Articles de revues : « Astrology in the Middle Ages »

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Carey, Hilary M. « Astrology in the Middle Ages ». History Compass 8, n^o 8 (4 août 2010) : 888–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00703.x.

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Retief, Francois P., et Louise C. Cilliers. « Astrology and medicine in antiquity and the middle ages ». Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Natuurwetenskap en Tegnologie 29, n^o 1 (13 janvier 2010) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/satnt.v29i1.2.

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Astrology is a pseudo-science based on the assumption that the well-being of humankind, and its health in particular, is inﬂuenced in a constant and predictable fashion by the stars and other stellar bodies. Its origins can probably be traced back to Mesopotamia of the 3rd millennium BC and was particularly popular in Graeco-Roman times and the Medieval Era. Astrology in Western countries has always differed from that in the Far East, and while it largely lost its popularity in the West after the Renaissance, it still remains of considerable signiﬁcance in countries like China and Tibet. Astrology took on a prominent medical component in the Old Babylonian Era (1900-1600 BC) when diseases were ﬁrst attributed to stellar bodies and associated gods. In the Neo-Babylonian Era (6th century BC) the zodiac came into being: an imaginary belt across the skies (approximately 16o wide) which included the pathways of the sun, moon and planets, as perceived from earth. The zodiac belt was divided into 12 equal parts (“houses” or signs), 6 above the horizon and 6 below. The signs became associated with speciﬁc months, illnesses and body parts – later with a number of other objects like planets, minerals (e.g. stones) and elements of haruspiction (soothsaying, mantic, gyromancy). In this way the stellar objects moving through a zodiac “house” became associated with a multitude of happenings on earth, including illness. The macrocosm of the universe became part of the human microcosm, and by studying the stars, planets, moon, etcetera the healer could learn about the incidence, cause, progress and treatment of disease. He could even predict the sex and physiognomy of unborn children. The art of astrology and calculations involved became very complex. The horoscope introduced by the 3rd century BC (probably with Greek input) produced a measure of standardisation: a person’s position within the zodiac would be determined by the date of birth, or date of onset of an illness or other important incident, on which information was needed. Egyptian astrological inﬂuence was limited but as from the 5th century BC onwards, Greek (including Hellenistic) input became prominent. In addition to signiﬁcant contributions to astronomy, Ptolemy made a major contribution to astrology as “science” in his Tetrabiblos. Rational Greek medicine as represented by the Hippocratic Corpus did not include astrology, and although a number of physicians did make use of astrology, it almost certainly played a minor role in total health care. Astrology based on the Babylonian-Greek model also moved to the East, including India where it became integrated with standard medicine. China, in the Far East, developed a unique, extremely complex variety of astrology, which played a major role in daily life, including medicine. During Medieval times in the West, astrology prospered when the original Greek writings (complemented by Arabic and Hebrew contributions) were translated into Latin. In the ﬁeld of medicine documents falsely attributed to Hippocrates and Galen came into circulation, boosting astrology; in the young universities of Europe it became taught as a science. It was, however, opposed by the theologians who recognised a mantic element of mysticism, and it lost further support when during the Renaissance, the spuriousness of the writings attributed to the medical icons, Hippocrates and Galen, became evident. Today Western standard medicine contains no astrology, but in countries like China and Tibet it remains intricately interwoven with health care. In common language we have a heritage of words with an astrological origin, like “lunatic” (a person who is mentally ill), “ill-starred”, “saturnine” (from Saturn, the malevolent plant) and “disaster” (from dis, bad, and astra, star).

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von Stuckrad, Kocku. « Interreligious Transfers in the Middle Ages : The Case of Astrology ». Journal of Religion in Europe 1, n^o 1 (2008) : 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489208x285468.

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AbstractThis article describes the discipline of astrology as an example of manifold interreligious contacts and transfers in the Middle Ages. Over against an image of the Middle Ages as being predominantly Christian and striving to violently suppress science, philosophy, and astrology, it is shown that in fact Christian, Muslim, and Jewish communities shared common interests and participated in an ongoing communication, even if in polemical differentiation. The case of astrology also illuminates the intellectual ties between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, which are much stronger than traditional historiography would like to portray them as.

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Williams, Mark. « Astrological Poetry in late medieval Wales : the case of Dafydd Nanmor’s ‘To God and the planet Saturn’ ». Culture and Cosmos 12, n^o 02 (octobre 2008) : 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0212.0203.

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This paper examines the major astrological poem which survives from late medieval Wales, Dafydd Nanmor’s ‘Cywydd to God and the planet Saturn’. A close reading of the poem suggests that actual horoscopes, rather than just a vague knowledge of astrology, were accessible in Wales at the end of the Middle Ages. As a result, Dafydd Nanmor’s poem can now be dated to September 1479. This is set in the context of the sociology of English astrology at the end of the Middle Ages; by the middle of the 15th century, astrology was percolating down from the court an universities into the cultural life of the merchant classes, and it is argued that the spread of astrological material to Wales in the same period forms part of the same process.

