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1
Molyneaux, George. « WHY WERE SOME TENTH-CENTURY ENGLISH KINGS PRESENTED AS RULERS OF BRITAIN ? » Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 21 (4 novembre 2011) : 59–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440111000041.
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ABSTRACTSome tenth-century English kings, especially Æthelstan and Edgar, were commonly presented as rulers of Britain. The basic reason for this is that they had a loose but real hegemony over the other rulers on the island. This hegemony did not collapse in subsequent centuries, but English kings were less often described as rulers of Britain. The intensification of royal rule within the English kingdom in the second half of the tenth century made kings’ power inside the kingdom increasingly unlike their power elsewhere in Britain: it consequently became harder to think of Britain as a single political unit.
2
Kumarasinghe, Sriyalatha, et Grant Samkin. « Impression management and ancient Ceylonese rulers ». Accounting History 25, no 1 (29 octobre 2018) : 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373218802892.
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This study investigated how the Ceylonese kings, who ruled the South Asian island nation until the start of colonial occupation in the late sixteenth century, used stone inscriptions as impression management techniques to present a favourable impression of themselves to their subjects. The sample comprises 383 stone inscriptions. The findings of this article suggest that the impression management strategies used by Ceylonese kings to communicate with their subjects are consistent with those used by more modern charismatic leaders. However, the way strategies were implemented differed. This study contributes to the literature on the motivations and impression management techniques used by charismatic leaders and it adds to the limited knowledge on ancient Sri Lanka. Examining how charismatic leaders in the form of Ceylonese kings used inscriptions may provide insights into how modern-day chief executive officers or partners of major accounting practices use narrative components of annual reports and other forms of corporate communications to portray their leadership.
3
Richard, D. McBride, II. « When Did the Rulers of Silla Become Kings ? » Sogang Journal of Early Korean History 8 (31 août 2011) : 215–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35160/sjekh.2011.08.8.215.
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4
Furui, Ryosuke. « Subordinate rulers under the P–alas : Their diverse origins and shifting power relation with the king ». Indian Economic & ; Social History Review 54, no 3 (juillet 2017) : 339–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464617710745.
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The political formation in early medieval North India was characterised by subordinate rulers who were indispensable components of a monarchical state of the period. Their agency and power relations with the kingship had critical bearings on the early medieval history of Bengal under the Pālas. The epigraphical sources and the Rāmacarita of Sandhyākaranandin show diverse origins of the subordinate rulers, who got the position through their association with the Pāla kings. The royal grants issued on their application show their attempts to enhance their local control and position by negotiation with the king. The Pāla kings got the upper hand in this negotiation by countering the attempts of subordinate rulers and strengthening the local control through new measures. Their success however brought out a conjuncture at which social contradictions and tensions exploded as the Kaivarta rebellion, which resulted in their heavy dependence on subordinate rulers.
5
Duncan, Christopher M., et Peter J. Steinberger. « Plato's Paradox ? Guardians and Philosopher-Kings ». American Political Science Review 84, no 4 (décembre 1990) : 1317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963266.
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For centuries scholars have engaged in interpreting the meaning of Plato's Republic. In this exchange, Peter Steinberger and Christopher Duncan debate the role of guardians and philosopher-kings in the ancient city. This controversy is ignited by Steinberger's essay on Platonic rulers in the December 1989 issue of this Review.
6
Markus, R. A. « Gregory the Great on Kings : Rulers and Preachers in the Commentary on I Kings ». Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001848.
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Since King Alfred, and before, Gregory’s Pastoral Rule has been understood to apply to rulers as well as to bishops. A rich repertory of moral and spiritual qualities, as well as of duties and responsibilities, was thus made available for sketching an ideal that kings no less than bishops could be measured against. The question of whether this ambiguity in its reference had been intended by its author, or foisted upon it by subsequent generations who were less able to distinguish between the various offices, whose occupants might be referred to as rectores, has never been satisfactorily resolved. There is an important piece of evidence which might be expected to help to clarify this puzzle, Gregory’s Commentary on I Kings. It has not, however, been widely utilized, as the authenticity of the work has, until recent years, been in doubt.
7
Wiedemann, Benedict G. E. « Super gentes et regna : Papal ‘Empire’ in the Later Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries ». Studies in Church History 54 (14 mai 2018) : 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.7.
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Papal relations with monarchs in the later eleventh and twelfth centuries have often been characterized as ‘feudal’, as indicative of some sort of papaldominium mundi, or as an effort to advance papal ‘empire’ over the kingdoms of Christendom. More recent scholarship has drawn a distinction between ‘protection’ and ‘feudal’ relationships with kings. However, the supposed distinction between the papacy's temporal overlordship of rulers and its spiritual protection may have obscured more than it has revealed. It was only after the disputes over lay investiture of bishops in the period 1078–1122 that a distinctive protective relationship began to emerge. Previously, rulers had been willing to ‘accept their kingdom from the pope's hand’ or to participate in ceremonies of investiture. In the twelfth century these relationships became more codified and any suggestion that the papacy actually gave kingdoms to kings faded. Thus, the nature of papal ‘empire’ – or, at least, temporal authority over kings – changed markedly during this period.
8
VOLLENWEIDER, SAMUEL. « DER ‘RAUB’ DER GOTTGLEICHHEIT : EIN RELIGIONSGESCHICHTLICHER VORSCHLAG ZU PHIL 2.6(–11) ». New Testament Studies 45, no 3 (juillet 1999) : 413–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688598004135.
