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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Arctic peoples – Politics and government »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Arctic peoples – Politics and government"

1

Bennett, Mia M., Wilfrid Greaves, Rudolf Riedlsperger et Alberic Botella. « Articulating the Arctic : contrasting state and Inuit maps of the Canadian north ». Polar Record 52, no 6 (12 mai 2016) : 630–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247416000164.

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ABSTRACTThis paper compares four maps produced by the Canadian government and Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the indigenous peoples’ organisation representing Inuit living in the four recognised Inuit regions (Inuit Nunangat) of Canada. Our analysis is based on publicly available maps, documents, and records and extends the rich existing literature examining the history of definitions of the Canadian north. Distinctly, our research aims to understand the different ways in which the Arctic has been articulated as a geographic, political, and social region during the Harper government (2006–2015) and the effects these articulations have had on northern policy and people. We find that the federal government maintained a flexible definition of the Canadian Arctic as a region when in pursuit of its own policy objectives. However, when it comes to incorporating areas outside the boundaries of Canada's three federal territories, particularly communities along their southern fringes, those boundaries are inflexible. The people who live in these areas, which the state considers to be outside the Canadian Arctic, are marginalised within Arctic public policy in terms of access to federal funds, determination of land use, and a sense of social belonging to the Canadian Arctic. Our goal in this paper is to demonstrate that national-level disputes over what constitutes ‘the Arctic’ can significantly impact the day-to-day lives of people who live within and just outside the region, however it is conceived.
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Alfredsson, Gudmundur. « Human Rights and the Arctic ». Yearbook of Polar Law Online 1, no 1 (2009) : 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000013.

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Abstract This article surveys some of the many international human rights law issues that come up in connection with the Arctic, such as the rights of indigenous peoples and the formulation of these rights in a draft Nordic Sami Convention. The focus, however, is on recent developments concerning the status of Greenland as a result of an agreement concluded in 2008 between the Danish and Greenlandic authorities. This agreement foresees not only a significant increase in self-government but also opens the door for the Greenlandic people to create an independent State through the exercise of the right to external self-determination as a matter of political decolonisation of an overseas colonial territory.
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Wilson, Gary N., et Christopher Alcantara. « Mixing Politics and Business in the Canadian Arctic : Inuit Corporate Governance in Nunavik and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no 4 (décembre 2012) : 781–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423912000996.

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Abstract. Over the past three decades, Inuit economic development corporations (IEDCs) have played an important role in preparing the Inuit regions of Nunavik in northern Québec and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories for self-government. In addition to building vital capacity through the provision of services, programs and economic opportunities, IEDCs have also represented their respective regions in self-government negotiations with other levels of government. This corporate-led governance approach, which we call Inuit corporate governance, provides Aboriginal groups such as the Inuit with a de facto form of self-government and the opportunity to develop economic and political capacity in advance of adopting a more comprehensive and formal self-government arrangement. It also challenges existing assumptions about the relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the liberal–capitalist order that underpins the Canadian state.Résumé. Durant les trois dernières décennies, les Institutions de développement économique des Inuits ont joué un rôle important en préparation à l'auto-gouvernance de la population Inuit du Nunavik, dans le Nord-du-Québec, et de l'Inuvialuit, dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest. En plus d'avoir permis le développement d'habiletés cruciales dans le domaine de l'offre de services, de programmes et d'opportunités de développement économique, les Institutions ont également contribué, à titre de représentantes de leurs régions respectives, lors de la négociation d'ententes portant sur l'auto-gouvernance avec divers paliers de gouvernement. Cette approche de gouvernance corporative Inuit fournit aux groupes autochtones, tels les Inuits, une forme d'auto-gouvernance de facto qui génère pour eux des opportunités de se développer économiquement et politiquement, en préparation à l'adoption d'un modèle d'auto-gouvernance plus élaboré et formel. Cette approche soulève également bien des questions quant aux fondements de la relation qui existe entre les peuples autochtones et l'ordre libéral capitaliste qui sous-tend l'État canadien.
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Florini, Ann. « The Peculiar Politics of Energy ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 26, no 3 (2012) : 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000433.

