Thèses : « Arctic peoples – Politics and government »

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Turner, Dale A. (Dale Antony) 1960. « "This is not a peace pipe" : towards an understanding of aboriginal sovereignty ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35637.

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This dissertation attempts to show that Aboriginal peoples' ways of thinking have not been recognized by early colonial European political thinkers. I begin with an examination of Kymlicka's political theory of minority rights and show that, although Kymlicka is a strong advocate of the right of Aboriginal self-government in Canada, he fails to consider Aboriginal ways of thinking within his own political system. From an Aboriginal perspective this is not surprising. However, I claim that Kymlicka opens the conceptual space for the inclusion of Aboriginal voices. The notion of "incorporation" means that Aboriginal peoples became included in the Canadian state and in this process their Aboriginal sovereignty was extinguished. Aboriginal peoples question the legitimacy of such a claim. A consequence of the Canadian government unilaterally asserting its sovereignty over Aboriginal peoples is that Aboriginal ways of thinking are not recognized as valuable within the legal and political discourse of sovereignty. In chapters two through five, respectively, I examine the Valladolid debate of 1550 between the Spanish monk Bartolome de Las Casas and Juan Sepulveda, The Great Law of Peace of the Iroquois Confederacy, Thomas Hobbes's distinction between the state of nature and a civil society, and Alexis de Tocqueville's account of democracy in America. Each of the examples, except for The Great Law of Peace, generate a philosophical dialogue that includes judgments about Aboriginal peoples. However, none of these European thinkers considers the possibility that Aboriginal voices could play a valuable role in shaping their political thought. To show the value of an Aboriginal exemplar of political thinking I consider the Iroquois Great Law of Peace. The Iroquois view of political sovereignty respects the diversity of voices found within a political relationship. This was put into practice and enforced in early colonial northeast America until the power dynamic shifted betwe

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Grenier, Guylaine. « Le droit des peuples autochtones à l'autonomie gouvernementale dans le contexte de l'accession du Québec à la souveraineté / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33051.

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To date, the debate concerning the aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Quebec has focussed primarily on the assertion of the territorial integrity of Quebec on the one hand, and the assertion that those rights can prevent secession or force partition, on the other.
Understanding the historical and contemporary relationship between aboriginal peoples and the governments of Canada and Quebec is necessary if a rapprochement between these adversarial positions is to be achieved.
This paper explores the legal and historical basis of aboriginal rights, focussing on self-government and the fiduciary relationship between aboriginal peoples and the Crown. It discusses international law principles under which Quebec will seek recognition as an independent state and the relevance of aboriginal rights to that recognition. Finally, it urges that the current debate provides an opportunity to establish a new partnership between Quebec and aboriginal peoples, to their mutual benefit.

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Aldrich, Rosemary Public Health &amp Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. « Flesh-coloured bandaids : politics, discourse, policy and the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27276.

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This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of "policy imagination" to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.

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Trujillo, Michael Gregory Morgan. « Arctic Security : the Race for the Arctic through the Prism of International Relations Theory ». PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4823.

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The purpose of the thesis is to examine future international relations in the Arctic as a theoretical exercise based on realism and liberalism. As the ice cap shrinks, and the region's environment changes, developing costs will decrease allowing for resource-extraction while new transit routes emerge. The opportunities to develop resources and ship via the Arctic are economic and strategically valuable, altering the geopolitics of the region. This thesis seeks to explore how resource development and new transit routes will affect regional politics through the lens of two theories. The two theoretical approaches will examine states and actors' interests and possible actions. Concluding, that realism will best describe the Arctic as states strive to be the regional hegemon by controlling transit routes and resources or defending the regional status quo, creating tension and a security competition between the U.S., China, and Russia. States will jockey for position within institutions before the ice cap disappears and transit routes emerge. These states seek to grow regional governance in their favor, providing support for a liberal framework, and possibly creating a structure strong enough to reduce tension before states strive to be the Arctic hegemon.

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Hassan, Syeda Kanwal. « An analysis of Pakistan's foreign policy towards Peoples Republic of China : a strengthening alignment (2005 onwards) ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/643.