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Flint, Valerie I. J. « The Transmission of Astrology in the Early Middle Ages ». Viator 21 (janvier 1990) : 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.301330.

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Rutkin, H. Darrel. « Is Astrology a Type of Divination ? Thomas Aquinas, the Index of Prohibited Books, and the Construction of a Legitimate Astrology in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance ». International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 1, n^o 1 (14 novembre 2019) : 36–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899201-12340003.

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Abstract What is the relationship between astrology and divination? In particular, is astrology a type of divination, as is often asserted or assumed? In both astrology and divination, knowledge and prediction of the future are primary goals, but does this warrant calling astrology a form of divination? I approach these questions by exploring the response of Thomas Aquinas, which was to be extremely influential for many centuries. First I analyze in some detail Thomas’s answer in his Summa theologiae 2-2.92–95; then I discuss two significant sixteenth-century examples of its influence: the 1557, 1559, 1564, and later indexes of prohibited books; and Pope Sixtus V’s anti-divinatory bull, Coeli et Terrae Creator (1586). In this way, we can explore some of the complex historical dynamics at play in the construction of a legitimate astrology in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

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Lucas, John. « TEMPTING FATE : THE CASE AGAINST ASTROLOGY AND THE CATALAN RESPONSE ». Catalan Review 17, n^o 2 (1 janvier 2003) : 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.17.2.6.

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This essay applies Valerie Flint’s thesis about the adoption of astrology and derivative forms of prognostication by the medieval Catholic Church to Catalan treatises on astrology. Two main arguments against the practice of magic in the Middle Ages actually favored the development of astrology and astrological magic. By demonstrating that astrology does not subjugate free will to celestial bodies or contravene God’s authority, Christian astrologers smuggled it into the mainstream of scientific practice. Catalan scholars contributed to this defense, providing textual evidence from the thirteenth to the late fifteenth centuries. The use of these two arguments to defend astrology will become so embedded in the literature that, by the late fifteenth century, such defenses appear as commonplaces. We find them even in popular texts on astrological lore, far removed from their original context as part of academic and theological discourse.

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Gomez-Aranda, Mariano. « The Contribution of the Jews of Spain to the Transmission of Science in the Middle Ages ». European Review 16, n^o 2 (mai 2008) : 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000161.

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The Jews of Spain in the Middle Ages played an important role in the transmission of Graeco-Arabic learning by translating, or participating in translations, of scientific texts. They also composed original works on mathematics, astronomy, astrology and medicine in which they adapted the theories of the ancients for their own time. Science was used by the ruling powers as an element of prestige, and by the Jewish scientists as a way to obtain a high social status. The policy of cultural sponsorship of Muslim caliphs, as well as of Christian kings, was fundamental in the process of transmission of the Greek sciences to the Western world. The School of Translators of Toledo is an example of this process. The astronomical theories developed by Jewish scientists at the end of the 15th century played an important role in the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the 16th century. Their knowledge of astronomy, astrology, mathematics, and medicine was also used by the Jewish intellectuals to provide a rational and scientific support for the Jewish religion and tradition, as is reflected in the interpretations of the Bible by medieval Spanish Jewish authors.

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Burnett, Charles. « European Knowledge of Arabic Texts Referring to Music : Some New Material ». Early Music History 12 (janvier 1993) : 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900000127.

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The literature on the problem of Arabic influence on the music and poetry of western Europe in the Middle Ages is vast. The aim of this article is modest. It seeks to draw together some passages on music and musical instruments in Arabic texts that were translated into Latin in the Middle Ages. These texts were not specifically on music, and may have escaped the notice of musicologists for that reason. However, they are interesting in their own right, for they show the role of music in other contexts, such as medicinie, astrology and philolsophy, and exemplify the modifications that took place when texts were transferred from one culture to another.

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Trapp, Erich. « Greek as the receiving language in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period ». Lexicographica 33, n^o 2017 (28 août 2018) : 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2017-0006.

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AbstractDuring its long history, the Byzantine Empire – a polity that stretched across a whole millennium – came into contact with many neighbouring cultures and languages in Europe, Asia and Africa. In addition to Latin, the most important languages that enriched the medieval Greek vocabulary were: French, Italian, Slavic, Arabic and Turkish. Loanwords occurred – to a greater or lesser extent – in the following areas: nature and landscape, household, government and administration, society, military, church and religion, law and jurisdiction, trade and traffic. Beyond that, there were certain spheres that were influenced by specific languages in particular: Italian left its mark on sailors’ language; Arabic on the natural sciences (medicine, alchemy, astrology and astronomy); and both Italian and Arabic on coins, measures, and weights.