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Imagine that you could wave a magic wand and provide everyone in the world with easy access to clean and affordable energy. In one stroke you would make the world a far cleaner, richer, fairer, and safer place. Suddenly, a billion and a half of the world's poorest people could discover what it is like to turn on an electric light in the evening. The looming threat posed by climate change would largely disappear. From the South China Sea to the Middle East to the Arctic, geopolitical tensions over energy resources would fade away. Human health would benefit, too, as vaccines and perishable foods could be refrigerated the world over. And many of the world's most corrupt government officials could no longer enrich themselves by bleeding their countries dry of revenues from fossil fuel sales.
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Semenova, Tamara. « Political mobilisation of northern indigenous peoples in Russia ». Polar Record 43, no 1 (janvier 2007) : 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247406005808.

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The analysis of international and national cooperation interprets relations between states, international organisations and indigenous peoples as currently being constructed in terms of political practices. Through practical work in their organisations (IPOs), indigenous peoples are building up a joint agenda to further their social and economic interests. This process is accompanied by a transformation of the agenda of sovereign states and subordinate government bodies as well as by the establishment of partnerships with indigenous peoples through their legally recognised organisations that have become new political actors. New methods are emerging in which these practices can evolve in the most efficient way: the recognition of IPOs as equal partners in the decision-making process; the allocation of resources to facilitate their participation; the incorporation of traditional knowledge; the accommodation of indigenous priorities; joint initiatives; and other collective actions. The intergovernmental forum of the Arctic Council may serve as a positive model in which both governments and indigenous peoples collaborate. IPOs fully participate in the regional decision-making process, and through building up a new collective identity, reach out to high-level international organisations and events such as the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. In Russia, at the national level, the process has been less successful than elsewhere. This formation of collective identity is connected to two processes: one is a search for new opportunities of interaction with the state in the legal and governmental sphere: the other comprises regional cooperation and local interpretation of sustainable development. This is an INDIPO project paper (Tennberg 2006).
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Klein, D. R. « Structures for caribou management and their status in the circumpolar north ». Rangifer 16, no 4 (1 janvier 1996) : 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.16.4.1250.

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Large herds of caribou (Rangifer tarandus) in Canada, Alaska, and Russia that winter in northern coniferous forests and summer in tundra of the Arctic have provided a sustainable source of meat and other products for indigenous peoples for thousands of years. Several different administrative structures for management of large caribou herds have emerged throughout the circumpolar North. In Russia under the previous Soviet government, the herd of the Taimyr Region, numbering around 500 000 caribou, was managed under a harvest quota system for both subsistence use by indigenous people and commercial sale of meat and skins. In North America, as indigenous peoples have gained increasing political empowerment, systems for caribou management have been undergoing change. Establishment of the Beverly and Qamanirjuaq Caribou Management Board in Canada, with majority representation from users of the resource, provides a model and a test of the effectiveness of a comanagement system. The Western Arctic Herd in northwestern Alaska, numbering close to 500 000 caribou, has been managed under the traditional American system of game management, with user advisory groups, but with management decisions resting with a statewide Board of Game, whose major representation is from sport-hunting interests. The Porcupine Caribou Herd, which is shared by the United States and Canada, is the focus of an international agreement, in principle designed to assure its continued productivity and well-being. The diversity of systems for caribou management in the circumpolar North provides an opportunity for comparing their effectiveness.
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Paraschak, Victoria. « Variations in Race Relations : Sporting Events for Native Peoples in Canada ». Sociology of Sport Journal 14, no 1 (mars 1997) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.14.1.1.