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The problem driving this research stems from the lack of a systematic and theoretically, informed framework to identify the dynamics of Pakistan is strengthening alignment with China. Pakistan developed close defence and strategic ties with China during the Cold War period as both states balanced against a common adversary i.e. India. However, Pakistan has attempted to bolster and expand its' links with China in the aftermath of U.S. military presence in Afghanistan due to a host of regional and global developments that widened the cracks and increased the mistrust that has existed between Pakistan and U.S. This study hypothesises that Pakistan has maintained a policy of alignment with China prior to 2005 however; from 2005 onwards, Pakistan has attempted to diversify its scope of relations with China as in response to external changes and circumstances in the geopolitical and geo-economic sphere. Therefore, the objective of this research is to analyse why Pakistan has attempted to strengthen its' alignment towards China from 2005 onwards. The existing literature on the subject is outdated, rigorously descriptive and is void of conceptual connections. To address these gaps; this research adopts a theoretical framework of analysis that is informed by neoclassical realist theory of foreign policy analysis to help analyse Pakistan's China policy. This framework offers a two-level analysis of Pakistan's behaviour. The independent variable is the set of system-level drivers such as international power relations, external threat perceptions and international economic interdependencies. The intervening variable, which affects the way Pakistan's decision-makers perceive the system-level developments, is the strategic culture at the unit level. This study suggests that the principle driver of Pakistan's accelerated alignment policy towards China during this period is Pakistan's perceptions of international systemic/structure drivers, which are; the external developments that have occurred in its region. In addition, how Pakistan perceives those external developments is determined by its' strategic culture; which an intervening role. The strategic culture, the author argues, is dominated by Pakistan's distrust of India and, it narrowly confines the idea of Pakistan's national interest to military security whilst neglecting the economic aspect of it. The thesis finds that Pakistan has actively tried to cultivate a broader and robust relationship with China to limit its' dependency on U.S. for strategic, economic and diplomatic support. Pakistan has become increasingly sceptic of the U.S. for its carrots-and-stick approach towards Pakistan. Whereas China has enabled Pakistan to continue in its' revisionist agendas which to some extent are tolerable for China. It finds that growth in China's economic and military power has provided Pakistan with an alternate patron from whom it can procure weapons, conventional and non-conventional and it can seek financial support. This study also finds that although there is evidence of a deeper relationship beyond the traditional security-centric one, however; it is developing into more of a client-patron relationship, given, that Pakistan is increasingly becoming a country highly indebted to China.

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Ward, Damen Andrew. « The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.

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Lavoie, Manon 1975. « The need fo a principled framework to effectively negotiate and implement the aboriginal right to self-government in Canada / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78221.

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The aim of this thesis is to reveal the need for a principled framework that would establish an effective implementation of the aboriginal peoples' right to self-government in Canada. In recent decades, many agreements instituting the right to self-government of First Nations have been concluded between the federal and provincial governments and aboriginal peoples. It then becomes important to evaluate the attempts of the two existing orders of government and the courts of Canada as regards the right to self-government and assess the potential usefulness of the two's efforts at defining and implementing the right. Firstly, the importance and legitimacy of the right to self-government is recognized through its beginnings in the human right norm of self-determination in international law to the establishment of the right in Canadian domestic law. Secondly, an evaluation of the principal attempts, on behalf of the governments and the courts, to give meaning and scope to the aboriginal right to self-government, which culminate in the conclusion of modern agreements, reveals their many inefficiencies and the need for a workable and concrete alternative. Lastly, the main lacunae of the negotiation process, the main process by which the right is concluded and implemented, and the use of the courts to determine the scope and protection of the right to self-government, are revealed. An analysis of European initiatives to entrench the right to self-government, mainly the European Charter of Self-Government and its established set of principles that guide the creation of self-government agreements, are also used in order to propose a viable option for the establishment of a principled framework for the aboriginal right to self-government in Canada.

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Ramos, Howard. « Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.

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My dissertation focuses on the rise and spread of Aboriginal mobilization in Canada between 1951 and 2000. Using social movement and social-political theories, it questions the relationship between contentious actions and formal organizational growth comparing among social movement and political sociological perspectives. In most accounts, contentious action is assumed to be influenced by organization, political opportunity and identity. Few scholars, however, have examined the reverse relationships, namely the effect of contentious action on each of these. Drawing upon time-series data and qualitative interviews with Aboriginal leaders and representatives of organizations, I found that critical events surrounding moments of federal state building prompted contentious action, which then sparked mobilization among Aboriginal communities. I argue that three events: the 1969 White paper, the 1982 patriation of the Constitution, and the 1990 'Indian Summer' led to mass mobilization and the semblance of an emerging PanAboriginal identity. This finding returns to older collective behaviour perspectives, which note that organizations, opportunities, and identities are driven by triggering actions and shared experiences that produce emerging norms. Nevertheless, in the case of Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, unlike that of Indigenous movements in other countries, building a movement on triggering actions led to mass mobilization but was not sustainable because of a saturation of efficacy. As a result, Aboriginal mobilization in Canada has been characterized by divergent interests and unsustained contention.

