e implementação dos direitos fundamentais previstos na Constituição Federal do Brasil. O Enfoque dado ao trabalho é a análise de considerações e definições doutrinárias acerca do tema proposto, bem como de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal, com o objetivo de uma conclusão acerca do crescimento do ativismo judicial e da judicialização das políticas públicas voltadas aos direitos humanos, passando por uma análise da elaboração de legislação simbolicamente e de uma atuação simbólica do Tribunal nas questões de direitos fundamentais. PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Ativismo; Judicialização; Divisão de Poderes; Legislação Simbólica. ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the performance of the Executive and Judiciary Legislative powers in the realization and implementation of fundamental rights foreseen in the Federal Constitution of Brazil. The focus of the work is the analysis of doctrinal considerations and definitions about the proposed theme, as well as of the Brasilian Federal Supreme Court, with the objective of a conclusion about the growth of judicial activism and the judicialization of public policies focused on human rights, through the analysis of the symbolic drafting of legislation and a symbolic role of the Court in matters of fundamental rights. KEYWORDS: Activism; Judicialization; Division of powers; Symbolic Legislation.
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Salman, Radian, Sukardi Sukardi, and Mohammad Syaiful Aris. "JUDICIAL ACTIVISM OR SELF-RESTRAINT : SOME INSIGHT INTO THE INDONESIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COURT." Yuridika 33, no. 1 (2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ydk.v33i1.7279.
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The Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia is centralized judicial review institution which implements a posteriori and abstract control. Constitutional court decision often politically sensitive and involve important issues. On the one hand handing down strong decisions that uphold important constitutional principles can bring great benefits to citizens and can strengthen support for democracy but on the other hand, strong role of the court in judicial review tends to encroach increasingly on the territory of the law making institution. This article examines the decision of constitutional court in the framework of a tension between constitutionalism and democracy, especially from theoretical or conceptual approach. As result of examining its decisions, Indonesian Constitutional Court may reflect two characters; judicial activism as characterized by acting as law-maker and using policy in judicial decisions and/ or judicial self-restraint. Recent Indonesian experience shows that judicial review of legislation is not a simply of judicial control over law-making institution, as it brings tension in the context of power relations in the scheme of separation of power. Relationship between the court and legislature, in respective of judicial review, will culminate in the philosophy of the judiciary. However, as constitutionalism and democracy are virtue, decisions of the Constitutional Court in judicial review should create mode of self-limitation within the framework of the principle of separation of powers.
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GALDINO, Valéria Silva, Caio Eduardo Costa CAZELATTO, and Luiz Augusto RUFFO. "DA LEGITIMIDADE DO ATIVISMO JUDICIAL NA FAMÍLIA HOMOAFETIVA A PARTIR DA AÇÃO DIREITA DE INCONSTITUCIONALIDADE 4.277/2011." Revista Juridica 2, no. 55 (2019): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revistajur.2316-753x.v2i55.3402.