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Four native sporting practices from different parts of Canada—the Arctic Winter Games and the Northern Games from northern Canada, and the Native Sport and Recreation Program and the All-Indian Sport System from southern Canada—are analyzed within the broader context of race relations in Canada (which differentially shape, and are shaped by, the “practical consciousness” of native peoples). Within these race relations, native participants are facilitated to different degrees in sport. The Inuit and Dene of northern Canada demonstrate an ability to reshape opportunities for sport in ways which address their needs, even when they are not directly in control of the event. Meanwhile, native peoples1 in southern Canada, even when they are directly in control of the event, tend to largely reproduce the dominant eurocanadian-derived system of sport, along with government-created definitions of race.
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White, Graham. « Go North, Young Scholar, Go North ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no 4 (décembre 2011) : 747–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000734.

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Abstract.The North—defined as the Canadian Arctic—ranks among the most understudied and yet the most promising fields of enquiry for Canadian political scientists. It offers a host of fascinating research topics and intellectual puzzles, many of which entail the often fraught relationship between the Canadian state and Aboriginal peoples. Important conceptual issues await academics studying northern politics and governance. As well, political scientists' work can benefit the governments and the people of the North who are grappling with difficult practical problems as they develop distinctive ways of governing themselves.Academic work on northern politics can be at once intellectually stimulating, professionally rewarding and of significant practical utility. Accordingly, more Canadian political scientists, especially young scholars, should turn their attention northwards.Résumé.Le Nord, ou plus précisément l'Arctique canadien, constitue un des champs les moins explorés et pourtant les plus prometteurs pour les politologues canadiens. Son étude révèle une foule de sujets de recherche fascinants et d'énigmes intellectuelles, dont plusieurs se rapportent aux relations souvent tendues entre l'État canadien et les peuples autochtones. D'importants enjeux conceptuels se posent aux chercheurs de la politique nordique et de la gouvernance. De plus, les recherches des politologues peuvent aider les gouvernements et les habitants du Nord à résoudre des problèmes concrets associés au développement de façons distinctives de se gouverner.En somme, la recherche sur la politique nordique peut être à la fois intellectuellement stimulante, professionnellement gratifiante et pourvu d'une grande utilité pratique. En conséquence, plus de politologues canadiens, et en particulier ceux des nouvelles générations, devraient diriger leur attention vers le Nord.
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Josephson, Paul R. « EMPIRE-BUILDING AND FRONTIER OF SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET TIMES ». Ural Historical Journal 73, no 4 (2021) : 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-88-96.

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The paper deals with the strategies of colonization and assimilation of frontier in Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia in relation to, Siberia and the Far East. These frontier spaces were disturbing the Soviet leadership for they were both vulnerable for an external invasion and unsupportive of the new socialist order. Thus, countryside of Soviet Russia was also seen as frontier of its own kind. The conquest of frontier and its integration into the socialist, industrial economy was implemented by Stalinist leadership through the violent collectivization, which was accompanied by colonization in the periphery strengthened by the flow of exiles and labor camp prisoners from the collectivized western areas. From the point of view of Soviet leaders, the frontier territories were both resource pantry and “empty spaces” to settle. To stimulate colonization Soviet government was establishing the “corridors of modernization”, a network of infrastructure, connecting the newly constructed “company towns”, the outposts of frontier conquest. Such politics was simultaneously integrating indigenous peoples of frontier into the socialist economy and destroying their way of life. In spite of efforts of Soviet rulers from Stalin to Brezhnev, the assimilation of frontier did not succeed. However, in the 21st century Russian leadership continues to treat Arctic, Siberia and the Far East along the Soviet lines, as frontier spaces of economic and symbolic conquest and military-political contestation. Unlike the Soviet era, though, nowadays the concept of frontier had found its way into Russian historical and political thought.
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Lytvynenko, Oleksandr. « Historical politics as a tool of the ideological justification of Russian neo-imperialism ». Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 13, S1 (24 novembre 2022) : 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2022.s1.04.