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Tiba, Makhosini Michael. « Indigenous African concept of a leader as reflected in selected African novels ». Thesis, University of Limpopo (Turfloop Campus), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/980.

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Thesis (M.A. (English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2012
The mini dissertation seeks to explore the positive and negative qualities of an indigenous African leader as presented in a variety of oral texts including folktales, proverbs and praise poems as well as in the African novels of Mhudi, Maru, Things Fall Apart and Petals of Blood in order to deduce an indigenous African concept of a leader. This research is motivated by the fact that although researchers and academics worldwide acknowledge that it is very difficult to objectively define and discuss the terms ‘leader’ and ‘indigenous leader’ yet many tend to dismiss offhand such indigenous concepts of leadership as ubuntu as primitive, barbaric and irrelevant to modern institutions without examining them in detail.

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SIMON, MICHAEL PAUL PATRICK. « INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN DEVELOPED FRAGMENT SOCIETIES : A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES, CANADA AND NORTHERN IRELAND ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183996.

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The purpose of this dissertation was to compare British policy towards Ireland/Northern Ireland and United States and Canadian Indian policies. Despite apparent differences, it was hypothesized that closer examination would reveal significant similarities. A conceptual framework was provided by the utilization of Hartzian fragment theory and the theory of internal colonialism. Eighteen research questions and a series of questions concerned with the applicability of the theoretical constructs were tested using largely historical data and statistical indices of social and economic development. The research demonstrated that Gaelic-Irish and North American Indian societies came under pressure from, and were ultimately subjugated by colonizing fragments marked by their high level of ideological cohesiveness. In the Irish case the decisive moment was the Ulster fragmentation of the seventeenth century which set in juxtaposition a defiant, uncompromising, zealously Protestant, "Planter" community and an equally defiant, recalcitrant, native Gaelic-Catholic population. In the United States traditional Indian society was confronted by a largely British-derived, single-fragment regime which was characterized by a profound sense of mission and an Indian policy rooted in its liberal ideology. In Canada the clash between two competing settler fragments led to the victory of the British over the French, and the pursuit of Indian policies based on many of the same premises that underlay United States policies. The indigenous populations in each of the cases under consideration suffered enormous loss of land, physical and cultural destruction, racial discrimination, economic exploitation and were stripped of their political independence. They responded through collective violence, by the formation of cultural revitalization movements, and by intense domestic and international lobbying. They continue to exist today as internal colonies of the developed fragment states within which they are subsumed.

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Rodriguez, Fernandez Gisela Victoria. « Reproduciendo Otros Mundos : Indigenous Women's Struggles Against Neo-Extractivism and the Bolivian State ». PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5094.

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Latin America is in a political crisis, yet Bolivia is still widely recognized as a beacon of hope for progressive change. The radical movements at the beginning of the 21st century against neoliberalism that paved the road for the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, beckoned a change from colonial rule towards a more just society. Paradoxically, in pursuing progress through economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Morales has replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Deeply rooted tensions have also emerged between indigenous communities and the Bolivian state due to the latter's zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector. Although these paradoxes have received significant attention, one substantial aspect that remains underexplored and undertheorized is how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race and gender where indigenous women in Bolivia occupy a unique position. To address this research gap, this qualitative study poses the following research questions: 1. How does neo-extractivism affect the lives of indigenous women? 2. How does the state shape relations between neo-extractivism and indigenous women? 3. How do indigenous women organize to challenge the impact of state-led extractivism on their lives and their communities? To answer these questions, I conducted a multi-sited ethnographic study between October 2017 and June 2018 in Oruro, Bolivia, an area that is heavily affected by mining contamination. By analyzing processes of social reproduction, I argue that neo-extractivism leads to water contamination and water scarcity, becoming the epicenter of the deterioration of subsistence agriculture and the dispossession of indigenous ways of life. Because indigenous women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities depend on water, the dispossession of water has a dire effect on them, which demonstrates how capitalism relies on and exacerbates neo-colonial and patriarchal relations. To tame dissent to these contradictions, the Bolivian and self-proclaimed "indigenist state" defines and politicizes ethnicity in order to build a national identity based on indigeneity. This state-led ethnic inclusion, however, simultaneously produces class exclusions of indigenous campesinxs (peasants) who are not fully engaged in market relations. In contrast to the government's inclusive but rigidly-defined indigeneity, indigenous communities embrace a fluid and dual indigeneity: one that is connected to territories, yet also independent from them; a rooted indigeneity based on the praxis of what it means to be indigenous. Indigenous women and their communities embrace this fluid and rooted indigeneity to build alliances across gender, ethnic, and geographic lines to organize against neo-extractivism. Moreover, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, duality, and complementarity, have allowed indigenous women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within, and between, communities alive. These solidarity networks are sites of everyday resistances that represent a threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial and patriarchal mandates.