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RESUMORealiza-se um questionamento acerca da legitimidade da decisão cometida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, resultante da divisão de competências entre os poderes da União. A metodologia utilizada foi a de investigação bibliográfica, tendo base nas críticas levantadas por Lênio Streck sobre a atuação do Poder Judiciário, caracterizando-a como um ativismo judicial a ser combatido, fazendo-se uma reflexão sobre as motivações concretas que fazem o ativismo vir a ocorrer, utilizando-se das considerações de Rachel Nigro, que propõe uma revisão dos conceitos de democracia, fazendo defesa de um ativismo legítimo e necessário. Sendo assim, reconhece-se as negativas do ativismo judicial, mas também se reconhece as negativas da não tutela dos direitos fundamentais em nome de uma aplicação restrita do texto constitucional. Isso, pois, deixar as famílias homoafetivas à margem daquilo que lhe é de Direito, esperando a boa vontade legislativa, vai contra ao que é, de fato, democrático e constitucional. Pontua-se, ainda, da carga simbólica que uma produção normativa coerente aos aspectos fáticos das famílias homoafetivas traria para efetivar a seguridade jurídica e social de tal grupo. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ativismo Judicial; Direitos Fundamentais; União Homoafetiva. ABSTRACTA questioning about the legitimacy of the decision made by the Federal Supreme Court, resulting from the division of competences between the powers of the Union, was carried out. The methodology used was that of bibliographic research, based on the criticisms raised by Lênio Streck about the performance of the Judiciary, characterizing it as a judicial activism to be fought, reflecting on the concrete motivations that make the activism come to take place, using the considerations of Rachel Nigro, who proposes a revision of the concepts of democracy, making defense of legitimate and necessary activism. thus, it acknowledges the negatives of judicial activism, but also acknowledges the denials of non-protection of Fundamental Rights in the name of a restricted application of the constitutional text. this, therefore, leaving homoaffective families to the margin of what is their right, waiting for legislative goodwill, goes against what is, in fact, democratic and constitutional. the symbolic burden that a coherent normative production of the factual aspects of homoaffective families would bring to the juridical and social security of such a group is also punctuated. KEYWORDS: Judicial Activism; Fundamental rights; Homoaffective Union.
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Gesta Leal, Rogério. "RISCOS E POSSIBILIDADES DO ATIVISMO JUDICIAL NA DEMOCRACIA." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (2021): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p181-200.
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RESUMOO objetivo deste trabalho é verificar em que medida é possível conciliar ativismo judicial e democracia, considerando principalmente os desafios que se apresentam as relações sociais contemporâneas. A justificativa desta proposta se sustenta no fato de que o Poder Judiciário tem sido cada vez mais procurado para dar conta de demandas envolvendo as insuficiências das politicas públicas governamentais em face de direitos fundamentais. Demarcamos como problema da abordagem verificar se é possível superar eventuais tensões entre o excesso de ativismo judicial e a democracia enquanto representação politica também institucional de outros poderes, e como hipótese a premissa de que deva-se adotar, para a solução do problema, perspectiva ampliada da atuação do Poder Judiciário a partir da compreensão igualmente oxigenada da Democracia e dos seus outros legítimos protagonistas, sob pena do esvaziamento de instancias importantes de deliberação e decisão política quotidiano. A metodologia utilizada neste trabalho foi a hipotética dedutiva.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ativismo Judicial; Democracia; Representação PolíticaABSTRACTThe objective of this work is to verify to what extent it is possible to conciliate judicial activism and democracy, considering mainly the challenges presented by contemporary social relations. The justification of this proposal is based on the fact that the Judiciary has been increasingly sought to deal with demands involving the inadequacies of governmental public policies in the face of fundamental rights. We point out as a problem of the approach to verify if it is possible to overcome possible tensions between the excess of judicial activism and democracy as a political representation also institutional of other powers, and as a hypothesis the premise that it should be adopted, for the solution of the problem, the oxygenated understanding of Democracy and its other legitimate protagonists, under penalty of emptying important instances of deliberation and daily political decision. The methodology used in this work was the hypothetical deductive. KEY-WORDS: Judicial Activism; Democracy; Political Representation
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Liang, Jessica. "The Inherent Jurisdiction and Inherent Powers of International Criminal Courts and Tribunals." New Criminal Law Review 15, no. 3 (2012): 375–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2012.15.3.375.
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The concepts of inherent powers and inherent jurisdiction are curious under international criminal law. Their source is unclear and their content indeterminate. With potentially coercive consequences on individuals, the exercise of such powers in the criminal context deserves close scrutiny. This article argues that the concepts serve a legitimate function within international criminal courts and tribunals. They are indispensable for filling lacunae in jurisdiction and controlling the abuse of process. Invocations of a court's inherent powers are guided by the necessity of guarding the judicial function and notions of justice. Problematically, this vests substantial discretion in the judiciary and opens their use to judicial activism. This article delineates a clear set of limitations and argues that judicial restraint is crucial to ensuring that there is no abuse of discretion flowing from the exercise of this power.