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Phil 2.6b should not be understood in the manner of an idiom but in a clearly negative way (‘booty’). The central key to Phil 2.6b is offered by biblical, Jewish and Hellenistic traditions about a usurpation of equality with God by kings and rulers (cf. Isa 14.12–15; hubris of god-like kings like Alexander, who ‘robbed’ their position). The self-humiliating Christ (who did not claim equality with God) is conceived as an antitype to the self-elevating rulers of the world; his Lordship is not based on usurpation. Phil 2.6–11 is keenly aware of the Jewish notion of the One and Only God (cf. John 5.18); the mantle of God's Oneness also embraces Christ as the Lord.
9
Dabiri, Ghazzal. « Historiography and the Shoʿubiya Movement ». Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no 1-2 (2013) : 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341247.
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Abstract This article examines the ways in which Iranian mytho-history was woven into the narratives of Islamic history. It argues that the inclusion of narratives such as the ones that equate several of the earliest Iranian mytho-historical kings to the earliest Koranic prophets or claim that Persian was the language of the prophets from Ādam to Esmāʿil, reflects the concerns of the Shoʿubiya movement. The paper also analyzes the ways in which these Iranian kings are represented in the Avesta as paradigmatic rulers and how their essential function as good rulers is retained in the later mythos and, hence, texts so that they are equatable to the prophets. The paper argues that these narratives reflect not only a concern for equality among Iranians as Muslims, but also the ways in which intellectuals negotiated the interstitial spaces between culture and politics.
10
Rhodes, P. J. « Tyranny in Greece in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC ». Polis : The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, no 3 (14 octobre 2019) : 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340231.
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Abstract In a world in which it was easy to contrast slavery as being ruled by others with freedom as the power to rule others, it might have been said that subjection to a tyrant was bad but being a tyrant was good if one could get away with it. But in the fourth century Plato and Aristotle created a contrast between kings as good rulers and tyrants as bad rulers, which has been standard ever since. However, recent studies have tried to move away from the polarisation of good kings and bad tyrants, and look more generally at the nature of monarchic rule in Greece. This article explores the topic of tyrants and the use of the notion of tyranny in classical Greece, at the end of the sixth century and in the fifth and fourth.
11
Kozlowski, Gregory. « Imperial Authority, Benefactions and Endowments (Awqāf) in Mughal India ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 38, no 3 (1995) : 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520952600425.
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AbstractIslamic theology grants temporal rulers no divine right to command. Muslim kings have often tried to win a kind of legitimacy by offering various kinds of patronage to religious notables. In the Mamluk, Ottoman and Safavi states, endowments (Awqāf) were the most common form of benefaction. The Timurids of India, however, favored other forms of grants. They did so, in part, to adjust to religious centers and networks of learned/holy men established by the Muslim rulers who had preceded them.
12
Blaisdell, Charmarie J., et Lisa Hopkins. « Women Who Would be Kings : Female Rulers in the Sixteenth Century. » Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no 4 (1992) : 807. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541740.
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Pitcher, Anne, Mary H. Moran et Michael Johnston. « Rethinking Patrimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa ». African Studies Review 52, no 1 (avril 2009) : 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0163.
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Abstract:Current usages of the terms patrimonial and neopatrimonial in the context of Africa are conceptually problematical and amount to a serious misreading of Weber. His use of the term patrimonial delineated a legitimate type of authority, not a type of regime, and included notions of reciprocity and voluntary compliance between rulers and the ruled. Those reciprocities enabled subjects to check the actions of rulers, which most analyses of (neo) patrimonialism overlook. We apply these insights to a case study of Botswana and suggest that scholars reconsider the application of Weber's concepts to African states.
14
Sundqvist, Olof. « The Role of Rulers in the Winding Up of the Old Norse Religion ». Numen 68, no 2-3 (15 mars 2021) : 272–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341623.
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Abstract It is a common opinion in research that the Scandinavians changed religion during the second half of the Viking Age, that is, ca. 950–1050/1100 CE. During this period, Christianity replaced the Old Norse religion. When describing this transition in recent studies, the concept “Christianization” is often applied. To a large extent this historiography focuses on the outcome of the encounter, namely the description of early Medieval Christianity and the new Christian society. The purpose and aims of the present study are to concentrate more exclusively on the Old Norse religion during this period of change and to analyze the questions of how and why it disappeared. A special focus is placed on the native kings. These kings played a most active role in winding up the indigenous tradition that previously formed their lives. It seems as if they used some deliberate methods during this process. When designing their strategies they focused on the religious leadership as well as the ritual system. These seem to have been the aspects of the indigenous religion of which they had direct control, and at the same time, were central for the modus operandi of the old religion. Most of all, it seems as if these Christian kings were pragmatists. Since they could not affect the traditional worldview and prevent people from telling the mythical narratives about the old gods, they turned to such aims that they were able to achieve.
15
Taylor, Michael J. « SACRED PLUNDER AND THE SELEUCID NEAR EAST ». Greece and Rome 61, no 2 (12 septembre 2014) : 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000175.
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The Seleucid Empire was the largest and most ethnically diverse of all the successor kingdoms formed after the death of Alexander the Great. The relationship between the Macedonian dynasty and various subject peoples is therefore a central question of Seleucid historiography. This article focuses on the relations between king and native temples, arguing that temple despoliation was standard procedure for Seleucid rulers facing fiscal problems. I explore various instances in which Seleucid kings removed treasures from native temples under coercive auspices, suggesting that this pattern problematizes recent scholarship emphasizing positive relations between Seleucid kings and native priestly elites.
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Hugen, Jelmar. « Voorbeeldige vorsten ? » Queeste 27, no 1 (1 janvier 2020) : 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/que2020.1.001.huge.