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Gross, de Almeida Daniela. « The Darfur conflict : beyond ethnic hatred explanations ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2185.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.

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JENSEN, Helge Hiram. « State transformation in the High North : cases of environmental justice struggles ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35918.

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Defence date: 15 May 2015
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Steinar Pedersen, Sámi University College; Professor Paul Routledge, University of Leeds; Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute.
List of Errata completed November 2015.
This is a study in the art and science of fundamental systems transformation. The study is hypothesis-generative, based upon qualitative research. The cases are selected from one ongoing process of state transformation at the Arctic fringe of Europe. An indigenous rights struggle feeds into the ongoing re-constitution of the body of law. The study contributes to an ongoing re-thinking of concepts and methods in European Political and Social Sciences. The struggle for rights is also a struggle for proofs, which feeds into ongoing re-constitution of the body of knowledge. Positive findings describe my attempts to observe some possible causal mechanisms whereby the indigenous human rights movement has enjoyed some limited success in its effort to decolonize the four states that have divided and conquered Sápmi, the homeland of the Sámi (formerly known as Lapps), the only group within the EU recognized by the UN as an indigenous people. Negative findings describe my attempts to observe some limitations of my own observational capacity. Many questions of relevance to subaltern interest groups remain under-researched and under-documented: There is a great deal of colonial bias that must still be overcome, not only within European political science at large, but also within my own limited contribution, even though I strive to overcome such bias. Seven empirical chapters, discuss two single-case studies: Alta Watershed, ca. 1970-1980, and Deatnu Watershed, ca. 1980-2012. The empirical foundation is qualitative data from field observation and historical archives, which is put ino context with some quantitative data from official registers. The different chapters operate within different disciplines: two are geographical, two are sociological, one is historical, one large one is anthropological, and one should be regarded traditional political science. Although multi-disciplinary, my empirical research continues what I call the major research tradition in the field. This focuses on collective action and social ecology, and informs human rights policies. The theoretical discussion addresses observations by colleagues within another, rival, tradition, which emphasizes coercive force and geo-strategy, and serves public security policies. Transformative social movements need to be aware that both traditions remain limited by a heritage of colonial bias. They also need to be aware that both traditions may be used in a complimentary manner, to help overcoming either fatalism or over-optimism. The thesis concludes that transformative social movements need to avoid the dual pitfalls of naïve idealism and naïve realism, and pursue critical realism.

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So'o, Asofou. « O le fuata ma lona lou : indigenous institutions and democracy in Western Samoa ». Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144420.

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DAHL, Justiina. « Seeing like a state in a society of states : the social role of science and technology in the northward expansion of the international society ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41764.