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Deluque Júnior, Romano. "Uma Análise sobre a Expansão do Poder Judicial no Brasil: Construindo Sentidos sobre Democracia e Ativismo Judicial." Revista de Ciências Jurídicas e Empresariais 21, no. 1 (2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17921/2448-2129.2020v21n1p21-30.
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ResumoDa descrença de um povo junto aos seus representantes eleitos ascende o protagonismo do Poder Judiciário. Nunca antes na história nacional, os olhares populares, agora dotados de uma aguçado poder de corte, se voltaram às decisões proferidas pelos Tribunais e Cortes superiores. Desse modo, decisões de questões políticas, sociais e morais de grande relevância, que outrora seriam resolvidas por instâncias políticas tradicionais como o Executivo e o Legislativo, agora são prostradas a serem apreciadas pelo Poder Judiciário. Com a fragilização das instituições politicas, judicializa-se a vida. No Brasil de nossos dias não é preciso olhar para muito além do horizonte para perceber que a relação do povo junto aos seus representantes democraticamente eleitos se encontra fragilizada, isso não é novidade. Esse fenômeno faz emergir uma atitude proativa por parte dos juízes e Tribunais brasileiros. Eis o ativismo judicial, uma ideia que se associa a uma participação mais intensa e abrangente do Poder Judiciário na concretização dos valores constitucionais e na defesa dos direitos humanos, o que não significa, em hipótese alguma, dever agir com parcialidade ou com princípios político-partidários. O presente artigo tem por intuito desenvolver um debate, na forma de uma revisão de literatura, a respeito do tema da judicialização da política e do ativismo judicial. A análise de tais fenômenos se fará à luz dos acontecimentos políticos, e jurídico-sociais que emergiram recentemente em realidade nacional. Portanto, discutir-se-á o papel do juiz proativo e seus limites de julgar, bem como as novas matizes do jogo democrático que se instauram no cenário da política brasileira.
 Palavras-chave: Judicialização da Política. Ativismo Judicial. Corrupção. Democracia. Sociedade.
 AbstractFrom the people’s disbelief towards their elected representatives, the leading role of the judiciary arises. Never before in our national history, popular views, now endowed with a sharp cutting power, have turned to the decisions handed down by our courts and higher courts. Thus, decisions of political, social and moral issues of great relevance, which in the past would have been resolved by traditional political instances such as the executive and the legislature, are now prostrate to be appreciated by the judiciary. With the weakening of political institutions, life is legalized. In Brazil nowadays, it is not necessary to look far beyond the horizon to realize that the people's relationship with their democratically elected representatives is weakened, which is not a novelty. This phenomenon gives rise to a proactive attitude on the part of Brazilian judges and courts. This is judicial activism, an idea that is associated with a more intense and comprehensive participation of the judiciary in the realization of constitutional values and in the human rights defense, which does not, under any circumstances, mean having to act with partiality or with political-political principles. supporters. This article aims to develop a debate, in the form of a literature review, on the theme of judicialization of politics and judicial activism. The analysis of such phenomena will take place in light of the political, and legal-social events that have recently emerged in our national reality. Therefore, the proactive judge’s role and his or her judgment limits will be discussed, as well as the new democratic nuances game that are established in the Brazilian political scene.
 Keywords: Politics Judicialization. Judicial Activism. Corruption. Democracy. Society.
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Lo, Sonny. "Hong Kong in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.34.