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Trapp, Erich. « Greek as the receiving language in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period ». Lexicographica 33, n^o 1 (1 septembre 2018) : 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lexi-2017-0006.

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AbstractDuring its long history, the Byzantine Empire - a polity that stretched across a whole millennium - came into contact with many neighbouring cultures and languages in Europe, Asia and Africa. In addition to Latin, the most important languages that enriched the medieval Greek vocabulary were: French, Italian, Slavic, Arabic and Turkish. Loanwords occurred - to a greater or lesser extent - in the following areas: nature and landscape, household, government and administration, society, military, church and religion, law and jurisdiction, trade and traffic. Beyond that, there were certain spheres that were influenced by specific languages in particular: Italian left its mark on sailors’ language; Arabic on the natural sciences (medicine, alchemy, astrology and astronomy); and both Italian and Arabic on coins, measures, and weights.

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Benedetto, Marienza. « An Ideology for Dependence ? The Public Dimension of Astrology in the Jewish Middle Ages ». Quaestio 19 (janvier 2019) : 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.quaestio.5.120249.

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Carey, Hilary M. « Church Time and Astrological Time in the Waning Middle Ages ». Studies in Church History 37 (2002) : 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014698.

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Time, according to medieval theologians and philosophers, was experienced in radically different ways by God and by his creation. Indeed, the obligation to dwell in time, and therefore to have no sure knowledge of what was to come, was seen as one of the primary qualities which marked the post-lapsarian state. When Adam and Eve were cast out of the garden of delights, they entered a world afflicted with the changing of the seasons, in which they were obliged to work and consume themselves with the needs of the present day and the still unknown dangers of the next. Medieval concerns about the use and abuse of time were not merely confined to anxiety about the present, or awareness of seized or missed opportunities in the past. The future was equally worrying, in particular the extent to which this part of time was set aside for God alone, or whether it was permissible to seek to know the future, either through revelation and prophecy, or through science. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the scientific claims of astrology to provide a means to explain the outcome of past and future events, circumventing God’s distant authority, became more and more insistent. This paper begins by examining one skirmish in this larger battle over the control of the future.

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LAQUEUR, THOMAS. « WHY THE MARGINS MATTER : OCCULTISM AND THE MAKING OF MODERNITY ». Modern Intellectual History 3, n^o 1 (avril 2006) : 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244305000648.

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“Occult,” a 1902 international encyclopedia of religion tells us, is derived “from Latin occultus—Hidden,” and is applied to the assumption that insight into and control over nature is to be obtained by mysterious or magical procedures and by long apprenticeship in secret lore. The physical science of the middle ages, alchemy and astrology, and in modern times spiritualism, theosophy, and palmistry contain various factors of occult lore. Such doctrines, known as occultism, fall outside the realm of modern science. See MAGIC.

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Nothaft, C. Philipp E. « Sidereal Astrology in Medieval Europe (Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries) : Traces of a Forgotten Tradition ». International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 3, n^o 1 (21 mars 2022) : 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899201-12340023.

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Abstract Sets of astronomical tables available in Latin Europe during the Middle Ages can be classified based on whether they imitated Ptolemy in using a tropical zodiac for displaying planetary mean motions or followed an Indian tradition of preferring a sidereal reference frame. While this basic bifurcation in medieval computational astronomy is well known to modern scholars, there has so far been no systematic research concerning its consequences for the practice of astrology in this period. This article makes a first step by documenting cases from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries where Latin astrologers employed the sidereal zodiac for their calculations or expressly recommended its use for astrological purposes. Basing itself on printed sources as well as unpublished manuscript material, it provides evidence that a commitment to sidereal coordinates united several important figures during the early phases of the assimilation of Islamic mathematical astronomy in Latin Europe, but largely disappeared after 1250. As will be argued in the conclusion, this move away from sidereal astrology may possibly be linked to the thirteenth-century emergence of Paris as a major European center for the study of astrology.

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Konarska-Zimnicka, Sylwia. « Why was astrology criticised in the Middle Ages ? Contribution to further research (on the basis of selected treaties of professors of the University of Krakow in the 15th century). » Saeculum Christianum 24 (10 septembre 2018) : 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2017.24.10.