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A number of modern Russian political discourse provisions which consist of tendentious interpretations of Russian and Ukrainian history and which result in frank and systematic manipulation of historical memory have been analyzed. Their goals are to justify Russia’s aggressive policy towards Ukraine to prove and legalize the right to decide the fate of the Ukrainian people and to determine the vectors of the Ukrainian foreign policy. At the same time, they are aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian government and delegitimizing Ukrainian statehood as well as ultimately distorting and leveling Ukrainian national identity. The outdated concept of Ancient Rus as the cradle of “three brotherly peoples”, i.e. Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, or its more archaic version about the existence of a single Russian nation, whose branches are actually Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, is used. A component of this concept is the idea of Russia being the direct and sole legal heir of Ancient Rus, whose historical mission was and remains the gathering of ancient Russian lands, which include the lands of Ukraine and Belarus. Accordingly, the separate existence of the Ukrainian people, and hence their right to state independence, is either denied altogether or conditionally recognized, if they maintain inseparable ties with Russia and renounce the Western vector of foreign policy. Modern Ukraine is considered by the Russian authorities and the political establishment as “anti-Russia”, which has no right to exist. Attempts to apply the tools of the historical politics of the Russian Federation. In particular, it concerns historical education and memorial practices in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of the Donbas, where the territory temporarily is not controlled by Ukraine. These territories are also considered a model for similar measures used on temporarily occupied territories during the 2022 war.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Arctic peoples – Politics and government"

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Turner, Dale A. (Dale Antony) 1960. « "This is not a peace pipe" : towards an understanding of aboriginal sovereignty ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35637.

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This dissertation attempts to show that Aboriginal peoples' ways of thinking have not been recognized by early colonial European political thinkers. I begin with an examination of Kymlicka's political theory of minority rights and show that, although Kymlicka is a strong advocate of the right of Aboriginal self-government in Canada, he fails to consider Aboriginal ways of thinking within his own political system. From an Aboriginal perspective this is not surprising. However, I claim that Kymlicka opens the conceptual space for the inclusion of Aboriginal voices. The notion of "incorporation" means that Aboriginal peoples became included in the Canadian state and in this process their Aboriginal sovereignty was extinguished. Aboriginal peoples question the legitimacy of such a claim. A consequence of the Canadian government unilaterally asserting its sovereignty over Aboriginal peoples is that Aboriginal ways of thinking are not recognized as valuable within the legal and political discourse of sovereignty. In chapters two through five, respectively, I examine the Valladolid debate of 1550 between the Spanish monk Bartolome de Las Casas and Juan Sepulveda, The Great Law of Peace of the Iroquois Confederacy, Thomas Hobbes's distinction between the state of nature and a civil society, and Alexis de Tocqueville's account of democracy in America. Each of the examples, except for The Great Law of Peace, generate a philosophical dialogue that includes judgments about Aboriginal peoples. However, none of these European thinkers considers the possibility that Aboriginal voices could play a valuable role in shaping their political thought. To show the value of an Aboriginal exemplar of political thinking I consider the Iroquois Great Law of Peace. The Iroquois view of political sovereignty respects the diversity of voices found within a political relationship. This was put into practice and enforced in early colonial northeast America until the power dynamic shifted betwe
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Grenier, Guylaine. « Le droit des peuples autochtones à l'autonomie gouvernementale dans le contexte de l'accession du Québec à la souveraineté / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33051.