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Defence date: 2 June 2016
Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit (University Queensland) (Supervisor); Professor Trevor Pinch, Cornell University (External Supervisor); Professor Iver B. Neumann, London School of Economics; Professor Jennifer Welsh, EUI.
This thesis argues that the emergence and expansion of the European-origin international society (EIS) has taken place through two dominant organizational processes. The first is the social organization and expansion of the international society. It is primarily associated with the stabilization and change of the hegemonic definitions of who are and can become legitimate holders of sovereignty in the international society. The second process is a material one associated with the negotiation, stabilization and change of specific, hegemonic techno-scientific mechanisms for the appropriation of sovereign authority over new terrains by the already members of the international society. The thesis sets out to describe the co-production of the two sets of fundamental and constitutional international institutions that I claim have been associated with this progress of the material as well as social expansion of the EIS. I conceptualize the international institutional framework these institutions makeup as 'the double-constitutional structure of the EIS'. The empirical focus in the study of the composition and change of the different elements of this structure is on how sovereign power has been constituted and mobilized for, what, in hindsight, can be regarded as failed attempts to appropriate specific Arctic regions through human settlement during the previous half a millennium. I conceptualize the case studies of these processes as cases of, in hindsight, failed attempts to geographically and materially expand the international society. Their analysis is organized according to what can be regarded as four international-system-wide revolutions in the epistemic authority structure of the EIS. Through the comparative analysis of the cases and these time periods I empirically illustrate what I theoretically conceptualize as the social role of science and technology in the northward expansion of the international society.

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Brown, Leslie Allison. « Administrative work in aboriginal governments ». Thesis, 1995. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/9449.

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Aboriginal governments are organizations like any other, but they have some important differences that stem from the cultures of aboriginal peoples and the history and construction of aboriginal governments in Canada. Colonization brought particular conceptions of work and administration that are not always compatible with aboriginal cultures. Aboriginal governments are grounded in their respective communities and cultures and at the same time exist within a Canadian political system that reflects the values of a western, non-aboriginal society. The practice of administrative work in aboriginal governments is therefore complex and internally conflictual for the organization as well as for administrators. The institutional and financial arrangements of aboriginal governments in Canada only further complicate the work. Understanding the distinctiveness of administrative work in aboriginal governments is important for both aboriginal and non-aboriginal governments and administrators as a new relationship between Canadian and aboriginal governments is forged. This study explores the work of aboriginal administrators working in aboriginal governments. It considers the administrative environment of aboriginal government, particularly the complexities of accountability and the interrelatedness of culture, politics and administration. It suggests that aboriginal governments are expressions of the cultures, politics, spirituality, economics, values and emotions of aboriginal peoples. These governments are social movements as well as ruling bureaucracies. Government in this context is a complex and holistic notion as it does not necessarily separate church from state, politics from bureaucracy, or the personal from the professional. Within this context, the study examines the actual work of particular administrators and thereby develops a distinct picture of administration as it is practised in aboriginal governments. While such administrative practice is found to be more holistic in this context, the study further suggests that the construction of the actual work is influenced by key factors of accountability demands, cultural relevance and integrity, and the need for education of all people engaged with issues of governance. Given the dilemmas found in each of these factors, aboriginal administrators face the unique challenge of integrating the discordant demands of their communities, organizations and professions.
Graduate

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Johnston, Alexander. « Covenanted peoples : the Ulster Unionist and Afrikaner Nationalist coalitions in growth, maturity and decay ». Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7757.

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Bajard, Anne Catherine. « Indigenous peoples in action beyond the state : the lowlands of Bolivia, 1982-2002 ». Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2587.

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As an indigenous leader and member of parliament questions: "What good would having a hundred indigenous members of parliament be, if the system itself is not going to be changed, precisely if we do not propose a structural change? We have to break down the structural system if we really want democracy, if we want to move forward" (Jose Bailaba, Bolivia, August 2003). The thesis looks at the strategies for governance of the indigenous peoples of the Lowlands of Bolivia. It is a journey with key informants from the indigenous movement of the Amazon basin that raises the mariner in which strategies may vary among the peoples over time and in different contexts, while the vision itself remains constant: a vision of governance as nations. It situates their strategies in a context of transnational alliances and negotiations, with varying perceptions of the role of the state and its institutions. The research is based on six years of accompaniment of the indigenous peoples of the Lowlands of Bolivia, as well as on in-depth interviews with leaders who have held roles as community leaders, national leaders, municipal Councillors and Members of Parliament.

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Peterson, Brandt Gustav. « Unsettled remains : race, trauma, and nationalism in millennial El Salvador ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2358.

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Mack, Dustin J. « Cooperation and confederacy : a comparison of indigenous confederacies in relation to imperial polities ». 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1607098.