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Due to Beijing’s deep concern about its national security being undermined in Hong Kong, where the anti-extradition protests from June to December 2019 not only challenged the legitimacy of both the central and Hong Kong governments but also constituted an attempt at initiating a “color revolution,” a national security law was enacted in late June 2020. The new law aims at demonstrating its immediate deterrent effects on protestors and dissidents by empowering the Hong Kong authorities to pursue suspected offenders. The results were the escape, arrest, and imprisonment of some local political activists. The year 2020 marked the immediate impacts of the national security law on Hong Kong’s political development, resulting in the territory’s truncated autonomy and exerting controls over the society, education, and the judiciary.
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Carmo, Valter Moura do, and Ewerton Ricardo Messias. "Pós-modernidade e principiologia jurídica: O ativismo judicial e sua validade no âmbito do Estado Democrático de Direito / Post-modernity and legal principiology: The judicial activism and its validity in the context of the Democratic State of Law." Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, no. 3 (2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.2163.
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Resumo: Atualmente, a hermenêutica jurídica assume características específicas, vez que, diante dos conceitos jurídicos indeterminados, exige-se do juiz uma postura altamente construtiva do conteúdo semântico dos enunciados sob análise, ambiente propício para o surgimento do ativismo judicial. O presente artigo visa a analisar o que seja o ativismo judicial e sua eventual validade no âmbito do Estado Democrático de Direito. Com esse intuito, são investigados a distinção entre Direito e sistema jurídico e entre ordenamento jurídico e sistema jurídico; a principiologia jurídica pós-moderna e sua influência no surgimento do ativismo judicial; a definição de judicialização e a distinção entre ativismo judicial, livre convencimento motivado do juiz e pró-atividade judicial e o risco ao Estado Democrático de Direito diante de uma eventual ditadura do Poder Judiciário. Para a obtenção dos resultados almejados pela pesquisa, o método de abordagem a ser seguido será o empírico-dialético, utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica e legislativa, tendo como pano de fundo um sistema de referência pautado no giro linguístico, representado por meio do Constructivismo Lógico-Semântico de Paulo de Barros Carvalho. Em conclusão, aponta-se que o ativismo judicial não tem validade no âmbito do Estado Democrático de Direito, tendo-se por base o referencial teórico adotado. Palavras-chave: Princípios. Conceitos jurídicos indeterminados. Democracia. Interpretação normativa intersubjetiva. Abstract: Currently legal hermeneutics presents specific characteristics, since, in view of indeterminate legal concepts, the judge is required to play a highly constructive role on the semantic content of the statements under analysis, a situation conducive to the emergence of judicial activism. The present article analyses what is judicial activism and its possible validity within the scope of the Rule of Law. With this in mind, we investigate the distinction between Law and legal system and between legal system and legal hierarchy; a number of postmodern legal principles and their influence on the emergence of judicial activism; the definition of judicialisation and the distinction between judicial activism, free convincing of the judge and pro-judicial activity, and the risk to the Democratic Rule of Law in the face of a possible dictatorship of the Judiciary branch. In order to obtain the results sought by our research, the method of approach we used is the empirico-dialectic, based on the use of bibliographical and legislative sources. As background, we use a reference system based on the linguistic turn, inspired by the Logical-Semantic Constructivism of Paulo de Barros Carvalho. In conclusion, based on the theoretical framework adopted, we point out that judicial activism has no validity within the scope of the Democratic Rule of Law.Keywords: Principles. Undetermined legal concepts. Democracy. Intersubjective normative interpretation.
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Kirby, Justice Michael. "The Role of the Judge in Advancing Human Rights - Knight Errant or Slot Machine Automation?" Nordic Journal of International Law 57, no. 1 (1988): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181088x00029.