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Abstract This article examines the concept of kingship in the Middle Dutch Roman van Walewein, a thirteenth-century Arthurian romance from Flanders, by analyzing the roles of the six different kings in the work from different perspectives. The rulers are studied based on their depiction within the story in relation to historical views on kingship, their actions in relation to the narrative’s plot, and finally their role as king in relation to the narrative’s hero, Walewein. This analysis lays bare a pattern in which problematic aspects of kingship are connected to the different rulers, resulting in a lack of social order that needs to be restored by Walewein, whom in doing so proves his excellence and fitness to rule as a king himself. These problematic aspects include a lack of measure from the kings, the frustration of social integration at their courts, and finally their common use of the ‘don contraignant’ motif in a negative manner. In this light, I argue that the Roman van Walewein can be read as a type of ‘mirror for princes’.
17
Shemesh, Abraham Ofir. « Medieval Rulers as Reflection of the Biblical Kings in Abraham Ibn Ezra's Commentaries on the Bible ». Arquivo Maaravi : Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 11, no 21 (26 novembre 2017) : 218–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-3053.11.21.218-228.
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This article deals with the influence of the Islamic culture in medieval times on the Biblical commentaries of Rabbi Abraham Ibn Ezra. According to Ibn Ezra the reality in the Muslim region, which includes the Bible lands preserves the ancient ways of life. The current study focuses his comparison between Arabs rulers and ancient kings' customs.
18
Kalic, Jovanka. « The first coronation churches of medieval Serbia ». Balcanica, no 48 (2017) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748007k.
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The medieval ceremony of coronation as a rule took place in the most important church of a realm. The sites of the coronation of Serbian rulers before the establishment of the Zica monastery church as the coronation church of Serbian kings in the first half of the thirteenth century have not been reliably identified so far. Based on the surviving medieval sources and the archaeological record, this paper provides background information about the titles of Serbian rulers prior to the creation of the Nemanjic state, and proposes that Stefan, son of the founder of the Nemanjic dynasty, was crowned king (1217) in the church of St Peter in Ras.
19
Niemann, Hermann Michael. « TAANACH UND MEGIDDO : ÜBERLEGUNGEN ZUR STRUKTURELL-HISTORISCHEN SITUATION ZWISCHEN SAUL UND SALOMO ». Vetus Testamentum 52, no 1 (2002) : 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330252965758.
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AbstractThe article proposes a connection between Jdg. v 19 and 1 Kings iv 12 in time, situation, and behavioral pattern. If the core of the song of Deborah including Jdg. v 19 stems from the time of Saul and Eshbaal, one might identify the same behavioral pattern which I found behind 1 Kings iv 8-17 also in Jdg. v 19, viz. a carefully planned first stage of exercising influence to the northern tribal areas primarily controlled by these rulers. Using this modus operandi Solomon and later the Omrides and the Nimsides? followed previously established patterns of power and control from the times of Saul and Eshbaal.
20
McGlynn, Sean. « British Nationalism and Europe : A Medieval Comparison ». Politics 16, no 3 (septembre 1996) : 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00036.x.
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This paper draws attention to the notable parallels between the problems faced by John Major and his government over Europe and a comparative situation from the 13th century. It shows that nationalism has been a leading force in politics for far longer than chronocentric analysis has allowed and that rulers – whether kings or prime ministers – ignore it at their own cost.1
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Houston, Stephen, et David Stuart. « Of gods, glyphs and kings : divinity and rulership among the Classic Maya ». Antiquity 70, no 268 (juin 1996) : 289–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00083289.
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The ANTIQUITY prize-winning article in the last volume addressed writing, its varying nature and role in early states. Now that the decipherment of Maya writing is well advanced, we can know more of the records of kingship. From them we may discern the concepts and beliefs that defined the authority of these holy lords, as we seek the source of the power of rulers like ‘Sun-faced Snake Jaguar’.
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Wadden, Patrick. « Dál Riata c. 1000 : Genealogies and Irish Sea Politics ». Scottish Historical Review 95, no 2 (octobre 2016) : 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2016.0294.
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Recent scholarship has identified the last decade of the tenth century as a period of special significance in the transmission of genealogical texts related to the early medieval kingdom of Dál Riata. Some of those responsible for the preservation of these texts seem to have been especially concerned to assert the ancestral link between the kings of Scotland in their own time and the earlier rulers of Dál Riata. This paper argues that the interest shown in this genealogical connection, the accuracy of which has been doubted, arose in response to specific political circumstances. Although Dál Riata disappeared almost entirely from the contemporary record at the end of the eighth century, its reappearance in historical and pseudo-historical texts written in Ireland during the late tenth and early eleventh centuries suggests that several parties from across the Irish Sea world were then competing for authority in the region. In this context the heightened interest in their descent from the rulers of Dál Riata apparent in texts of the 990s can be understood as an assertion of the political rights of the kings of Scotland in the face of contemporary challenges from Ireland and the Isles.
23
Leube, Georg. « Aqquyunlu Turkmen Rulers Facing the Ruins of Takht-i Jamshīd ». Der Islam 95, no 2 (8 novembre 2018) : 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2018-0031.
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Abstract This article investigates the ways in which Aqquyunlu rulers drew on the material remains of bygone dynasties by including ruins in their court ceremonial. Central for the investigation are two inscriptions left by the majlis or artistic assemblee of an Aqquyunlu prince on the ruins of one of the Achaemenid palaces at Persepolis or Takht-i Jamshīd in Iran. These important epigraphic sources are presented here in an improved critical edition and discussed in their social, architectural, and literary context. In musing over past glories, the prince and his retinue appropriated the heritage of bygone prophets and kings, framing their courtly representation as part of a continuous tradition of just rulers over southern Iran.