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This study demonstrates the flexible nature of relations between “peripheral” polities imperial “core” polities. The decentralized nature of the Mongol and Iroquois confederacies enabled them to dictate terms during negotiations with the Ming dynasty or British, respectively, giving them a higher degree of agency in their relations. Comparing the experiences of the Mongols and Iroquois provides a better understanding of how indigenous confederacies acted and reacted under similar circumstances. Likewise, this study aims to demonstrate the capacity for “peripheral” confederacies to resist, selectively adapt, and negotiate with “core” empires.
Confederacy in action -- Iroquois historiography -- Mongol historiography -- Social structures and foundation myths -- "Relative" relations.
Department of History

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Salazar, Juan Francisco, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College et of Communication Design and Media School. « Imperfect media : the poetics of indigenous media in Chile ». 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/25273.

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This dissertation examines the cultural constructions of information and communication media by Indigenous peoples in Chile. It includes a critical investigation into the emergence, current practices and future prospects of Mapuche media within situated and culturally mediated social space. The research is informed by current anthropological interests in indigenous media and locates indigenous media theory and practice within three different, though overlapping fields of cultural production: applied visual anthropology, alternative media activism and new media theory. The theoretical, historical and pragmatic concerns of the thesis lie primarily in the media processes that are contextualized by several instances of ethnic resurgence. Indigenous narratives are located at the centre of various forms of cultural activism and are being conceived as tactics in the construction of divergent imaginaries and oppositional public spheres. By concentrating the study on the Mapuche context, the author clarifies the process by which these practices transform social structures in the struggle for political self-determination, cultural autonomy and social recognition.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Salazar, Juan Francisco. « Imperfect media : the poetics of indigenous media in Chile ». Thesis, 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/25273.

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This dissertation examines the cultural constructions of information and communication media by Indigenous peoples in Chile. It includes a critical investigation into the emergence, current practices and future prospects of Mapuche media within situated and culturally mediated social space. The research is informed by current anthropological interests in indigenous media and locates indigenous media theory and practice within three different, though overlapping fields of cultural production: applied visual anthropology, alternative media activism and new media theory. The theoretical, historical and pragmatic concerns of the thesis lie primarily in the media processes that are contextualized by several instances of ethnic resurgence. Indigenous narratives are located at the centre of various forms of cultural activism and are being conceived as tactics in the construction of divergent imaginaries and oppositional public spheres. By concentrating the study on the Mapuche context, the author clarifies the process by which these practices transform social structures in the struggle for political self-determination, cultural autonomy and social recognition.

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Liston, Jolie. « Sociopolitical development and a monumental earthwork landscape on Babeldaob Island, Palau ». Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155835.

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This thesis investigates the mechanisms underlying the early emergence of monumentality on an Oceanic island and the correlation between the development of monumental architecture and the long-term processes of sociopolitical evolution. Babeldaob in the Palau archipelago of western Micronesia was selected for this study due to the nature of its monumental earth architecture. Monumental in both horizontal scale of interconnected complexes and dimensions of individual structures, Babeldaob's earthworks emerged close to a millennium earlier, and were abandoned several centuries before, the advent of monumentality on other Pacific island groups. Unlike elsewhere in Oceania, Babeldaob's monumental structures form extensive conjoined clusters containing a multitude of morphological forms that served simultaneous practical and symbolic functions. The underlying structure of the investigation is dual-processualism, the co-existing network and corporate political economic orientations chosen by emerging leaders to create and legitimize their power and prestige. These strategies rely on interdependent political, ideological, ritual and economic power sources. Distinguishing between corporate and network modes employed in Palau's Earthwork Era (2400-1100 calBP) is a heuristic tool for assessing the temporal transformations in spatial dimensions, patterning and practical and ideological roles encoded in Babeldaob's earthworks. This research presents a new understanding of the chronological development, construction processes, spatial organization and intertwined tangible and intangible uses of earthworks based on stratigraphic excavations, pedestrian survey, spatial analysis and radiometric dating. These data sources support a new working model of the evolution of Babeldaob's sociopolitical complexity in a dual-processual framework. Babeldaob's sociopolitical organization model posits development from heterarchical kin groups, to competitive chiefdoms and finally to rival decentralized polities. Corporate and network political economic strategies fused to maintain a level playing field driving a volatile sociopolitical period. With a staple economy based on land, labour and the production of surplus, corporate leadership strategies prevailed. However, rival factions and competing polities were extremely dynamic as they manoeuvred for prestige and wealth through network alliances and warfare. By the end of the Earthwork Era, there is a clear expression of economic stratification and personal aggrandizement. The Earthwork Era political economy appears to be based on staple and ritual finance with the most valuable commodity the landesque capital and associated ritual, occupational and defensive earth architecture that further increased the economic value of the built landscape. These structures embodied a complex merger of energy investment, ancestral ties, ritual association, staple wealth and social bonding. Given Babeldaob's high precipitation, sloping land, and the instability and low native fertility of its highly weathered soil, development of step-terraces was an effective strategic choice to prevent land degradation and support a viable agricultural system. The recognition of the complexity and vulnerability of earthwork construction and dryland agriculture in these particular edaphic and climatic conditions led to the development of ritual behaviours associated with both activities. Earth structures dedicated to these performances bind staple finance to the dominant ideology.