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To date, the debate concerning the aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Quebec has focussed primarily on the assertion of the territorial integrity of Quebec on the one hand, and the assertion that those rights can prevent secession or force partition, on the other.
Understanding the historical and contemporary relationship between aboriginal peoples and the governments of Canada and Quebec is necessary if a rapprochement between these adversarial positions is to be achieved.
This paper explores the legal and historical basis of aboriginal rights, focussing on self-government and the fiduciary relationship between aboriginal peoples and the Crown. It discusses international law principles under which Quebec will seek recognition as an independent state and the relevance of aboriginal rights to that recognition. Finally, it urges that the current debate provides an opportunity to establish a new partnership between Quebec and aboriginal peoples, to their mutual benefit.
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Aldrich, Rosemary Public Health &amp Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. « Flesh-coloured bandaids : politics, discourse, policy and the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27276.

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This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of "policy imagination" to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.
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Trujillo, Michael Gregory Morgan. « Arctic Security : the Race for the Arctic through the Prism of International Relations Theory ». PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4823.

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The purpose of the thesis is to examine future international relations in the Arctic as a theoretical exercise based on realism and liberalism. As the ice cap shrinks, and the region's environment changes, developing costs will decrease allowing for resource-extraction while new transit routes emerge. The opportunities to develop resources and ship via the Arctic are economic and strategically valuable, altering the geopolitics of the region. This thesis seeks to explore how resource development and new transit routes will affect regional politics through the lens of two theories. The two theoretical approaches will examine states and actors' interests and possible actions. Concluding, that realism will best describe the Arctic as states strive to be the regional hegemon by controlling transit routes and resources or defending the regional status quo, creating tension and a security competition between the U.S., China, and Russia. States will jockey for position within institutions before the ice cap disappears and transit routes emerge. These states seek to grow regional governance in their favor, providing support for a liberal framework, and possibly creating a structure strong enough to reduce tension before states strive to be the Arctic hegemon.
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Hassan, Syeda Kanwal. « An analysis of Pakistan's foreign policy towards Peoples Republic of China : a strengthening alignment (2005 onwards) ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/643.

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The problem driving this research stems from the lack of a systematic and theoretically, informed framework to identify the dynamics of Pakistan is strengthening alignment with China. Pakistan developed close defence and strategic ties with China during the Cold War period as both states balanced against a common adversary i.e. India. However, Pakistan has attempted to bolster and expand its' links with China in the aftermath of U.S. military presence in Afghanistan due to a host of regional and global developments that widened the cracks and increased the mistrust that has existed between Pakistan and U.S. This study hypothesises that Pakistan has maintained a policy of alignment with China prior to 2005 however; from 2005 onwards, Pakistan has attempted to diversify its scope of relations with China as in response to external changes and circumstances in the geopolitical and geo-economic sphere. Therefore, the objective of this research is to analyse why Pakistan has attempted to strengthen its' alignment towards China from 2005 onwards. The existing literature on the subject is outdated, rigorously descriptive and is void of conceptual connections. To address these gaps; this research adopts a theoretical framework of analysis that is informed by neoclassical realist theory of foreign policy analysis to help analyse Pakistan's China policy. This framework offers a two-level analysis of Pakistan's behaviour. The independent variable is the set of system-level drivers such as international power relations, external threat perceptions and international economic interdependencies. The intervening variable, which affects the way Pakistan's decision-makers perceive the system-level developments, is the strategic culture at the unit level. This study suggests that the principle driver of Pakistan's accelerated alignment policy towards China during this period is Pakistan's perceptions of international systemic/structure drivers, which are; the external developments that have occurred in its region. In addition, how Pakistan perceives those external developments is determined by its' strategic culture; which an intervening role. The strategic culture, the author argues, is dominated by Pakistan's distrust of India and, it narrowly confines the idea of Pakistan's national interest to military security whilst neglecting the economic aspect of it. The thesis finds that Pakistan has actively tried to cultivate a broader and robust relationship with China to limit its' dependency on U.S. for strategic, economic and diplomatic support. Pakistan has become increasingly sceptic of the U.S. for its carrots-and-stick approach towards Pakistan. Whereas China has enabled Pakistan to continue in its' revisionist agendas which to some extent are tolerable for China. It finds that growth in China's economic and military power has provided Pakistan with an alternate patron from whom it can procure weapons, conventional and non-conventional and it can seek financial support. This study also finds that although there is evidence of a deeper relationship beyond the traditional security-centric one, however; it is developing into more of a client-patron relationship, given, that Pakistan is increasingly becoming a country highly indebted to China.
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Ward, Damen Andrew. « The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.