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Gable, Eric. « Manjaco Rulers After a Revolution ». Africa 73, no 1 (février 2003) : 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.1.88.
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AbstractThis article juxtaposes a series of vignettes that feature the attitudes of the Manjaco of post-revolutionary Guinea-Bissau to traditional rulers with a similar series of vignettes E. E. Evans-Pritchard used to paint a portrait of Azande attitudes towards aristocrats. It poses the question: if what Evans-Prichard wrote about the Azande reflects the desires and preoccupations of a typical colonialist anthropology, what might the way we write about Manjaco reveal about postcolonialist anthropology as it is currently being constructed? Evans-Pritchard drew a sharp distinction between the idealised ‘before’ and the all too unpleasantly real ‘after’ of the colonial encounter. In the Azande version of this dichotomy authority is ultimately intact and unquestioned on one side of the historic divide. On the other side authority is about to disappear, with colonialism's impositions being the catalyst of this disappearance. By contrast, Manjaco were more likely to revile than revere their kings, and they tended to treat this as an enduring fact rather than to historicise it. Manjaco were also bad subjects and citizens. Or so it has seemed to colonial administrators and revolutionaries. Are we to frame this pervasive cynicism about authority and order as a kind of degeneration—an extension of colonial-era malaise into the era of the postcolony? Or are we to take Manjaco attitudes at face value? The article suggests that, in posing such questions, an emerging postcolonialist anthropology is inevitably a reflection of our view of the capacity of people like the Manjaco to make society work in the postcolonial era.
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Leprohon, Ronald J. « The Royal Titulary in the 18th Dynasty : Change and Continuity ». Journal of Egyptian History 3, no 1 (2010) : 7–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416610x487223.
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AbstractThe phraseology used to compose the royal titularies during the Eighteenth Dynasty was as varied as it was circumscribed. Following a long-established tradition, the Eighteenth Dynasty kings chose names that corresponded to the situation they inherited at their accession. When the rulers of the family that re-united Egypt drew up their titulary, they first looked to celebrated predecessors for inspiration to compose their royal titulary. Later pharaohs looked more closely in time to their immediate predecessors. The titulary also reveals much about the concept of kingship during the period. From belligerent phrases to wishes for prosperity and longevity, the kings revealed much about themselves and their personalities through their chosen titulary.
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Bachrach, David S. « I. Inquisitio as a Tool of Royal Governance under the Carolingian and Ottonian Kings ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Germanistische Abteilung 133, no 1 (1 octobre 2016) : 1–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga-2016-0103.
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Abstract The inquest (Latin inquisitio) was an important administrative tool in the hands of government officials of the later Roman empire and of the Regnum Francorum. Imperial and royal officials used inquests to safeguard the fisc, and also to assure accurate tax assessments. Scholars long have recognized that the inquest also served similar roles in the hands of government officials in the Carolingian empire during the reigns of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. By contrast, most specialists in the history of the east Frankish kingdom and of its German successor under the Ottonian dynasty have argued that the lands east of the Rhine lacked the sophisticated administrative institutions that were characteristic Carolingian government in the first half of the ninth century. This study offers a corrective to the traditional view that both the eastern Carolingians and the Ottonians presided over administratively backward realms. It was rather the case that the eastern Carolingian rulers and their Ottonian successors used inquisitiones to safeguard the royal fisc from misuse, neglect, and theft. In addition, these rulers used inquests to maintain control over the assets of ecclesiastical institution.
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Moloney, E. P. « Neither Agamemnon nor Thersites, Achilles nor Margites : The Heraclid Kings of Ancient Macedon ». Antichthon 49 (novembre 2015) : 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2015.2.
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AbstractIn modern scholarship a distinctly ‘Homeric’ presentation of the ancient Macedonian kings and their court still endures, in spite of recent notes on the use of ‘artifice’ in key ancient accounts. Although the adventures and achievements of Alexander the Great are certainly imbued with epic colour, to extend those literary tropes and topoi to the rule of earlier kings (and to wider Macedonian society) is often to misunderstand and misrepresent the ancient evidence.This paper offers a fresh review of the presentation of the early-Macedonian monarchy in the ancient sources, and considers the depiction of the Argead dynasty in both hostile and more-sympathetic accounts. It highlights the importance of another mythological model for these ancient kings: one that was supremely heroic, but not Homeric. The Argead appropriation of Heracles, Pindar’s ‘hero god’ (ἥρως θεός:Nem.3.22), was a key part of the self-representation of successive kings. Undoubtedly the crucial paradigm for Macedonian rulers, Heracles provided them with an identity and authority that appealed to diverse audiences, and it is time to consider the subtlety of the Argead presentation of their dynasty as Heraclid.
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Fatu, Sorina Nicole. « Seven Calamities : Insight into the Kara-e Depicted Catastrophes of Japan ». Journal of Student Research 6, no 1 (23 mai 2017) : 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v6i1.281.