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People have always been interested in distant, mysterious celestial bodies. Astrologers who explored the mysteries of the study of the stars and planets wanted to read them as predictions of future events. Astrological practices were often seen as bordering of magic, whichto a large extent influenced the negative perception of this area of study and its supporters, even though astrologers were employed at the kings’ and bishops’ courts, and even at the papal court. The relationship of astrology with occult sciences, which were regarded as sinful and heretical, led to the situation when its proponents were subject to accusations. Particular attention was paid to the fact that the belief in the influence of heavenly bodies on the events taking place in the sublunary world undermines the foundation of the Christian religion, i.e. the dogma of the free will of man. This and other charges constituted a kind of a “catalogue of allegations” that were made against astrology and astrologers throughout the Middle Ages.

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Burnett, Charles. « Al-Kindī on Judicial Astrology : ‘the Forty Chapters’ ». Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 3, n^o 1 (mars 1993) : 77–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900001727.

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Al-Kindī's Forty Chapters was one of the most influential astrological texts in the Middle Ages in the Arabic and Latin-reading world. Yet it has never been studied by modern scholars and has not even been properly identified in the standard bibliographies and encyclopaedias of Arabic literature. This study describes the work as it appears in the Arabic MS, Jerusalem, Khālidī Library, 21(2)-Astr.-2; sets it in the tradition of Greek, Persian and Arabic texts on catarchic astrology; and traces its influence on later Arabic astrological works, which give evidence of a fuller text than that in the Khālidī Library. This fuller text appears in the two Latin translations made in the mid-twelfth century by Hugo of Santalla and Robert of Ketton. Finally some comments are added about the place of The Forty Chapters in al-Kindī's œ;uvre. Two appendixes give respectively details of the manuscripts of the Arabic text and the two Latin translations, and an edition of a specimen chapter (concerning irrigation and cultivating the land) from these three versions.

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Serrano Larráyoz, Fernando. « Astrólogos y astrología al servicio de la monarquía navarra durante la Baja Edad Media (1350-1446) ». Anuario de Estudios Medievales 39, n^o 2 (16 novembre 2009) : 539–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.2009.v39.i2.114.

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Classen, Albrecht. « De Frédéric II à Rodolphe II : Astrologie, divination et magie dans les cours (XIIIe-XVIIe siècle), ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Martine Ostorero, and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani. Micrologus Library, 85. Florence : Sismel, Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2017, xxi, 432 pp. » Mediaevistik 31, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2018) : 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_435.

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One of the most intriguing aspects pertaining to magic and astrology (not the same, of course, but closely related) in the Middle Ages proves to be the constant tension between black and white magic, between authorized magical work and condemnation of magical practices. The Church was in a very difficult situation in this regard, whereas worldly rulers tended to embrace magic much more openly and also pursued astrological operations with the help of hired experts. This entire complex is nicely addressed in the present volume, which contains the papers delivered at a symposium at the Université de Lausanne in October 2014.

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Curth, Louise. « Astrological Medicine and the Popular Press in Early Modern England ». Culture and Cosmos 09, n^o 01 (juin 2005) : 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0109.0207.

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For many centuries the study of the stars was considered to be a science in western Europe. In the middle ages both astrology and astronomy, thought be the practical and theoretical parts of the scientific study of the celestial heavens, were taught as part of the university curriculum. The advent of printing in the late fifteenth century resulted in a huge variety of publications that provided the general public with access to this knowledge. This essay will examine the major role that almanacs, which were cheap, mass-produced astrological publications, played in disseminating information about astrological medical beliefs and practices to a national audience.

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Polcaro, V. F., et A. Martocchia. « Guidelines for a Social History of Astronomy ». Culture and Cosmos 16, n^o 1 and 2 (octobre 2012) : 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0215.

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An analysis of the basic cultural, historical and social elements which allowed the re-discovery and transfer of astronomical knowledge from the earlier Middle Ages up to the birth of modern astronomy, is presented in the new book Storia sociale dell’Astronomia. The book describes the main factors which played a role in suppressing or re-awakening interest in astronomical observations and events down the centuries. Among such elements we include: the loss of Greek-language-based knowledge as a vector of scientific knowledge; Christian and Islamic conceptions of Astrology; religious practices connected with observations; the birth of universities; the Protestant paradigm and humanism; the evolution of the social figure of the scientist in the West, from monks to aristocrats, and from Renaissance lords to bourgeois entrepreneurs. We focus attention on the social phenomena which caused the development of Astronomy as a science from the Middle Ages to the Copernican revolution, and claim that the ruling class’s attitude towards science is not only a matter for historical studies, but has much to do with the modern impoverishment and stagnation of Astronomy.

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Smoller, Laura Ackerman. « Astrology and the Sibyls : John of Legnano's De adventu Christi and the Natural Theology of the Later Middle Ages ». Science in Context 20, n^o 3 (14 août 2007) : 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889707001378.