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Lavoie, Manon 1975. « The need fo a principled framework to effectively negotiate and implement the aboriginal right to self-government in Canada / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78221.

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The aim of this thesis is to reveal the need for a principled framework that would establish an effective implementation of the aboriginal peoples' right to self-government in Canada. In recent decades, many agreements instituting the right to self-government of First Nations have been concluded between the federal and provincial governments and aboriginal peoples. It then becomes important to evaluate the attempts of the two existing orders of government and the courts of Canada as regards the right to self-government and assess the potential usefulness of the two's efforts at defining and implementing the right. Firstly, the importance and legitimacy of the right to self-government is recognized through its beginnings in the human right norm of self-determination in international law to the establishment of the right in Canadian domestic law. Secondly, an evaluation of the principal attempts, on behalf of the governments and the courts, to give meaning and scope to the aboriginal right to self-government, which culminate in the conclusion of modern agreements, reveals their many inefficiencies and the need for a workable and concrete alternative. Lastly, the main lacunae of the negotiation process, the main process by which the right is concluded and implemented, and the use of the courts to determine the scope and protection of the right to self-government, are revealed. An analysis of European initiatives to entrench the right to self-government, mainly the European Charter of Self-Government and its established set of principles that guide the creation of self-government agreements, are also used in order to propose a viable option for the establishment of a principled framework for the aboriginal right to self-government in Canada.
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Ramos, Howard. « Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.

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My dissertation focuses on the rise and spread of Aboriginal mobilization in Canada between 1951 and 2000. Using social movement and social-political theories, it questions the relationship between contentious actions and formal organizational growth comparing among social movement and political sociological perspectives. In most accounts, contentious action is assumed to be influenced by organization, political opportunity and identity. Few scholars, however, have examined the reverse relationships, namely the effect of contentious action on each of these. Drawing upon time-series data and qualitative interviews with Aboriginal leaders and representatives of organizations, I found that critical events surrounding moments of federal state building prompted contentious action, which then sparked mobilization among Aboriginal communities. I argue that three events: the 1969 White paper, the 1982 patriation of the Constitution, and the 1990 'Indian Summer' led to mass mobilization and the semblance of an emerging PanAboriginal identity. This finding returns to older collective behaviour perspectives, which note that organizations, opportunities, and identities are driven by triggering actions and shared experiences that produce emerging norms. Nevertheless, in the case of Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, unlike that of Indigenous movements in other countries, building a movement on triggering actions led to mass mobilization but was not sustainable because of a saturation of efficacy. As a result, Aboriginal mobilization in Canada has been characterized by divergent interests and unsustained contention.
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Tiba, Makhosini Michael. « Indigenous African concept of a leader as reflected in selected African novels ». Thesis, University of Limpopo (Turfloop Campus), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/980.

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Thesis (M.A. (English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2012
The mini dissertation seeks to explore the positive and negative qualities of an indigenous African leader as presented in a variety of oral texts including folktales, proverbs and praise poems as well as in the African novels of Mhudi, Maru, Things Fall Apart and Petals of Blood in order to deduce an indigenous African concept of a leader. This research is motivated by the fact that although researchers and academics worldwide acknowledge that it is very difficult to objectively define and discuss the terms ‘leader’ and ‘indigenous leader’ yet many tend to dismiss offhand such indigenous concepts of leadership as ubuntu as primitive, barbaric and irrelevant to modern institutions without examining them in detail.
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SIMON, MICHAEL PAUL PATRICK. « INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN DEVELOPED FRAGMENT SOCIETIES : A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES, CANADA AND NORTHERN IRELAND ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183996.