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The Seven Calamities (1773, Cleveland Museum of Art) is an emakimono, or Japanese handscroll, created by Nijo Yana during the Edo Period of Japan depicting seven catastrophes that occurred in Japan throughout time. Buddhist Monk Nichiren used the seven calamities found in ancient sutras to explain the disasters agonizing Japan in his time and to stress the importance of following the Buddhist lifestyle. In order to keep the seven calamities at bay, the kings and rulers of Japan were required to recite and teach ancient sutras including the Prajna-Paramita sutra. As the legend tells it, Tathagata — honorific title of a Buddha — had committed this sutra to the kings and rulers because they had requisite power needed to establish the Law of the sutra, unlike the monks and nuns. Had the sutra not been extensively taught to the populace, the seven calamities would befall upon the land and punish the impudent humans that strayed away from Saddharma — Sanskrit for the Correct Law. In essence, it was up to the kings that Tathagata appointed to ensure order and balance to the lands by reciting the Prajna-Paramita. Each of the calamities were painted on paper with black ink, known as sumi-ink, contain ma, which means negative space, and use minimal color. This paper will dissect the history of the seven disasters of Japan and the reasoning behind their occurrence, analyze the use of Japanese sumi-ink combined with the kara-e Chinese style of art, and will contemplate the artist’s choice of substituting several of the seven original calamities with his or her own rendition and depiction of sequenced actions.
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Quine, Cat. « Bereaved Mothers and Masculine Queens : The Political Use of Maternal Grief in 1–2 Kings ». Open Theology 6, no 1 (23 juillet 2020) : 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0120.
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AbstractRecent research demonstrates that maternal grief functions paradigmatically to epitomize despair and sorrow in the Hebrew Bible. These literary uses of maternal grief reinforce the stereotype of womanhood, defined by devotion to children and anguish at their loss. In 1–2 Kings, narratives about unnamed bereaved mothers are used politically to create a contrast with named biblical queens who lose their sons but never grieve for them. Although 1–2 Kings names the queen mothers alongside the male rulers, these mothers have no agency or when they do, they act more like men than women. Neo-Assyrian inscriptions attest the masculinity of royal female power, and this article argues that conceptions of royal female power in Judah were similar. By contrasting the masculine queens with stereotyped “real men” and “real women,” traditional gender performances literarily overcome the institution of queenship. While the queens are polemicized, unnamed mothers emerge as the female heroes of Kings. Royal female power is demoted beneath reproductive ability and emotional responses to children, while the gender fluidity of royal power is circumscribed.
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Ghoni, Abdul. « MENGGAGAS DAKWAH KORESPONDENSI NABI MUHAMMAD SAW ». Jurnal Ilmu Dakwah 37, no 1 (23 juillet 2018) : 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jid.v37.1.2623.
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<p><em>This type of research is qualitative by using historical approach. Technique of collecting data in this research is library research (literature study). The results of the study as follows; the background of sending letters as a medium of propaganda by Rasulullah SAW. to the kings of his time were carried out for several reasons from theological and political aspects. The propagation format of Rasulullah SAW. which was sent to the kings and rulers of the time was astonishing, as evidenced by several things, namely; a). The Prophet's Epistles. always preceded the sentence Basmalah, b) The composition of the sentence in the letter of the Messenger of Allah. always preceded the phrase "From Muhammad the servant of God and his messenger", c). The contents of the letter of the Prophet SAW. worth persuasively invites kings to embrace Islam. From the elaboration of the correspondence of Prophet Muhammad SAW this should da'i be able to apply the information media as part of the dakwah correspondence.</em></p>
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Austin, M. M. « Hellenistic kings, War, and the Economy ». Classical Quarterly 36, no 2 (décembre 1986) : 450–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012180.
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My title links together kings, war, and the economy, and the linkage is deliberate. I do not of course wish to suggest that Hellenistic kings did nothing but fight wars, that they were responsible for all the wars in the period, that royal wars were nothing but a form of economic activity, or that the economy of the kings was dependent purely on the fruits of military success, though there would be an element of truth in all these propositions. But I wish to react against the frequent tendency to separate topics that are related, the tendency to treat notions relating to what kings were or should be as something distinct from what they actually did, and the tendency to treat political and military history on the one hand as something separate from economic and social history on the other.A number of provisos should be made at the outset. The title promises more than the paper can deliver; in particular, more will be said about kings and war than about kings and the economy. The subject is handled at a probably excessive level of generalization and abstraction. I talk about Hellenistic kings in general, but in practice it would obviously be necessary to draw distinctions between different dynasties, different times and places, and individual rulers, and some of those distinctions I shall indicate. Conclusions are provisional and subject to modification and considerable expansion in detail. Finally, two points of terminology. I use the word ‘Hellenistic’ for no better reason than out of the force of acquired habit, but of course the word and the concept are modern inventions that were unknown to the ancient world.
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Sughi, Mario A. « The appointment of Octavian de Palatio as archbishop of Armagh, 1477–8 ». Irish Historical Studies 31, no 122 (novembre 1998) : 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013882.
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The system of papal provision (the practice of providing clerks to benefices with or without cure) was one of the most controversial features of papal relations with the European monarchies of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Secular rulers naturally wished to have some control in the matter of clerical appointment, particularly when the benefice concerned was a bishopric or a great abbey. During the Western schism of the fourteenth century kings and princes had made gains in certain matters both of jurisdiction and administration at the expense of the central authority of the church. The struggles between the papacy and the councils in the first half of the fifteenth century left the secular rulers favourably placed to consolidate these advantages, obtained in many cases either by concession or by arrogation, until the crisis of the Reformation.
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Maddicott, J. R. « London and Droitwich, c. 650–750 : trade, industry and the rise of Mercia ». Anglo-Saxon England 34 (décembre 2005) : 7–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675105000025.
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This article argues that the power of the early Mercian kings from Wulfhere to Aethelbald, c.650-750, rested partly on their ability to exploit the growing economy which characterised this period; and that such exploitation provides a hitherto unacknowledged reason for the rise of Mercia to supremacy. The argument rests on the Mercian rulers' control of two particular places, London and Droitwich, the first the country's foremost port, the second a major industrial site concerned with the production of salt. After the growth of Mercian authority over both places has been traced, it is suggested that taxation of their activities may have resulted in substantial profits, via tolls in both centres and, in Droitwich, via a further levy on the manufacture of salt. The history of taxation on salt is traced back from the early modern period in order to see what light later practices shed upon those of the early middle ages. The article concludes by suggesting that the Mercian rulers were fortunate in exercising power at a time when economic growth, partly church-led, was open to royal exploitation and that those rulers had a conscious appreciation of the advantages so to be gained.