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Malhi, Amrita. « Forests of Islam : territory, environment and holy war in Terengganu, Malaya, 1928 ». Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109695.

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In 1928, a small forest uprising in Terengganu, on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, became a Holy War. The rebels—shifting cultivators from the Terengganu River system, coalesced under an Islamist leadership of rubber smallholders, mosque functionaries and Islamic scholars. They were responding to a power struggle between two elite forces within the colonial government after 1919—represented by the Sultan and the British Adviser. These two forces were engaged in a contest to subject the hinterland’s landscape and population to government, resulting in overlapping claims to the Terengganu forest. These claims prevented forest-based smallholders from cultivating rice or rubber—their two main crops. Aggrieved by displacement from their swiddens, hundreds of cultivators began to defy government forest regulations. They attacked forest guards and police officers, accusing them of being kafir—unbelievers. Then on 21 May 1928, rebels occupied a police station in Kuala Berang, a regional administrative centre. From this police station and its surrounding government offices, the colonial government exercised its claim to exist as the sole regulator of land and forest use in the hinterland. Yet the rebels’ defiance was not based solely on their land and forest counterclaim. They raised the red flag of the Ottoman Caliphate over the police station, generalising their local demands into one for sovereignty as Muslims. In doing so, the rebels demonstrated their location in a set of regional and global connections beyond their local environment. They were building on a series of Islamising political precedents. These precedents, established by Islamic scholars, responded to a larger territorial contest—between Britain and Siam for control over the Malay Peninsula. The contest for the peninsula drove a logic of territorial delimitation which bounded Terengganu and the states around it—formerly Siamese tributaries. A series of treaties signed over the nineteenth century eventually culminated in the 1909 Siam- Malaya border, locking Terengganu on the British side. Terengganu was colonised in 1919, and was incorporated into the emerging Malayan geo-body. Yet Islamic scholars from the Siamese tributaries were not locked in place, continuing their patterns of mobility around the region, and between Southeast Asia and the Middle East. Together, these scholars forged a political solidarity with the global community of Muslims—the umat. They began to authorise a politics of Holy War against Britain, using Islamic metaphors to create a political language which the Terengganu rebels later used. In this intensely Islamic political climate, the Terengganu rebels wove their local land and forest claims into a bold defence of the umat. In doing so, they momentarily negated the logic of the territorial bounding to which they were being subjected. The uprising became a Holy War, not only for the Terengganu forest, but for the umat against the kafir colonisers.

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Strelein, Lisa Mary. « Indigenous self-determination claims and the common law in Australia ». Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109314.

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With the decision in Mabo v Queensland [No. 2] in 1992, the courts cemented their role in the self-determination strategies of Indigenous peoples in Australia. More than merely recognising a form of title to traditional lands, the tenor of the judgements in Mabo's case respected Indigenous peoples and offered the protection of the common law. However, the expectations of many Indigenous people for change have not since been met. This thesis examines the usefulness of the courts and the common law in particular for the self-determination claims of Indigenous peoples. I examine the theoretical and institutional limitations on the courts that have resulted in a doctrinal history which has generally excluded Indigenous peoples. I also analyse the potential for the common law to accommodate self-determination claims. I argue that the courts require familiar concepts upon which to base their decisions. I identify the notion of equality of peoples as a proper foundation for the courts to structure the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state. Equality of peoples has roots in the fundamental principles of the common law and maintains the integrity of Indigenous peoples’ claims.

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Mangani, Dylan Yanamo. « Changes in the Conception of Nationalism in Zimbwabwe : A Comparative Analysis of ZAPU and ZANU Liberation Movements 1977-1990 ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1525.

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PhD (Political Science)
Department of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
NRF

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