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AbstractIn this paper, the author deals with the "role" of judges in "advancing" human rights. He cautions that the needs of different countries will vary. He starts with a reference to the recent failure of Judge Robert Bork to secure confirmation to the Supreme Court of the United States. Bork had been a long time proponent of judicial restraint in the interpretation of the Bill of Rights, urging that protection of human rights should normally be left to the democratically accountable branches of government - the executive and the legislature. After reviewing the theoretical and practical arguments for and against judicial restraint, the author states his own conclusions. These are that, especially where there is a constitutional charter of rights and particularly in common law countries, judges have an inescapable function in developing the law. Their decisions necessarily advance their view of human rights. In human rights cases, they may nowadays receive assistance from international statements of human rights and the jurisprudence developing around such statements. The author appeals for an international approach but acknowledges that this will be difficult for lawyers, traditionally jurisdiction bound. But he warns that there are limits to the activism of the judiciary in controversial human rights cases. Judges themselves do well to recognise these limits both for their legitimacy and their effectiveness. An important modern challenge to the judiciary is that of resolving this dilemma between the pressures for restraint and the urgency of action.
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Casier, Marlies, Joost Jongerden, and Nic Walker. "Fruitless Attempts? The Kurdish Initiative and Containment of the Kurdish Movement in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 44 (2011): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005951.
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AbstractFollowing the victory of the Kurdish party DTP (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, Democratic Society Party) in Turkey's southeastern provinces in the local elections of March 2009, Turkey witnessed the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) government's Kurdish initiative, the closure of the victorious Kurdish party, and waves of arrests of Kurdish activists and politicians. This rush of action constituted a renewed effort to contain and roll back the political and societal influence of the Kurdish movement. But what is it exactly that the government and the state were attempting to contain, and why? This article considers the recent moves of the ruling AKP, the judiciary, and the Turkish Armed Forces in regard to the “Kurdish problem” in Turkey's southeast, interpreting them as different responses to the regional success of the Kurdish movement.
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McMahon, Adam M. "Unchained Succubus: A Queer New Institutional Analysis of U.S. Supreme Court Nomination Hearings." Politics & Gender 13, no. 04 (2017): 683–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000241.
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Modern Supreme Court nomination hearings are contentious political events, as evidenced by the four held during the 109th and 111th Congresses to confirm John Roberts, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Senators appear to raise suspicion of nominees purposefully through their questioning during Judiciary Committee hearings, connecting the label of “judicial restraint” with candidates who are male, white, straight, and prone to “reason.” Appointees thought to embody the feminine, nonwhite, queer, and emotional practices of “judicial activism” to offer a contrast. This dichotomous construction has made debates during the nomination process destructively reductive. A paradox thus emerges: by ignoring the importance of descriptive representation, the identity of potential justices to the Supreme Court becomes one of the most salient issues during the hearings; subsequently, this has resulted in senators using cues to create a caricature or “straw man” of nominees belonging to one or more minority groups in order to weaken and discredit otherwise qualified jurists and achieve a party “win” against the White House.
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Southworth, Ann. "Lawyers and the Conservative Counterrevolution." Law & Social Inquiry 43, no. 04 (2018): 1698–728. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12363.
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What roles have lawyers played in the conservative counterrevolution in US law and public policy? Two recent books, Jefferson Decker's The Other Rights Revolution: Conservative Lawyers and the Remaking of American Government (2016), and Amanda Hollis-Brusky's Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution (2015), speak to the question. This essay explores how these books relate to a larger story of the conservative legal movement and the roles that lawyers and their organizations and networks have played in the conservative turn in American law and politics. It highlights four interrelated threads of the movement's development: creating a support structure for conservative legal advocacy; remaking the judiciary and holding judges accountable; generating, legitimizing, and disseminating ideas to support legal change; and embracing legal activism to roll back government. The essay then considers a continuing challenge for the movement: managing tensions among its several constituencies. Finally, it suggests how this story has played out in litigation to challenge campaign finance regulation.
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Kühn, Zdenek. "All-Pervasive Legacies of Socialist Constitutionalism? The Case of Judiciary." Russian Law Journal 9, no. 2 (2021): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2021-9-2-26-43.