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Vollgraaff, Stephanus. « A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EARLY AND LATE SASSANIAN COINAGE ». Journal for Semitics 25, no 1 (9 mai 2017) : 165–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/2532.
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Sassanian coinage is one the best sources for information on the individual kings from this Persian dynasty. This is because the coins are primary sources that are unaltered. The way in which the Sassanian coins changed is not a topic that has been dealt with extensively.1 A stylistic analysis and comparison of the coins from the different Sassanian ages will be done. In this study the coins from the Sassanian rulers of the early period (224–302 C.E.) and the late period (628–652 C.E.) will be analysed for stylistic characteristics that differentiated them from other Sassanian coins. Trends that were common to coins from each period will be identified as well so that the continuity and breaks in coin design from each period can be illustrated and compared. The factors behind some rulers following the standards set by predecessors and others reinventing it will be exposed by the study.
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ROBERTSHAW, PETER, et DAVID TAYLOR. « CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE RISE OF POLITICAL COMPLEXITY IN WESTERN UGANDA ». Journal of African History 41, no 1 (mars 2000) : 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007653.
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The histories of pre-colonial states in the Great Lakes region of Central Africa have engaged scholars for more than a century. First encountered by Europeans in the 1860s during the search for the source of the Nile, these states and their rulers inspired both admiration and frustration in their visitors. On the one hand, explorers were impressed by the power of the rulers and the complexities of their bureaucracies, but on the other, they were annoyed by the apparent vacillation of the monarchs in responding to their demands. From the historian's perspective, these initial encounters soon led to questions about the origins and longevity of these states. Stories of origins were encapsulated in myths and legends that missionaries began to record around the turn of the twentieth century, while efforts to elicit lists of kings who had ruled each state introduced African leaders to European-style historiography.
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Allan, Sarah. « Not the Lun yu : The Chu script bamboo slip manuscript, Zigao, and the nature of early Confucianism ». Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, no 1 (février 2009) : 115–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0900007x.
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AbstractThis article includes a line-by-line translation and textual analysis of the Warring States period Chu script bamboo slip manuscript, Zigao 子羔. It argues that the manuscript differs from the transmitted Confucian tradition, but would have been considered a ru 儒 (“Confucian”) text. Unusual features include: (1) The disciple is Zigao, who is described negatively in the Lun yu. (2) The term tian zi 天子, “son-of-sky/heaven” is used literally, to refer to the divinely conceived progenitors of the three royal lineages. (3) The term san wang, “three kings”, refers to these progenitors rather than the founding rulers. (4) Confucius advocates abdication. (5) The progenitors of the dynastic lineages, rather than the founding rulers, are juxtaposed to Shun 舜, who received the rule from Yao because of his merit. A Chinese edition, with direct transcriptions and alternative readings of the Chu script graphs, is appended.
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Lamb, David T. « The Non-Eternal Dynastic Promises of Jehu of Israel and Esarhaddon of Assyria ». Vetus Testamentum 60, no 3 (2010) : 337–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853310x511687.
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AbstractThree Israelite kings receive promises of a dynasty continuing indefinitely (David, Solomon and Jeroboam I), but Jehu of Israel is the only ruler in the Hebrew Bible with a non-eternal dynastic promise. While many Assyrian rulers claim divine election and speak of “eternal” dynasties, the dynastic promise of Esarhaddon is unusual because of its modest nature. The dynastic promises of Jehu and Esarhaddon are therefore unique within their ANE context because of their lack of hyperbolic language, guaranteeing only four or two generations of continuity. Since both rulers assume the throne in the midst of a political crisis their reigns would have been reasonable times for promises legitimizing their dynasties. A comparison of these two oracles will not only allow the interesting parallels between the two promises to be clearly seen, but also reveal the crucial role that non-eternal dynastic oracles can play in establishing royal legitimacy.
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Kumar, Ashish. « State formation and political integration : Subordinate rulers under the Guptas in central India ». Studies in People's History 4, no 2 (23 octobre 2017) : 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725850.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Gupta Empire (fourth–fifth centuries ad) succeeded in subjugating a series of local forest chiefs and tribal territories. The Allahabad prashasti not only enumerates the conquests of the Gupta king Samudragupta, but also lays out the hierarchy of the kings equal in status and such as were subordinate to him, in his eyes. The political integration of dispersed political elements under the Guptas was linked with the changing contours of the Gupta authority in central India, on the one hand, and the process of transition from pre-state to state-society, on the other. This process is studied here mainly on the basis of epigraphic evidence.
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Schele, Linda. « The Founders of Lineages at Copan and other Maya Sites ». Ancient Mesoamerica 3, no 1 (1992) : 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100002352.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractDecipherments and interpretations presented by Peter Mathews and Bertold Riese a decade ago led to the identification of numbered-successor titles that list individual rulers according to their numerical position in a historical succession of kings. Work on the inscriptions of Copan has shown that the “counts of successors” there began with a single founding ancestor, who has been identified archaeologically. Since the rulers of other kingdoms calculated their descent from different founding ancestors, the evidence suggests that Maya kingdoms were ruled by lineages or dynasties of males who calculated their descent for a single anchoring ancestor, who was very probably a historical individual. Evidence from Naranjo also suggests that alternative descent lines were calculated from supernatural anchoring ancestors. The metaphorical term for these lineages was “spout-tree-house.” All of the people in the lineage descending from these founders were called “sprouts,” while the ruling patriarch was the ahau of the descent line.