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ArgumentMedieval authors adopted a range of postures when writing about the role of reason in matters of faith. At one extreme, the phrase “natural theology” (theologia naturalis) was used, largely pejoratively, to connote something clearly inferior to revealed theology. At the other end, there was also a long tradition of what one might term “the impulse to natural theology,” manifested perhaps most notably in the embrace of Nature by certain twelfth-century authors associated with the school of Chartres. Only in the fifteenth century does one find authors using natural reason to investigate religious truths who also employ the term “natural theology,” now in a positive light, for their activities. Among such thinkers, astrology and eschatology frequently played an important role. In that respect, the writings of fourteenth-century Bolognese jurist John of Legnano offer an important example of the place of astrological, prophetic, and apocalyptic material in late medieval natural theology. In his 1375 treatise De adventu Christi, Legnano demonstrated that ancient poets, pagan seers such as the Sibyls, and non-Christian astrologers had all predicted, like Old Testament prophets, the virgin birth of Christ. For Legnano, not simply was Creation part of God's revelation, but, equally importantly, the very categories of reason and revelation blur in a way that points toward the works of Renaissance humanists and lays a foundation for a model of natural vaticination that showed reason's capability to reach fundamental religious truths.

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Bent, Margaret. « A new canonic Gloria and the changing profile of Dunstaple ». Plainsong and Medieval Music 5, n^o 1 (avril 1996) : 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001066.

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John Dunstaple's reputation as the most famous English composer of the Middle Ages has stood almost unchallenged since his death. Two epitaphs attributed to one of his patrons, John Wheathamstead, Abbot of St Albans between 1420–40 and 1452–64, give him equal credit as a mathematician and astronomer (or rather, astrologer). Dunstaple was evidently proficient in the quadrivial arts of music, astronomy and mathematics (arithmetic and geometry), but only his musical activities have been thoroughly explored. At least two books that were in his library may provide hints about the level of his attainment in mathematics and astronomy. One is a fascicle within another volume that carries the often quoted ‘Iste libellus pertinebat Johanni Dunstaple cum duci Bedfordie musico’. The other and more extensive of the two manuscripts, Cambridge, Emmanuel College, MS 70, contains treatises on astronomy and astrology by standard authors in various hands. Some of these have what must be a scribal signature (often in the form ‘deo gratias quod Dunstaple’), apparently signalling his own hand for those treatises. If this is indeed the case, we have dozens of folios of closely written Dunstaple autograph and several signatures. His copy of the older astrological treatise by Bartholomew of Parma is copiously illustrated by excellent line-drawings of zodiacal signs and constellations. If these drawings are also in his hand (and they are harmonious with the surrounding script), we must add fine draughtsmanship to his known accomplishments.

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Urban, Emily. « Depicting the Heavens : The Use of Astrology in the Frescoes of Renaissance Rome ». Culture and Cosmos 16, n^o 1 and 2 (octobre 2012) : 319–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0251.

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This paper explores the use of astrological imagery in four ceiling frescoes painted during the Renaissance in Rome: the scenes of the Sala di Galatea in the Villa Farnesina, and those of the Stanza della Segnatura, the Sala dei Pontefici, and the Sala Bologna, all within the Vatican Palace. Significantly this imagery was not confined to the pages of private manuscripts as it had been in the Middle Ages, but took the form of frescoes on the walls and ceilings of public rooms, allowing viewers to bask in the celestial glory of the patron. Commissioned in 1575 by Pope Gregory XIII, I argue that the Sala Bologna imagery represents a critical juncture in attitudes toward natural philosophy, and demonstrates a shift from astrological interpretation, as condemned at the Council of Trent, to astronomical calculation, as promoted by the Catholic Church. I argue that the placement of these murals demonstrates that this type of pictorial aggrandizement was intended to reach a wide audience and was used by the patron, popes being the most prominent among these, as a form of visual self-promotion. I also examine how contemporaneous events - notably the Protestant Reformation and the Council of Trent - affected astrological practice and the monumental display of these horoscopes. Astrological imagery is not limited to Rome, but the four examples I discuss represent the peak of such decoration and offer insight into a widespread feature of early modern Italian culture that has yet to be adequately explored.

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Vescovini, Graziella Federici. « Biagio Pelacani’s Astrological History for the Year 1405 ». Culture and Cosmos 2, n^o 01 (juin 1998) : 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0102.0207.

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The years between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance were troubled by political conflicts and plots generated by an unbridled ambition for power. In those dark ages the figure of the astrologer stands out as a firm reference point in the shrewd and often merciless political game. Biagio Pelacani of Parma perfectly embodies this character of learned adviser. The actions of the powerful men of the time depended on his predictions.

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Palazzo, Alessandro. « Dibattiti filosofici e scientifici sulla geomanzia nel medioevo latino ». Trans/Form/Ação 42, spe (2019) : 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2019.v42esp.03.p31.