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The success of the legal transitions occurring in the 1990s was quite dubious. Although, as a result of enlargement of the EU, much of the “other Europe” became part of the European Union, it would be too simplistic to assume that, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the region became part of Western European political and legal landscape. While the books of the old era were discarded, legislation repealed and new institutions created, one should not underestimate the continuing strength of the old values, principles and legal thought in general. After all, the authors of those discarded books remained in the academia, even if they seemingly started to produce – virtually overnight – new works, while defending new values and principles. Alongside with the academics, the entire legal personnel of the old era survived the systemic change, and this contributed to the persisting spirit of old legal culture. That is why the philosophies of the old socialist legal system were able, not only to survive, but to govern a substantial portion of the post-socialist legal and judicial discourse. The deepest layers of the old legal culture are resistant to sudden changes by their very nature. They seldom have a direct connection to the former official political ideology, and they are often clothed in the new legal vocabulary. Furthermore, the most persistent features of socialist legal culture are often those linked to the region’s illiberal pre-socialist past, although substantively modified during the era of socialism. I will show some examples of old socialist concepts which seem to be alive and well in the new legal system. First, I am going to deal with the authoritarian model of judicial process, which appears to prevail in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. The socialist conception of a judicial process continues to haunt the region even several decades after the fall of “existing socialism.” The parties continue to be viewed as passive objects in the post-communist litigation. Second, I am going to explain a specific socialist novelty, the concept of supreme courts’ interpretative statements, legislating from the bench without any real-life case pending before those courts. Last but not least, I will show the gradual decline of the activist role of constitutional courts in the region and the return to the tradition of self-restrained judiciary influenced by politics and politicians.
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Bator, Andrzej. "Ewolucja analitycznej teorii prawa a bezpośrednie stosowanie konstytucji." Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna 7, no. 1 (2018): 97–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fped.2018.7.1.5.
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The paper analyses the sources of diversity in opinions about the acceptability of direct application of constitution by courts in the so-called confrontational version (a judicial review: the refusal of application of the parliamentary act which is incoherent with a constitution). I claim that such differences result from diverging assumptions accepted within analytic jurisprudence. More precisely speaking, the above differences stem from the three alternative approaches within analytic legal theory: a traditional, a modern, and a postmodern (postanalytic) one. Polish legal thought is dominated by the modern approach, what influence also a debate on the direct applicability of constitution. The modern approach hardly accepts a situation in which a legal professional (a judge) needs to face new social and political challenges. The more adequate in this respect seems to be the postanalytic approach. Thus, arguments which refuse the judge’s right to directly and autonomously apply the constitution against the parliamentary law (which are put forth by some representatives of both legal doctrine and judiciary), are based mainly upon the modern version of the analytic legal theory. Alternatively, the postanalytic perspective offers theoretical foundations for the acceptability of direct and autonomous judicial application of the constitution. As for the traditional version of analytic theory, it possesses some explanatory force towards Polish political practice of the day. Since it supports claims which question any form of judicial activism. This approach seems to undermine any reasons for the existence of independent constitutional judiciary, the direct application of constitution byordinary courts included.
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Klaaren, Jonathan, and Theunis Roux. "The Nicholson Judgment: An Exercise in Law and Politics." Journal of African Law 54, no. 1 (2010): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855309990209.
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AbstractThe Nicholson judgment was clearly a precipitating factor in the resignation of former South African President Thabo Mbeki in 2008. Engaging with the judgment in its own terms, this note first puts forward a best legal interpretation of the judgment, covering the doctrines of prosecutorial independence and legitimate expectations. It then identifies the degree to which the comment in the judgment may be termed politically activist. In the authors' view, Nicholson tackled political issues in his judgment that he need not have: in particular, allegations of executive interference in the independence of the prosecutions authority. Assuming that Nicholson J's text may be read as an attempt to bolster the legitimacy of the judiciary, the note explores whether it succeeds on those terms and concludes that the judgment is ultimately an example of failed dramatic art.