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Otsuka, Osamu. « The Hazaraspid Dynasty’s Legendary Kayanid Ancestry : the Flowering of Persian Literature under the Patronage of Local Rulers in the Late Il-khanid Period ». Journal of Persianate Studies 12, no 2 (2 janvier 2020) : 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341334.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article discusses the flowering of Persian literature under the patronage of the Hazaraspid Nosrat al-Din, the local ruler of Lorestan in the late Il-khanid period. It is generally accepted that Persian literature evolved dramatically under the patronage of Mongol Il-khanid rulers. However, little research deals with the contribution of local rulers to this evolution. Persian literary works offered to Nosrat al-Din present him as a descendant of the legendary Kayanid kings and celebrate him as an ideal ruler who combined the characteristics of a Persian and an Islamic ruler. While accepting the suzerainty of the Il-khanids, Nosrat al-Din justified his power by emphasizing his identity as a Persian ruler by patronizing such cultural activities. This study presents a case where the growing awareness of a local ruler as a legitimate Persian ruler under Mongol domination contributed to the evolution of Persian literature at the time.
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Cleaver, Laura. « Kings Behaving Badly : Images of Rulers in Gerald of Wales’ Works on Ireland (c.1200) ». IKON 5 (janvier 2012) : 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ikon.5.100658.
Texte intégral
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Golden, Charles. « FRAYED AT THE EDGES : COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND HISTORY ON THE BORDERS OF CLASSIC MAYA POLITIES ». Ancient Mesoamerica 21, no 2 (2010) : 373–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536110000246.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article explores social memory and history as they pertain particularly to secondary political centers on the edges of the Classic Maya kingdoms of Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan. Over the course of the Late Classic period (a.d. 600–900) the rulers of Maya polities in the Usumacinta River basin increasingly relied on the subordinate lords who governed these secondary centers to patrol and control the boundaries of their territories. For the rulers of any state, formulating an appropriate and coherent history to guide social memory is a critical political act for maintaining the cohesion of the political community. But as the Classic period progressed, client lords were increasingly permitted a formerly royal prerogative; they were accorded their own inscribed monuments. The monuments, together with associated ritual performances, were an integral part of the construction of history and collective memory in local communities and allowed secondary nobles to restructure social memory for their own interests. This trend, in turn, increased the potential for royal history and authority to be contested throughout the kingdom. Through several case studies this paper examines the ways that subordinate nobles could contest social memory and history sanctioned by primary rulers and the ways in which kings acted to maintain the reins of history and memory.
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Lephen, Purwanto. « Tinular Tutur : Audio Drama Media Counter Hegemony Ruler of The New Order (Analysis of Critical Discourse) ». Dance and Theatre Review 4, no 1 (13 juin 2021) : 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24821/dtr.v4i1.4977.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The heyday of the 1980-1990 audio drama created by the Sanggar Cerita and the Teater Sanggar Prativi, Jakarta, Indonesia, was an industrial production of drama initiatives synergize between drama creators, pharmaceutical companies and herbal medicine as sponsors, and private radio companies that broadcast them. The productivity of audio drama works in the New Order era reached dozens of titles; some audio drama works produced up to 720 series or 24 episodes for two years broadcast. The audio drama Tutur Tinular by S. Tidjab uses history in Java (Singasari, Kediri, Majapahit) as a source of creation. Critical Discourse Analysis used (Norman Fairclough) is used to reveal texts, practices of discourse. Between social practices were resulting in the finding that in the audio drama, Tutur Tinular contains the behaviour of kings (rulers), royal authorities (patih, warlords), warriors (good people), criminals (bad people), and persecuted people. In the power New Order era, audio drama, which was considered an entertainment media and educational history of nationalism, was a media of resistance of the New Order military rulers. It contained the rulers' behaviour and soldiers who oppressed their people, but it never received a reprimand and a ban on the authorities until the regime subsided.Keywords: drama audio, counter-hegemony, critical discourse
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Chmielewska, Katarzyna. « Bohemian rulers of the Luxembourg dynasty and the Poděbrady family in the medieval Silesian and Kłodzko chronicles of canons regulars in Kłodzko, Wrocław and Żagań ». UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 18, no 1 (2021) : 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.1.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author based on three monastery chronicles of the Late Middle Ages analyses the method of portraying the Bohemian kings from the Luxembourg and Poděbrady families and tries to point out factors which influenced this method of chronicle narration. The sources for this article are canons’ regulars chronicles in Żagań, Wrocław and Kłodzko: Catalogus abbatum Saganensium, Chronica abbatum Beatae Mariae Virginis in Arena i Cronica Monasterii Canonicorum Regularium in Glacz. The figures of rulers appear in the chronicles mainly in the context of their relationships with the particular monastery, especially when it comes to property matters: granting, rights and taxes. The other aspect in which the rulers are mentioned in the chronicles are the conflicts between secular and Church power. From the analysis of the texts a conclusion can be drawn that the picture of the rulers is diverse in different places where the chronicles were written and the attitude of the local society towards the particular ruler. It is best seen on the example of George of Poděbrady, a Hussite on the Bohemian throne. The chronicle of Żagań has a separate position – apart from the local issues, it presents the general information, unrelated to Church, including the ruling persons.