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Abstract: Geomancy, a divinatory discipline imported from the Arab world, flourished in the Latin Middle Ages. In the attempt to explain the popularity of geomancy, translators and authors of geomantic writings, philosophers, theologians, and other scholars addressed such issues as its validity, its philosophical implications, and the worldview it presupposed. This paper explores this debate, delineating the epistemological status of geomancy in relation to astrology. The problem of the scientificity of geomacy will be discussed with regard to the celestial influences on the sublunary world. In addition, the different roles played by both the geomancer and the consultant (quaerens) are examined. Attention will be paid to the concept of intentio, which implies a psychological analysis peculiar to geomancy. Geomancy is also characterized by ritual elements such as both preliminary prescriptions and invocations of God, meaning that it is not an ordinary divinatory technique, but a form of wisdom revealed only to experienced and upright geomancers, who can thus obtain knowledge of future events and hidden things. From this analysis emerges the complex nature of geomancy, whose original Arabic version had a prominent religious character and a close, albeit ambiguous, link with Islamic prophecy.

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Fidora, Alexander. « Signs vs. Causes ? An Epistemological Approach to Prognosis in the Latin Middle Ages ». Tópicos, Revista de Filosofía, n^o 47 (6 décembre 2014) : 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21555/top.v0i47.660.

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Desde el siglo XII, las disciplinas pronósticas formaban una parte integral del ordo scientiarum latino. Esto es cierto para la astrología y la adivinación, así como también para la medicina y la predicción del tiempo. Mientras que se han estudiado con detalle los debates morales acerca del conocimiento del futuro en la Edad Media, el reto epistemológico de integrar esta forma del saber en un marco teórico coherente se ha descuidado hasta ahora. En este artículo se muestra cómo durante el siglo XIII la descripción tradicional de las disciplinas pronósticas como formas de conocimiento basadas en el signo fue revisada y ajustada a la luz de los nuevos paradigmas filosóficos (el aristotélico) y también teológicos. En consecuencia, los filósofos y teólogos latinos establecieron criterios importantes que permitieron una nítida distinción epistemológica entre distintas formas de signos pronósticos y, con esto, radicalizaron el debate sobre la legitimidad de algunas de las disciplinas pronósticas.

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Marrone, Steven P. « Hilary M. Carey. Courting Disaster : Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages. New York : St. Martin's Press. 1992. Pp. xiii, 282. $49.95. » Albion 25, n^o 4 (1993) : 665–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051326.

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Trompf, Garry W. « Magic and Magicians in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Time : The Occult in Pre-Modern Sciences, Medicine, Literature, Religion, and Astrology, by Albrecht Classen (ed.) ». Aries 20, n^o 1 (22 janvier 2020) : 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700593-02001011.

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DOĞAN, Hüseyin. « Ortaçağ Türk Şiirinde “Sünbül” İmgesi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme ». International Journal of Social Sciences 6, n^o 26 (17 septembre 2022) : 170–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.6.26.11.

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In the literature of medieval Turkish civilization, the concept of "sünbül" has a very rich variety of usage. This diversity has manifested itself in the humanities as well as in the natural and applied sciences, especially in Turkish poetry, where the concept of sünbül is widely used. How does the concept of sünbül differ between texts of natural and applied sciences and literature? In literary texts, it is necessary to investigate what is meant by the use of sünbül. In this study, we discussed what is meant by the use of sünbül in poetry by comparing the works created using Turkish in the Middle Ages in natural and applied sciences with the medieval Turkish poetry. In the literature of medieval Turkish civilization, the concept of "sünbül" is a concept used in the disciplines of botany, astrology and semiotics, as well as its use as a poetic image. In our study, a general viewpoint has been created to cover the definition and usage areas of the use of sünbül in the works of the Old Anatolian Turkish period, and in the conclusion part, all these uses and the values that the concept expresses. According to our findings, the use of "sünbül" in Turkish poetry is related to its terminology in the three disciplines. As a botanical term, a relation was established between the sünbül and the ideal woman's hair, and the pleasant scents of the plants known as sünbül in the Middle Ages, the filamentous structures seen in the root systems of these plants or, possibly, the inflorescence. As the term of astronomy, sünbül is meant by establishing a visual similarity with the concept of sünbül, which is used as a botanical term, and the modern sign of Virgo, called "sünbüle". As a semiotic term, the sünbül was used to indicate the perfect hair of the ideal woman, as well as the scent of this hair, it has also been mentioned among the elements that complement the beauty of a unique and celestial garden from time to time. This study also argues that in addition to the aforementioned forms of use, the establishment of the relationship between “sünbül” and “zülüf” is an evolved manifestation of the feeling of gratitude towards the goddesses of agriculture in Antiquity. Keywords: History of plants, Medieval astronomy, Medieval botany, Medieval semiology, spikenard.