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The purpose of this dissertation was to compare British policy towards Ireland/Northern Ireland and United States and Canadian Indian policies. Despite apparent differences, it was hypothesized that closer examination would reveal significant similarities. A conceptual framework was provided by the utilization of Hartzian fragment theory and the theory of internal colonialism. Eighteen research questions and a series of questions concerned with the applicability of the theoretical constructs were tested using largely historical data and statistical indices of social and economic development. The research demonstrated that Gaelic-Irish and North American Indian societies came under pressure from, and were ultimately subjugated by colonizing fragments marked by their high level of ideological cohesiveness. In the Irish case the decisive moment was the Ulster fragmentation of the seventeenth century which set in juxtaposition a defiant, uncompromising, zealously Protestant, "Planter" community and an equally defiant, recalcitrant, native Gaelic-Catholic population. In the United States traditional Indian society was confronted by a largely British-derived, single-fragment regime which was characterized by a profound sense of mission and an Indian policy rooted in its liberal ideology. In Canada the clash between two competing settler fragments led to the victory of the British over the French, and the pursuit of Indian policies based on many of the same premises that underlay United States policies. The indigenous populations in each of the cases under consideration suffered enormous loss of land, physical and cultural destruction, racial discrimination, economic exploitation and were stripped of their political independence. They responded through collective violence, by the formation of cultural revitalization movements, and by intense domestic and international lobbying. They continue to exist today as internal colonies of the developed fragment states within which they are subsumed.
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Livres sur le sujet "Arctic peoples – Politics and government"

1

Jull, Peter. Canada, Arctic peoples, and international affairs. Toronto : Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1988.

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Jull, Peter. Canada, Arctic peoples, and international affairs. Toronto : Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1988.

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Jull, Peter. Canada, Arctic peoples, and international affairs. Toronto : Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1988.

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Arctic mirrors : Russia and the small peoples of the North. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1994.

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Parker, John H. Arctic power : The path to responsible government in Canada's north. Peterborough, Ont : Cider Press, 1996.

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Canada. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples., dir. The High Arctic relocation : A report on the 1953-55 relocation. [Ottawa] : Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1994.

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Nuttall, Mark. Pipeline dreams : People, environment, and the Arctic energy frontier. Copenhagen : International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2010.

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Hamilton, John David. Arctic revolution : Social change in the Northwest Territories, 1935-1994. Toronto : Dundurn Press, 1994.

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Boi͡akova, S. I. Osvoenie Arktiki i narody Severo-Vostoka Azii : (XIX v.-- 1917 g.). Novosibirsk : Nauka, 2001.

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Pipeline dreams : People, environment, and the Arctic energy frontier. Copenhagen : International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2010.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Arctic peoples – Politics and government"

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Barker, Rodney. « Political Thought in Britain ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 1–19. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_1.

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Barker, Rodney. « Conservatism ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 20–42. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_2.

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Barker, Rodney. « Liberalism ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 43–65. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_3.

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Barker, Rodney. « Socialism ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 66–84. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_4.

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Barker, Rodney. « Feminism ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 85–99. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_5.

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Barker, Rodney. « Markets and Property : the Allocation of Goods and Services ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 100–115. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_6.

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Barker, Rodney. « Citizens, Sovereignty, the People and the Nation ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 116–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_7.

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Barker, Rodney. « Conclusion ». Dans Politics, Peoples and Government, 138–39. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23202-4_8.

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Boyko, Vladimir I. « The Peoples of the North : The Difficult Way to Self-Government ». Dans Management, Technology and Human Resources Policy in the Arctic (The North), 105–8. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-0249-7_10.

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Coates, Ken S., et Else Grete Broderstad. « Indigenous Peoples of the Arctic : Re-taking Control of the Far North ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Arctic Policy and Politics, 9–25. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-20557-7_2.

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