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Schneidmüller, Bernd. « Rule by Consensus ». Medieval History Journal 16, no 2 (octobre 2013) : 449–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945813514994.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyses specific characteristics of pre-modern rule in medieval central Europe. It becomes clear from the analysis that although the notion of monarchy implies a single ruler (mon-archia), it was actually the case, however, that in political practice, the kings and rulers of the Holy Roman Empire had to come to an arrangement with the elites and nobles. Therefore, the famous model developed by Max Weber regarding the three types of legitimate rule: legal, traditional and charismatic, fall short of encompassing the alterity and plurality of politics in the Middle Ages. Here, the concept of consensual rule is conceptualised through the use of additional case studies. These case studies more appropriately capture the fluid decision-making process in the Middle Ages through ongoing negotiation. Thus, the kings and emperors are clearly integrated into the framework of pre-modern oligarchies and therefore offer a counter-outline to the doctrine of divine right.
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منعم حبيب الشمري, طالب, et عبد الرزاق حسين حاجم. « المعتقدات والافكار الدينية في بلاد الرافدين من خلال المسلات الملكية ». Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no 29 (16 janvier 2018) : 148–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss29.146.
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The obelisk is a large stone block with a height ranging from 50 cm to 3 m. It varies in width from one obelisk to another. It is sculptured from one side or two or four sides with prominent picture inscriptions, often accompanied by cuneiform texts for immortalising kings and their military campaigns. This obelisk is constructed in a rectangular or square, and some of them a dome convex or semi-circular or pyramid. The lower section of the obelisks is wide, similar to the base of the base, and another section is sculpted on a slightly sloping end, so that it can easily be attached to the ground or placed on a special base. The rulers and kings of Mesopotamia established and displayed the obelisk in public places in order to be seen by the public. It also was placed in the yards of temples or public squares and squares and the streets of cities. It used to celebrate their religious, military and historical achievements in order to immortalise their actions. These obelisks are held to commemorate the deeds of kings and their achievements in peace and war as confirmed by the cuneiform texts and the artistic scenes implemented on them.
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Kumar, Ashish. « Two Rājyas and a Dēvī : State Formation and Religious Processes in Central India (circa Fifth–Sixth Century ce) ». Indian Historical Review 47, no 2 (décembre 2020) : 330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983620968010.
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This article analyses the formation of state polities in central India, where according to Ashokan edicts, āṭavī tribes had been present in the third century bce. From several of these tribes, āṭavīka-rājās (forest kings) arose by the fourth century ce and the Gupta monarch Samudragupta reduced them to the position of servants. This article argues that the two ruling houses—the Parivrājaka and the Uchchakalpa—rose to power in the second half of the fifth century ce in eastern Madhya Pradesh from āṭavīka background and erected their state apparatus similar to that of their overlord Gupta rulers. In the epigraphs of the Parivrājaka rulers, Ḍāhala region, comprising much of eastern Madhya Pradesh with Tripur ī (near Jabalpur) as its centre, is mentioned as a part of their rājya. The Parivrājaka and the Uchchakalpa rājyas had common boundaries and the epigraphs indicate the presence of some territorial conflict between these two. The article proposes that both of these ruling houses, having being subordinated to the Guptas, made land grants to brahmanas and temples for the integration of their territories. The shrines of a local tribal goddess Piṣṭapurikādēvī received land grants from both the Parivrājaka and the Uchchakalpa rulers, and this paper argues that under the patronage of these same rulers, this goddess was absorbed into brahmanical pantheons as Lakṣmī—the consort of god Viṣṇu, due to the efforts of a non-brahmana individual, Chhōḍugōmika. The state formation, accompanied by cult assimilation in central India, therefore had been a complex and multilayered process.
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Talib, Assist Teacher : Kawakib. « of Tyranny and Martyrdom in Two plays Murder in Cathedral and Walls of Fear ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no 1 (1 décembre 2017) : 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.310.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research paper deals with two plays: Iraqi play (Walls of Fear) by Iraqi dramatist Kadhim Imarn Mousa) and the second one is Murder in Cathedral by American Dramatist T.S.Eliot.Both dramatists present the martyr character from ordinary people but the tyrant is represented by kings or rulers. Theme of the play Murder in Cathedral is the conflict between what a man knows is right in the sight of God and brute force but the theme of the play Walls of Fear is the conflict between the people and the tyrant king .Many of Iraqi young people are martyrs like Thomas Becket.
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Al-jbouri, Dr Safana Jasim. « Rehabilitative School Shekhs in Palestine From the sixth to the eighth century A.H. / The twelfth to the fourteenth century A.C. » ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 218, no 2 (9 novembre 2018) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v218i2.536.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research deals with the study of the rehabilitative school Sheikhs which was foundedin (583 A.H/1187 A.C) in addition to giving a short summary about the biography of each Sheikh to clarify his scientific importance for this school. These biographies include: the Sheikh's birth, the most important schools in which they studied, their scientific categories, the relationship of some of them with the Ayobian Kings and some of the rulers of the Kingdom State in Egypt, Palestine and Al-Sham. The research ends with the most important results reached at through presenting the scientific biography of these Sheikhs.
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Hansen, Svend. « Eurasia and Ancient Egypt in the Fourth Millennium BCE ». Journal of Egyptian History 13, no 1-2 (16 février 2021) : 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340062.
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Abstract This article focuses on technical innovations, new interregional networks, and social upheavals in the fourth millennium BCE. Similar trends in the iconography of the lion, the heraldic animal of power, can be observed in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Caucasus. This indicates that a process of concentration of power in the hands of strong rulers or kings took place relatively synchronously in these regions. The exchange of coveted raw materials such as copper and silver was connected with the transfer of knowledge between these regions, which can be seen in metal objects such as daggers and knives.