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Collins, David J. « Magic and Magicians in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Time : The Occult in Pre-Modern Sciences, Medicine, Literature, Religion, and Astrology. Albrecht Classen, ed. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture 20. Berlin : De Gruyter, 2017. x + 758 pp. $160.99. » Renaissance Quarterly 72, n^o 2 (2019) : 626–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2019.153.

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Munk, Kirstine. « 'The Stars Down to Earth' ». Bulletin for the Study of Religion 41, n^o 2 (12 avril 2012) : 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v41i2.3.

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Astrology is immensely popular in the modern, Western world. Studies have shown that 'belief' in astrology is mainly found among the lesser educated parts of the population, however, astrology is mainly used by educated middle-class women. This article explores why.

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Harris, Lynda. « Visions of the Milky Way in the West : The Greco-Roman and Medieval Periods ». Culture and Cosmos 16, n^o 1 and 2 (octobre 2012) : 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0245.

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Before the new Greek cosmological system was developed, many ancient cultures had pictured the Milky Way as a vertical axis or tree, which was seen as a route leading into the heavens of a layered universe. This model began to change from about the sixth century BC, when the image of a spherical earth and geocentric universe became increasingly widespread among the educated people of Greece. The new model, standardised by Ptolemy during the second century AD, visualised a universe comprised of eight concentric crystalline spheres surrounding a fixed earth. By the Middle Ages, the Ptolemaic system had become the established picture of the cosmos in Europe and the Islamic world. Losing its old vertical image, the Milky Way was now pictured as a circular band surrounding the spherical earth. Now known as the Milky Circle, it kept something of its earlier religious significance in the pagan world. In Rome it was visualised as a post-mortem place of purification, located below the sphere of the moon. With the establishment of traditional Christianity, the Milky Way’s position became unclear. It had always been a scientific puzzle to thinkers trying to analyse its substance and define its place in the Ptolemaic universe, and its true nature remained unresolved. In one of its most intriguing identities, originated by the thirteenth century astrologer Michael Scot, it migrated to the sphere of the fixed stars where it became a mysterious, living constellation, known as the Daemon Meridianus.

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Evans, William. « Divining the Social Order : Class, Gender, and Magazine Astrology Columns ». Journalism & ; Mass Communication Quarterly 73, n^o 2 (juin 1996) : 389–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300210.

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This content analysis compares the astrological advice offered in magazines targeted at working- and middle-class women. Readers' social class was a far better predictor than readers' zodiac sign of the nature of astrological advice offered. Working-class horoscopes were less likely than middle-class horoscopes to advise readers to travel and spend money. Working-class horoscopes were less likely than middle-class horoscopes to predict career-related advances and positive interactions with family, friends, and lovers. Readers of both classes were commonly advised to nurture others, be patient and cooperative, and avoid confrontations rather than assert themselves, but middle-class readers were encouraged more frequently than working-class readers to expect some autonomy.

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Glynias, Joe. « Reconstructing Middle Byzantine Arabo-Greek Astrology from Later Greek Manuscripts ». Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge 7 (1 avril 2022) : 183–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v7i.13669.

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This paper sheds light on one aspect of the large-scale influx of Arabic scientific knowledge into Byzantium through an analysis of three Byzantine astrological compendia that contain texts originally written in Greek as well as those translated from Arabic to Greek. While written c. 1200–1400, each manuscript contains a compilation that was assembled in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The paper first considers the dating of each of the three compilations and shows the utility in using these late Byzantine manuscripts to study Middle Byzantine astrology. Second, it analyzes the Arabic texts translated in these compilations and uses them to explain the chronology and the scale of the translation of astrological material from Arabic to Greek. Third, it considers how the Arabic and Greek material is combined within these manuscripts, and what the resulting synthesis says about Middle Byzantine astrology writ large.

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Morozova, Darya. « The Syrian romance of St. Clement of Rome, and its early Slavonic version ». Ukrainian Religious Studies, n^o 91 (11 septembre 2020) : 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2020.91.2141.

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The article analyzes the ethical and theological content of the apocryphal Syrian "autobiography" of St. Clement of Rome (Epytome), as well as its early Slavic translation (Life of St. Clement). The study uses historical-philosophical, patristic and philological methodology to outline the specific teachings, attributed to St. Clement by this Greek-speaking Syrian text from the pseudo-Clementine cycle. The methods of comparative textology and translation studies are used to analyze the features of the Slavic version of the work. The study revealed that, contrary to the ideas of the publisher of the Slavic version, P. Lavrov, the translation was undoubtedly made according to the archaic, pre-metaphrasic version of the work. Therefore, it can be dated to the ninth century and come from the school of Cyril and Methodius. The popularity of the monument among Slavic readers is partly explained by the archaic features of the original version of the work preserved in the translation, such as graphic imagery, expressive presentation, and numerous dialogues. Such a lively account facilitated the perception of the conceptually rich ethical content of the work. At the heart of both Greek and Slavic versions is the ethical category of philanthropy (φιλανθρωπία), which figures as a central Christian virtue. Much of the Epitome is devoted to a detailed explanation of this category and its distinction from other virtues. In the original, the ethics of philanthropy is opposed to the astrological ideology represented by Clement’s father Faust. Faust's views are based on the natural philosophical ideas of the early Greek Stoics. Apostle Peter, Clement's teacher, responds to his arguments from the standpoint of Judeo-Christian monotheism, referring to the biblical history of his people. Thus, Hellenism is confronted with biblical monotheism. So, Epitome appears a kind of argument in the controversy between Gentile Christians and Judeo-Christians (Ebionites), which has troubled the Syrian Church for centuries. However, in translation, this clash of worldviews remains obscured, as the translator does not seem to recognize either the terminology of Stoic natural philosophy, or astrological issues, or the debate between the traditions of Peter and Paul in Syria. Thus, all the Stoic terminology of Faust is reduced to a single concept of "being". Therefore, in the translated version, the controversy is not so much between Christianity and astrology, as between ethics and "ontology". Instead, the translator enriches the philosophical outline of the work with polysemic Slavic vocabulary, which sheds new light on the role of the bishop in Peter’s instructions to Clement. Comparison of the Greek and Slavic versions of the Epitome – an autobiography attributed to St. Clement – with his only authentic work, 1Corinthians, allowed to draw another unexpected conclusion. All these works are not only devoted to one main problem - the restoration of peace in the controversial Christian community, but also offer similar ways out of the crisis through brotherly love, solidarity and respect for the otherness of the fellow Christians. This may indicate either that the author of the Syrian apocrypha was inspired by the true Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, or that the image of St. Clement, that developed in the early tradition, dictated the message of the pseudo-epigraph quite powerfully. Due to this consonance, the apocryphal work of the Syrian Ebionites did to some extent acquaint Slavic readers with the ideas of Clement of Rome, whose only authentic work was almost unknown in the Middle Ages.

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Mercier, Raymond. « Book Review : Astrology down the Ages, a History of Horoscopic Astrology : From the Babylonian Period to the Modern Age ». Journal for the History of Astronomy 40, n^o 1 (février 2009) : 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860904000113.

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Rider, Jeff, Bettina Bildhauer et Robert Mills. « The Monstrous Middle Ages ». Modern Language Review 101, n^o 2 (1 avril 2006) : 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20466810.

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Rosenthal, Joel T., et Jeffrey Jerome Cohen. « The Postcolonial Middle Ages ». History Teacher 35, n^o 4 (août 2002) : 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1512480.

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Crawford, Katherine, Glenn Burger et Steven F. Kruger. « Queering the Middle Ages ». Sixteenth Century Journal 34, n^o 1 (1 avril 2003) : 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061390.

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Walker, James T., John S. Lee et Stephen Broadberry. « Measuring the Middle Ages ». Significance 19, n^o 4 (27 juillet 2022) : 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1740-9713.01669.

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Joy, Eileen A., Bettina Bildhauer et Robert Mills. « The Monstrous Middle Ages ». Sixteenth Century Journal 37, n^o 1 (1 avril 2006) : 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477824.

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Dojcinovic, Danijel. « Towards the Middle Ages ». Филолог – часопис за језик књижевност и културу 17, n^o 17 (30 juin 2018) : 731–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21618/fil1817731d.

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Palladino, Adrien, et Elisabetta Scirocco. « The “Middle Ages”’ Interconnectedness ». Convivium 8, n^o 2 (juillet 2021) : 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.convi.5.131112.

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Steenstrup, Carl, et Kozo Yamamura. « The Middle Ages Survey'd ». Monumenta Nipponica 46, n^o 2 (1991) : 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385403.

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Chapman, J. « Filming the Middle Ages ». Screen 53, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2012) : 330–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/hjs025.

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Lewis, C. P. « The New Middle Ages ? » History Workshop Journal 63, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2007) : 303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbm014.

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Watt, D. « Translating the Middle Ages ». English 47, n^o 189 (1 septembre 1998) : 235–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/47.189.235.

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van Creveld, Martin. « The New Middle Ages ». Foreign Policy, n^o 119 (2000) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149518.

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Evans, R. « The Monstrous Middle Ages ». Literature and Theology 18, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2004) : 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/18.4.487.

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